Photographically-Based Knowledge
Forthcoming in Episteme 10: 3
DAN CAVEDON-TAYLOR
dct2@st-andrews.ac.uk
Pictures are a quintessential source of aesthetic pleasure. This makes it easy to forget
that pictures are epistemically valuable no less than they are aesthetically so. Pictures
are representations. As such, they may furnish us with knowledge of the objects they
represent. In this paper I aim to account for photography s possession of greater
epistemic utility than handmade pictures. The method I employ is a novel one: I seek to
illuminate the epistemic utility of photographs by situating both them and handmade
pictures among the sources of knowledge. This method yields an account of
photography s epistemic utility that better connects the issue with related ones in
epistemology and which is relatively superior to other accounts. Moreover, it answers a
foundational issue in the epistemology of pictorial representation that is, What kinds
of knowledge do pictures furnish? The position I defend is that photographs have
greater epistemic utility than handmade pictures because photographs are sources of
perceptual knowledge while handmade pictures are sources of testimonial knowledge.
I
The Epistemic Utility of Photography
Pictures are a quintessential source of aesthetic pleasure. This makes it easy to forget
that pictures are epistemically valuable no less than they are aesthetically so. Pictures
are representations. As such, they may furnish us with knowledge of the objects they
represent.
Photographic pictures (e.g., still photographs, film and video) are my main
concern in this paper. For these pictures have a peculiar epistemic utility. Photographs
are evidence of what they depict in ways that so-called handmade pictures (e.g.,
drawings, paintings and etchings) are not. For instance, when Leland Stanford desired
1
to know whether horses ever gallop with all four hoofs aloft, he rightly turned to the
photographer Eadweard Muybridge, rather than to a sketch-artist or painter. For
Stanford no doubt knew that a photograph of a galloping horse would be, while a
painting or sketch would not be, confirmation of how horses in fact gallop.
Our epistemic reliance on photographs is not limited to idiosyncratic
circumstances. Journalism, medicine, tourism, surveillance, history, advertising,
archaeology and estate agency are just a handful of the institutions, practices and
intellectual modes of enquiry that would be severely impoverished, epistemically,
without photography. Consider also the mass reproduction of visual artworks.
Photography is the means by which most of us have access to the visual art-world. For
if one searches a book or the internet for a particular painting, then what one will find is
a photograph of that painting, rather than the painting itself or a painting of that
painting. Moreover, for many of us, it is likely to be solely in virtue of seeing
photographic pictures we have any idea what Brad Pitt, the Great Wall of China, or a
duck-billed platypus, say, look like.
What about handmade pictures? One might be tempted to think that the reason
why photography is more widely relied upon, when the goal is to produce a record of
reality, is simply that it is much quicker and easier to photograph an object than it is to
paint or draw an object. What this line of thought highlights is that it is all too easy to
underestimate our epistemic dependence on handmade pictures. Courtroom sketches,
ornithological drawings, hand-drawn maps and painted portraits are just a few types of
handmade picture that can impart knowledge. Moreover, a child s illustrated alphabet
book often does more than aid a child s learning of a language. Learning that a is for
aardvark , in the presence of a sketch of an aardvark, can be to learn about how
aardvarks look.
Nevertheless, the relative speed and ease with which photographs are produced
explains little of their peculiar epistemic utility. No matter how quick and easy it might
2
be for a super-humanly skilled artist to produce a painting of a horse with its hoofs
aloft, it would still be more rational all things being equal for one to base one s beliefs
about horse movement upon seeing a photograph of a moving horse. Moreover, while it
is epistemically fortunate that we possess portraits of Marie Antoinette, William
Shakespeare and Henry VIII, say, there can also be little doubt that it would be far
superior, from an epistemic perspective, to possess photographs of these persons.
What is it that explains photography s possession of greater epistemic utility
than handmade pictures? As the question is typically posed in the literature: what
explains photography s distinctive epistemic value? Various answers have been
proposed. Here are what I take to be the most well-developed: photographs are
especially rich and reliable pictures (Abell 2010); photographs are a relatively
undemanding source of information about the objects they depict (Cohen and Meskin
2004); photographs are traces of the objects they depict (Currie 2004); photographs
elicit pictorial experiences that are factive (Hopkins 2012); and photographs allow
viewers to indirectly see the objects they depict (Walton 1984).1 Moreover, it has
variously been claimed that what is special about photographs is that they are natural,
non-intentional, belief-independent, mechanical, objective, automatic, and so on.2
Naturally, the relative pros and cons of these positions is an issue of debate.3
In this paper I aim to develop a new account of the epistemic value of
photography. I shall do so without addressing the debate between the above positions,
though in the final section I will make some comments regarding aspects of my account
Strictly speaking, Walton did not propose this theory to explain the epistemic value of photographs;
rather he proposed it in order to explain their realism. However, given that numerous commentators have
interpreted Walton’s project as an epistemic one, there is reason to think the view has prima facie explanatory
power here, whether Walton recognises it or not.
2
For a critical discussion of the appropriateness of applying such predicates to photographs, see
Costello and Phillips (2009).
3
Notably, Abell (2010) argues against Cohen and Meskin (2004), Walton (1984) and elements of
Hopkins (2012). Cohen and Meskin (2004) and Currie (1995) each argue against Walton (1984). The view in
Cohen and Meskin (2004) has, in turn, drawn criticism from Cavedon-Taylor (2009) and Walden (2012).
1
3
that I believe make it superior to others. Instead, I shall step back from that debate and
attempt to answer what I believe to be a foundational epistemic question regarding
photography, but which seems to have been overlooked. That question is as follows:
What kind of a source of knowledge is a photograph? Call this question the Source
Question.
Why is answering the Source Question foundational for understanding
photography s epistemic value? First, as Robert Audi (2002: 71) points out, it is
reasonable to think that knowledge can be fully explicated only in relation to sources.
The thought is that if we have some knowledge-producing phenomenon we wish to
better understand, like photographs, say, then a basic issue to be settled, and which will
go at least some distance to illuminating that phenomenon s epistemic value, is what
knowledge that phenomenon furnishes. Accordingly, if we desire a full and complete
account of photography s epistemic value, and we wish to understand why it, but not
painting or drawing, occupies a particular role in our epistemic lives, we could do much
worse than investigate what kind of source of knowledge we are dealing with when
dealing with photographs. (Moreover, we will also want to know what kind of source
of knowledge we are dealing with when dealing with handmade pictures.)
Second, I take answering the Source Question to be foundational for the
epistemology of photography since it is a foundational, though similarly overlooked,
issue in the epistemology of pictorial representation what kind of knowledge pictures
furnish. However, whether one agrees that answering the Source Question is
foundational for our epistemic understanding of photographs, pursuing an answer to
this question at least provides a method for investigating photography s epistemic
value that allows us to situate the issue relative to, and so allows us to draw upon,
important issues and findings in epistemology. Until now, much of the debate between
standing theories of photography s epistemic value has taken place at an arm s length
4
from traditional epistemology. That is something the method proposed here, of
answering the Source Question, looks to set right.
I shall proceed as follows: in section II, I discuss and clarify the Source Question.
In section III, I argue that photographs are not, but handmade pictures are, sources of
testimonial knowledge. In section IV, I discuss the nature of inferential and perceptual
knowledge. In section V, I argue that photographs are sources of perceptual knowledge.
The conclusion of this paper is that we can shed a great deal of light on why
photographs are epistemically superior to handmade pictures by understanding
photographs to be sources of perceptual knowledge and handmade pictures to be
sources of testimonial knowledge.
II
Photography as a Source of Knowledge
Photographs are sources of knowledge about a variety of phenomena. For one,
photographs are sources of knowledge about photographers, insofar as viewing
another s photographs can inform you of whether they are a skilled or unskilled
photographer. Moreover, photographs are sources of art-historical knowledge insofar
as viewing photographs from a particular period in history can inform you of the
typical materials of photography in that period. The Source Question does not concern
such knowledge, however. The Source Question concerns the knowledge that
photographs furnish of the object(s) they are photographs of, i.e. their subjects.
Suppose you see in a leaflet a photograph of a police-officer striking a protester.
Doing so, you form the true belief that the particular depicted protestor was struck by
the particular depicted police-officer. Suppose further that your belief meets whatever
requirements a belief must in order to rise to the standard for knowledge (it is safe, or
sensitive, or truth-tracking, etc.). Then, your knowledge that a particular person was
struck by another is, we might say, photographically-based insofar as the photograph
is the source of that knowledge. The Source Question is a question about which more
5
basic epistemic source photographically-based knowledge reduces to. Implicit here is a
rejection of the idea that photographs are a sui generis source of knowledge. While it
cannot be ruled out a priori that photographs are an irreducible source of knowledge, I
take it to be very unintuitive to hold that in addition to perception, memory, inference,
and so on, we must recognise photographs as their own unique and basic epistemic
source. It is true that photographs are unusual artefacts, but I take it that we need
special reason to multiply epistemic sources. The first step in analysing photographs in
terms of sources of knowledge should be to investigate whether an analysis in terms of
any extant, recognised sources it up to the task.
Another point of clarification is that my concern here is with propositional
knowledge (e.g., knowing that a protestor was struck by a police-officer) rather than,
say, practical knowledge, or knowledge-how as it is sometimes known. While it is
plausible that photographs can be sources of practical knowledge, my focus here will be
on the garden-variety propositions we come to learn about objects on the basis of seeing
those objects in photographs (e.g., that Churchill smoked cigars).
Naturally, photographs are not always sources of knowledge. Clearly, a nonveridical, excessively photo-shopped photograph won t provide knowledge of the
scene it depicts. But even perfectly veridical photographs might fail to be sources of
knowledge if, for example, one doubts the photograph s veridicality. So, strictly
speaking, the issue is this: when photographs are a source of knowledge about the
objects they depict, what source of knowledge are they? When I discuss the knowledge
that photographs furnish or talk of photographs as sources of knowledge and
photographically-based knowledge , this should be read as shorthand for the
knowledge photographs furnish of the objects they are photographs of. I shall drop the
when qualification in what follows, since photographs are like any epistemic source in
that the beliefs they furnish may, for any number of reasons, amount to less than
knowledge. Moreover, I shall not say anything about the conditions one might take true
6
belief to have to satisfy to rise to the standard for knowledge (e.g., that it be safe, or
sensitive, or truth-tracking, etc.). If one is sceptical of the claim that the beliefs we form
on the basis of seeing photographs may rise to the standard for knowledge, one could
parse talk of photographically-based knowledge as talk of photographically-based
belief . ”ut any view of knowledge worth its salt ought to allow that we acquire
knowledge from photographs. For it is true that photographs may distort, and it is false
that the camera never lies, but sources of knowledge are not infallible. In any case, I take
it no one would deny knowing that Churchill smoked a cigar, that Jupiter s spot is red
and that the duck-billed platypus really does have a bill (assuming, that is, one is
familiar with photographs of such objects).
III
Testimony
I take there to be three likely answers to the Source Question: photographically-based
knowledge is either inferentially-, or perceptually- or testimonially-based knowledge.4
One might think the answer is obvious: photographically-based knowledge is
knowledge acquired by undergoing pictorial experience and, accordingly, by
perceiving photographs. Therefore, photographs must furnish perceptually-based
knowledge.
This line of reasoning is too quick. It is true that perception is causally involved
in the acquisition of photographically-based knowledge, but this is also true of the
acquisition of testimonially-based knowledge. Testimonially-based knowledge involves
either the aural perception of sounds (e.g., speech) or the visual perception of marks on
a surface (e.g., text). But testimonially-based knowledge, whatever properties it shares
with perceptually-based knowledge, does not reduce to perceptually-based knowledge.
4
Doubtless there are other sources of knowledge (e.g., memory, introspection, a priori intuition, and
so on) but none of these seem appropriate candidates for answering the Source Question.
7
So if photographically-based knowledge reduces to perceptually-based knowledge, this
will not be because it is knowledge acquired by perceiving photographs.
Let us start with testimony. Might photographs be sources of testimonially-based
knowledge? There are at least three reasons for rejecting this possibility.5
First, testimony is a so-called transmissive source of knowledge, which is to say
that testimony disseminates already known truths. Crucially, unlike perception and
inference, testimony is not a means for producing knowledge; it is not a so-called
generative source of knowledge. Pithily, testimony is a means for increasing the
number of knowers of some proposition and not a means for increasing the number of
propositions known (Audi 2006: 43).
Photographs can certainly increase the number of knowers of a proposition (e.g.,
when they are printed in newspapers, reproduced on the internet, and so on).
Photographs can clearly transmit knowledge. However, photographs are unlike
testimony in that they can also generate knowledge. Photographs can enlarge the
number of propositions collectively known, as Muybridge s photographs of animal
movement and photographs from the Hubble telescope are apt to illustrate. These
photographs served to inform us of facts previously unknown. Photography, that is,
can be a tool of discovery, in both scientific and everyday contexts, in ways that
testimony cannot. What you testify to me may be news to me, but it is not news to you,
whereas what a photograph depicts can be news to everyone, even the photographer.6
It has recently been argued that this traditional view of testimony is wrong, and
that testimony may generate, as well as transmit, knowledge (Lackey 2008). If that is
5
The view that photographs furnish testimonially-based knowledge has been defended, albeit in
passing, by Pritchard (2004: 330) and Young (2001: 67).
6
This is a lesson well-taught by the film Blow-Up, in which a photographer discovers a corpse in the
park by examining photographs they took in the park at an earlier time. The example is discussed in Currie
(2004: 68) and Moran (2005: 10).
8
right, then the fact that photographs are generative sources of knowledge is compatible
with them being testimonially-based sources of knowledge.
Like many, I am sceptical of the idea that testimony can generate knowledge. But
this is not a debate I wish to get side-tracked by. It suffices that there are two other
features of testimony that make it problematic to regard photographically-based
knowledge as testimonially-based knowledge. So, those few who reject the traditional
view of testimony as a merely transmissive source of knowledge may be unpersuaded
so far.
Second, to testify is not, while to photograph is, a factive verb. Suppose you
want to know whether Peter has ever been to Paris. One way you may come to know
that Peter has been to Paris is by testimony. Someone might tell you that Peter has been
to Paris. Another way you may come to know that Peter has been to Paris is on the basis
of seeing a photograph someone took of Peter while he was in Paris (e.g., stood before
the Eiffel Tower . The difference I wish to focus on is this someone s telling you that
Peter has been to Paris does not cease to be testimony if you discover that Peter has
never been to Paris. False or misleading testimony is still testimony. However,
someone s photographing Peter in Paris depends upon Peter s having, in fact, been to
Paris. If it transpires that Peter has never been to Paris then it transpires he was not
photographed in Paris.
Consider a photograph of an empty Parisian street into which Peter s image from
another photograph is then photo-shopped . One might argue the resulting composite
image is a photograph of Peter in Paris. If that is correct, then I am mistaken in claiming
that to photograph is a factive verb. Instead, to photograph turns out to be nonfactive, like to testify . If so, then I have failed to show that to photograph differs from
to testify in the relevant respect and thereby failed to rule it out that photographs are
testimonies of their subjects.
9
My first response is that it is far from clear that the resulting composite image is,
strictly speaking, a photograph, rather than a photomontage. Photomontages are
collages made with photographs, and collages are plausibly regarded as a hybrid
artform, comprising elements of photographic and handmade methods of picturemaking (Levinson 1984). If that is right, then the above photograph of Peter in Paris is
really an impure or mixed picture, rather than a photograph proper; as such, it does not
pose a challenge to any claim I make about photographs. However, it has recently been
argued that such pictures are photographs proper (Atencia-Linares 2012). Now I can
grant that this is indeed the case, if need be, because the objection under consideration
misses the point. I claim only that to photograph is, while to testify is not, a factive
verb. The example of a photo-shopped picture of Peter in Paris would pose a challenge
had I claimed that P is a photograph of A is a factive expression which therefore
requires the truth of A. But that is not my claim. The claim that to photograph is a
factive verb is neutral on whether P is a photograph of A is factive. How? Well, it
might be that photographing A is not the only way to make a photograph of A, which is
what the objection under consideration requires. The objection relies on it being the case
that one can make a photograph that depicts Peter in Paris without one s having to
photograph Peter in Paris, but by photo-shopping together two distinct photographs
instead. But this in fact helps me, since if the resulting composite image is to be
considered a photograph, then, since it was not produced by photographing Peter in
Paris, it cannot, for that very reason, be a counterexample to the factivity of to
photograph. 7
A third reason for thinking that photographically-based knowledge does not
reduce to testimonially-based knowledge is that the conditions under which it is
Another possible way one can make a photograph of an object without photographing that object is
by laboriously coding a digital photograph from scratch. This was suggested to me by Aaron Meskin (though
Meskin tells me he is unsure whether the result should in fact count as a photograph).
7
10
rational to believe the content of another s testimony are stricter than those under which
it is rational to believe the content of another s photograph. “t a minimum, it is only
rational to believe the words of another insofar as (i) one possesses no counterevidence
as to the reliability or sincerity of the testifier i.e. one has no undefeated defeaters and
ii one is aware that the testifier s words are being presented as a true, factual account,
rather than something said in jest, or in irony, or in rehearsal for a play, say.8
The relevant contrast with beliefs formed on the basis of another s photographs
is that there is no analogue of requirement (ii). There are circumstances in which it is
rational to believe the content of a photograph whether or not the photographer
presents it as a true, factual account, since it can be rational to believe the content of
photographs that are not presented by anyone in the first place. For instance, if one
comes across a photograph that depicts A then it is rationally permissible for one to
believe A (in the absence of counterevidence). If you come across a photograph of the
General fraternising with the enemy, then it is epistemically permissible for you to
believe that the General fraternised with the enemy, even if no one intended that you
(or anyone else) believe that the General fraternised with the enemy. You may have
stumbled across the photograph in a secret document or file, say. Richard Moran (2005:
11) makes a similar point when, writing of a photograph taken in a park, he points out
that if we learn that the photographer is not, in fact, presenting his photograph as a
true record of what occurred in the park, the photograph as document retains all the
epistemic value for us it ever had. So while it is rational for us to believe the words of
others only if we are aware that those words are being presented as a true, factual
These are minimal conditions on the rationality of believing the testimony of another. In particular,
they are neutral on whether testimonially-based knowledge reduces to inference. Testimonial nonreductionists hold that these minimal conditions are sufficient conditions (see Graham 2006: 84-5).
Testimonial reductionists complain that condition (i), while necessary, is too weak. Aside from the absence of
counterevidence, they argue one must also possess positive reasons for thinking the testifier reliable, sincere
or otherwise creditworthy (see Fricker 1994: 148).
8
11
account, we may rely on the photographs of others whether or not they present their
photographs at all.
So we have three reasons for denying that photographically-based knowledge
reduces to testimonially-based knowledge. On the other hand, we have three reasons
for affirming that the knowledge furnished by handmade pictures does so reduce. First,
handmade pictures are a transmissive, rather than generative, epistemic source. That is
why Muybridge photographed, rather than sketched, horses to discover facts about
their movement. Drawing and painting are, among other things, a means of spreading
knowledge among a community; they are not, while photography is, a tool of discovery
that may potentially add to our total stock of knowledge.9 Second, just as one can testify
to Peter s being in Paris when he has never been, there is no question that one can paint
or draw Peter s being in Paris when he has never been to Paris. The truth of S paints A
and S draws A , like S testifies A but unlike S photographs A , is not put in doubt by
the discovery that A is not the case. Third, just as it is only rational to assent to another s
words if, at a minimum, one has a reason to think those words are to be taken as a true,
factual account of some matter, it is only rational to assent to the content of a handmade
picture if one has a reason for thinking the picture s content is meant to be taken as a
true, factual account. Believing A simply on the basis of seeing a drawing that depicts A,
absent a reason for thinking the picture is meant to be taken as a true, factual account of
A, is epistemically irresponsible. The picture could have been made simply to refine
artistic technique, or it may have been an absent-minded doodle, say.10 Moreover, it
It has been put to me that there are exceptions, where handmade pictures can generate knowledge. I
remain sceptical. But even assuming this to be true, it is important to note that Stanford could not have relied
upon a sketch-artist to discover the relevant facts about horse movement, and that he had to employ a
photographer. So even if one believes handmade pictures may, in some circumstances, generate knowledge,
there remains something epistemically special about photographs in this respect.
10
It is a good question how we assess if a handmade picture is meant to be taken as a true, factual
account of the scene it depicts, especially when such pictures are typically encountered in the absence of their
makers. Sometimes the clue is given by the context in which the picture is displayed. The picture may be
published somewhere, like a newspaper or instructional manual, say, where we are meant to take everything
9
12
would be epistemically reckless to continue to believe the content of an artist s painting
of a scene in a park upon learning that the painter is not presenting their picture as a
true, factual account of what occurred in a park. Equally, it would be epistemically
reckless to continue to believe the content of someone s utterance about an occurrence
in the park upon learning they are not, in fact, presenting that utterance as a true,
factual account of some occurrence in the park. The upshot is that while photographs
cannot be regarded as sources of testimonial knowledge, handmade pictures very well
can.
IV
Inference and Perception
Having discarded the possibility that photographically-based knowledge reduces to
testimonially-based knowledge, we arrive at the disjunction that such knowledge is
either inferentially- or perceptually-based.
The relationship between perceptually- and inferentially-based knowledge is
notoriously thorny. Typically, the difference is said to be that the former is comprised of
belief that has been formed in a manner that is psychologically immediate, uncritical or
spontaneous. As Alan Millar (2000: 73-4) puts it
If you know perceptually that
something is a bottle of milk then it simply strikes you that this is so... You do not infer
that it is so from an assumption to the effect that it looks a certain way. Keith Hossack
(2007: 244) similarly writes
[W]e are not normally conscious of any inference in
perception. When we know by seeing, usually the only mental act that occurs is the
visual experience itself. However, perception and inference cross paths in at least two
ways that are relevant for my purposes.11
presented there as true. Sometimes handmade pictures that are presented as a true, factual account are made
in a characteristic style or have a characteristic subject, such as, e.g., courtroom-, anatomical-, ornithological-,
and police-sketches.
11
As suggested by Hossack’s remark, ‘inference’ here is to be understood as a mental action, and so I
will understand it to pick out a personal-level occurrence. When one acquires perceptual knowledge, one’s
13
First, the boundary between perception and inference is highly variable. One
person in circumstance C may have perceptual knowledge of A while another person in
C may have to reason at length in order to know A. For instance, John McDowell (1979)
claims that the virtuous can know the moral facts of a situation by perception. Not all of
us are virtuous, however. Sometimes what it is the right thing to do is not open to
view , but requires a significant amount of reflection to be known. Moreover, the
boundary between perception and inference can vary for the same subject at different
times. For instance, Quassim Cassam (2007: ch5) claims that one way we can know
another s mental states is by seeing those states, rather than inferring those states from
bodily features. But as Cassam is keen to stress, he does not mean to be taken as
claiming that none of our knowledge of others minds is inferential, since it is
undeniable that we must sometimes rely on reasoning in order to work out what
another is thinking or feeling.
The idea that we can have perceptual knowledge of moral and mental facts is
controversial. But the variability of the boundary between perception and inference, for
different subjects at the same time and for the same subject at different times, can be
illustrated in other ways. For instance, both an adult and a child can know that the fork
is to the left of the dinner plate. The adult knows this by sight, however, whereas the
child, who let us suppose does not yet know their left from their right, may run through
the following steps: (i) they rehearse the mnemonic that they write with their right
hand (ii) they see that the fork is not on the same side of the plate as their writing
hand; and so (iii) they infer that the fork is to the left of the plate from (i) and (ii).
Perception and inference also cross paths insofar as when our perceptual
knowledge reports are challenged, we sometimes seek to establish our epistemic
credentials by turning to inference. For instance, suppose a hiker informs their
visual system may be described by the psychological sciences as performing inferences, but that is another
matter.
14
companion that the tree they approach is an elm. Doubtful, the companion asks the
hiker how it is they know this. The hiker can recognise elm trees, and so it is
perceptually-based knowledge that the hiker possesses. But rather than unhelpfully
reply Well, I can just see it is an elm—can t you? they may draw their companion s
attention to the shape of the leaves and the fissure of the bark, and prompt their
companion to compare these with the description of an elm in their tour guide. In doing
so, the hiker gets their companion to know, by inference, that the tree before them is an
elm. The inference that the tree before them is an elm, based on the shape of its leaves
and bark in conjunction with the description of an elm given in a tour guide, is, as
Robert Brandom puts it, safer than a perceptual report with the same content insofar
as we are more reliable at seeing the shape of leaves and bark than we are at seeing that
something is an elm. However, as Brandom (2002: 97) also points out:
The practice of justifying a challenged report by retreating to a safer one, from
which the original claim can then be derived inferentially, should not (certainly
need not) be taken to indicate that the original report was itself covertly the
product of a process of inference.
That is to say, the hiker s ability to establish that they know the tree before them to be
an elm, by leading their companion through an inference to the conclusion that this is
so, does not show that the hiker s original report failed to express perceptually-based
knowledge.
The conclusion I wish to draw from this section is that perception and inference
need not compete with one another for the exclusive rights to some knowledgefurnishing process or phenomenon. Often, it is the case that when one knows A
perceptually (e.g., that the object before one is an elm, or that the fork is to the left of the
15
plate, say), one could instead have come to know A inferentially. Overdetermination is
a ubiquitous feature of our epistemic lives.12
V
Photographically-Based Knowledge
Returning to photographs, we sometimes perform inferences when trying to work out
what it is a photograph depicts. Consider a photograph taken from an unfamiliar angle
or in extreme close-up, like Minor White s Ritual Branch. It may take familiarity with
other of Minor White s photographs, or photographs of similar subjects, for one to
grasp that what one sees in the photograph is crystals of frost on a window-pane. This
encourages the thought that photographically-based knowledge is, at least on some
occasions, inferential. But this does not follow. What is at issue is not whether one
performs inferences in order to grasp a photograph s content. Rather, the question is
whether we do any inferential work before assenting to a photograph s content, once
that content has been grasped. For there is a difference between merely comprehending
a content on the one hand, and comprehending that content, coupled with subsequently
assenting to it, on the other. For instance, consider the debate over whether
testimonially-based knowledge reduces to inferentially-based knowledge. Testimonial
non-reductionists, who answer this question negatively, argue that the minimal
conditions I discussed above on it being rational to assent to another s testimony are
sufficient conditions. They argue that once you comprehend the content of someone s
utterance and are aware that the content is being presented as a true, factual account, it
is rationally permissible for you to believe that content (absent any counterevidence),
without having to perform any further reasoning. Crucially, testimonial nonreductionists do not question whether inferences must be performed to first
comprehend the content of our interlocutors testimonial utterances. This view of
12
This point is well made by Graham (2006: 93-4).
16
testimonially-based knowledge models the uptake of testimonial content on the uptake
of perceptual content, with the default mode of assent characterised as one of
psychological immediacy and spontaneity. But that leaves it open whether the prior
comprehension of that content was psychologically immediate or not.
Accordingly, the question whether photographically-based knowledge reduces
to that of inference is a question about whether we do any inferential work once we
comprehend the content of a photograph (if comprehended); or whether we instead
assent to the content of photographs in a psychologically immediate and spontaneous
manner, as with perception and also testimony (according to the testimonial nonreductionist, at least). The fact that we sometimes perform inferences when working out
the content of a photograph is itself no reason to believe that photographically-based
knowledge is inferential in nature.
Despite rejecting the above argument for the inferential nature of
photographically-based knowledge, the claim that we acquire inferential knowledge
from photographs, on at least some occasions, is doubtless correct. This is revealed by
the fact that assent to a photograph s content can occur in a far from spontaneous
manner. For instance, suppose you encounter a photograph which has a content that
conflicts with a deeply held belief. In that case you will likely suspend belief in, or
perhaps disbelieve, the photograph s content. Further evidence, however, might lead
you to change your mind and to assent to the photograph s content. If so, you come to
believe A by inferring A on the basis of seeing a photograph with the content A along
with awareness of some further fact. Here is a Gricean example of such a case (see Grice
1957: 382-3): suppose you see a photograph that depicts two people kissing. One of the
depicted persons, Andy, is believed by you to a devoted husband. You know him and
his wife very well. The other depicted person is unknown to you. Because you believe
one of the depicted persons to be a devoted husband, you are sceptical of the
photograph s content and disbelieve it. You might believe the picture to be a skilfully
17
made, photo-shopped , composite image of two separate photographs, say. But if
Roger tells you that he took the photograph, then this might make you change your
mind. Roger is known by you to be without the technical know-how to make such a
composite image. Now that this further fact about the photograph s origin has come to
light, you may come to believe the content of the photograph, and so come to believe
that Andy kissed someone who is not his wife. But you would do so on the basis of
inferring this from seeing a photograph that depicts Andy kissing someone who is not
his wife in conjunction with beliefs about the (lack of) technical skills of the person who
took the photograph. If this photographically-based belief goes on to satisfy the
conditions that a belief must in order to rise to the standard for knowledge (if it safe, or
sensitive, or truth-tracking, etc.), then it is photographically-based knowledge that you
possess. But this knowledge would ultimately reduce to that of inference.
I argued in the previous section that if some process or phenomenon furnishes
inferential knowledge, then that does not preclude it from also furnishing perceptual
knowledge. So does photographically-based knowledge always reduce to inferentiallybased knowledge? Based on the first-person experience of acquiring knowledge from
photographs, it seems the answer is no . Photography is so well-integrated into our
lives that our epistemic reliance on it is often automatic and unthinking. We are so
familiar with exploiting photographs for epistemic ends that we regularly acquire
beliefs from them about the things they depict in a non-inferential manner. Testimonial
non-reductionists, we have seen, claim that testimonially-based belief is similarly
acquired in a non-inferential manner. But we have rejected the possibility that
photographically-based knowledge is testimonially-based knowledge. This gives us
reason to think that when we acquire beliefs from photographs about the objects they
depict in a non-inferential manner, and when those beliefs rise to the standard for
knowledge (when they are safe, or sensitive, or truth-tracking, etc.), those beliefs are
constituents of perceptually-based knowledge.
18
Consider watching a sporting event on live television. The first-person
experience of assenting to the content of these photographic pictures is very different
from the first-person experience of assenting to the content of the adulterous
photograph discussed above. Viewers see in the television screen the striker shoot the
ball into the back of the net and they instantly erupt into cheers. They do not reason
from the state of the picture to the state of what is pictured; rather, they form their
beliefs spontaneously and without pause. Seeing the game unfold on the television
screen, one does not take an evaluative or critical stance to what one sees in the picture.
After all, it is not as if one suspends judgement in the events of the game and only
believes what one witnesses on the screen once some further evidence comes to light or
once one has independently verified the truth of those events. Upon pictorially
experiencing the striker shoot the ball into the back of the net, no chain of reasoning
mediates one s belief that a goal has been scored. The thought that our default attitude
to such pictures is to withhold assent is intuitively false.
The above kind of case is not isolated. Myriad beliefs are formed about Arthur
Danto when one sees him in Steve Pyke s photograph. Upon seeing Danto in the
photograph, one forms the belief that his hair is white, that he has a beard, and so on.
Similarly, upon seeing the couple in Nan Goldin s photograph The Hug, one just finds
oneself believing that the individuals photographed are a man and a woman, that the
man s arm is muscular and that the woman s dress has two bows on it, say. One does
not see these things in the photograph and then pause to wonder if they are true, or
reason one s way to assent. Rather, one believes that the depicted man s arm is
muscular as one sees the arm in the picture. Assent is spontaneous, uncritical, and
unmediated by inference. Moreover, as mentioned in section I, most paintings we see in
books or on the internet are actually photographs of paintings. When one sees the Mona
Lisa on the internet, what one sees is a photograph of the Mona Lisa. But we do not
reason from the state of this photograph to the state of the photographed painting; most
19
viewers are unlikely to register it is a photograph they are looking at in the first place.
They form beliefs about the look of the Mona Lisa (i.e. the painted portrait and
photographed object) without any kind of critical reflection on the fact that they are
seeing a photograph of the Mona Lisa.
These are just a few examples, but the first-person experience of our encounters
with photographs suggests that the point generalises: when we see a photograph that
depicts x as F, say, our default doxastic response is to believe that x is F and only
withhold assent if we possess reasons against thinking the photograph creditworthy.
Such reasons may concern the unreliability of how the picture was formed (e.g., if one
believes that the photograph is poorly exposed or that it is a photo-shopped ,
composite, image, say); the unreliability of its maker (e.g., if one believes the picture s
maker enjoys fooling people by presenting composite, photo-shopped images as true);
the unreliability of the place it is displayed (e.g., if one believes the picture is published
in a magazine known for containing photo-shopped pictures ; or, as in the Gricean
example above, we sometimes withhold assent if what is depicted is something that
contradicts a deeply held belief. The crucial point is that these are exceptions. They are
not the norm. Scepticism is not the typical, default attitude we adopt when engaging
with photographs. Very rarely do we assent to a photograph only once we are
independently aware of facts about the creditworthiness of the photograph, its maker,
and so on. Such facts are typically not available to us, yet assent to photographs is
widespread. Rather, our default mode of assent is as the non-reductionist characterises
our default mode of assent to testimony: just as we generally believe what we are told
unless we have reason to be doubtful, we generally believe what we see in a
photograph unless we have reason to be doubtful. Again, this is not how things stand
when it comes to what we see in handmade pictures.
So photographically-based knowledge can indeed be reduced to inferential
knowledge, but that is compatible with them also furnishing perceptually-based
20
knowledge. Crucially, insofar as we typically accept the contents of photographs
without inference, it is typically perceptually-based knowledge that such pictures do in
fact furnish.
VI
Conclusion
The relevance of the above discussion for the question of photography s epistemic value
and privilege can now be spelled out: what is of epistemic significance about
photographs, and arguably foundational for any inquiry into their epistemic value, is
that they can be sources of perceptually-based knowledge. By contrast, when
handmade pictures furnish knowledge of their subjects, they furnish testimoniallybased knowledge. Our epistemic dependence on the testimony of others forms part of
our widespread, and arguably indispensable, reliance on phenomena other than
ourselves in order to acquire knowledge about the world. So in affirming the
testimonial nature of handmade pictures, we recognise such pictures can play an
important role in our epistemic lives.
However, insofar as handmade pictures are a transmissive, and not a generative,
source of knowledge, this explains why they cannot play the kind of discovery role in
our epistemic lives that may be played by photographs. Accordingly, it explains why
Muybridge photographed, rather than sketched, horses to know propositions about
their movement. Insofar as sources of perceptual (and inferential) knowledge are
generative sources of knowledge, the account I ve offered provides an explanation of
this epistemic feature of photographs. I take this to be a significant merit, since it is a
feature that other theories either fail to explain, or else explain in a counterintuitive or
controversial way. Take “bell s
claim that what is epistemically special about
photographs is that they are more rich and reliable than handmade pictures. Consider
also Cohen and Meskin s
claim that photographs are epistemically special in
being undemanding sources of information, relative to handmade pictures, insofar as
21
they are easily identifiable as such. Last, consider Hopkins s 2012) claim that what is
epistemically special about photographs is that the pictorial experiences they elicit are
factive, whereas those elicited by handmade pictures are not. It is unobvious how
appealing to richness and reliability, undemandingness of information-transmission, or
factivity, could illuminate the generative nature of photographically based knowledge.
Being rich and reliable has nothing to do with being a generative source of knowledge;
the same is true of being easily identifiable as a source of information; and factivity is a
feature of knowledge generally, whether produced by a generative source or not.
One account that does seem able to explain the generative nature of
photographically-based knowledge is Walton s
transparency theory. Walton
claims that viewers of a photograph literally, though indirectly, see the object
photographed. Although motivated to explain the realism of photographs, it is not
difficult to read this theory as offering an account of the epistemology of photography.
Moreover, it is not difficult to appreciate how it would explain the generative nature of
photographically-based knowledge. One will sometimes see in a photograph, and
thereby, on this account, literally see, some object that no one has previously seen (e.g., a
black hole in a photograph taken by the Hubble Telescope) or see an event which, due
to its fleetingness, one cannot see face-to-face e.g., a horse s hoof being off the ground).
Walton s critics have taken him to task for giving a poor analysis of the concept
SEEING, complaining it is counterintuitive that its extension extends to seeing an object
in a photograph. For such critics, the account of the epistemology of photography one
can tease out of Walton s transparency theory will be ipso facto counterintuitive.
However, Walton s critics arguably misunderstand his project. Walton wants us to
revise our concept SEEING to make room for seeing an object in a photograph (2008:
111). His justification is the explanatory dividends yielded; that is, the elucidating of
key differences between photographs and handmade pictures. But by the lights of my
project, this business can be altogether avoided. One need not get tangled up in the
22
project of revising and policing the extension of any concepts in order to explain the
difference in epistemic value between photographs and handmade pictures. We can,
instead, simply situate each picture-type among distinct sources of knowledge.
Consider also Gregory Currie s (2004) theory. Currie claims that photographs are
epistemically special in virtue of being traces of the objects they depict, where x is a
trace of y just in case x is counterfactually dependent upon y in a mind-independent
way (i.e. were y to have differed then x would have differed independent of anyone s
beliefs about y). This account explains the generative nature of photographically-based
knowledge much less problematically than does the transparency theory. It claims that
photographs acquire depictive content independent of anyone s mental states,
including the photographer s, so it is no surprise that photographs can inform us of the
truth of certain propositions, of which no one was previously aware.
While the trace theory is less problematic than the transparency theory, insofar
as it calls for no revision to any of our concepts, it courts controversy by staking out a
claim about the nature of the photographic medium itself. To date, no account of the
nature of the photographic medium has turned out to be unproblematic. Instead, there
is widespread disagreement. The obvious worry for the trace theorist is how to
accommodate the role of the photographer s beliefs and other mental states in the
production of photographs, a fact one would seem pressured to make room for in order
to explain not only our aesthetic interest in photographs, but how studying
photographs can provide an insight into the psychological states of photographers. The
comparative merit of my account is that it takes no side in any debate about the
photographic medium per se, since it makes no claims about the nature of photography.
This vexed question is a matter on which we can remain neutral.
What of explicating the other epistemically special properties of photographs?
Insofar as it is rationally permissible to believe another s testimony only if one grasps
the content of that testimony is presented as a true, factual account, acquiring
23
knowledge from handmade pictures is more cognitively demanding than is acquiring
knowledge from photographs. For it is permissible for one to believe the content of
another s photograph independent of how the photograph is presented, as long as one
has no counterevidence as to the photograph s reliability. But might this change with
the rise of digital technology; might it stop being the case that we generally believe
what we see in a photograph unless we have reason to be doubtful and become as
equally strict as we are in the case of handmade pictures? The outcome is difficult to
predict, but suppose that does turn out to be the case. If so, might photographs have the
epistemic status of testimony? This is left open by my account. But one who is worried
by the effect that photography s digitisation will eventually have on its epistemic value
will likely think that even the analogue of the minimal conditions on it being rational to
accept another s testimony will be too lax. In which case, one should take
photographically-based belief, in order to be rationally grounded, to have to be formed
on the basis of one s possessing positive reasons for thinking the photograph reliably
produced. This will have the effect of rendering photographically-based knowledge
exclusively inferential in nature, and not testimonial.
For these reasons, photographs are epistemically privileged, relative to
handmade pictures, and these reasons make it preferable (all things being equal) for us
to rely on photographs rather than handmade pictures as we go about our epistemic
lives. The epistemically special properties of photographs can thus be illuminated in
recognizably epistemic terms; that is, in terms of the sources of knowledge. In doing so,
the account I ve sketched here is arguably one that seems not just an alternative to other
accounts, but is also, for reasons discussed in this section, explanatorily superior.13
Ancestors of this paper were presented to audiences at Mind Grad 2008 at the University of Warwick
and the 2008 American Society of Aesthetics Annual Conference. I am grateful to my respondents, Hemdat
Lerman and Patrick Maynard, for their comments. A more recent version was presented at the 2010
Episteme Annual Conference at Edinburgh, and also to my colleagues at the University of St Andrews.
Thanks to Maria Alvarez, Rob Hopkins, Keith Hossack, John Hyman, Rafe McGregor, Aaron Meskin, Mikael
13
24
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DAN CAVEDON-TAYLOR is a lecturer in Philosophy at the University of St
Andrews. His main research interests are in aesthetics and the philosophy of art;
social epistemology; and the philosophies of mind and perception.
26