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Abstract

Despite the proliferation of specialised agencies designed to reduce the prevalence of refugees worldwide, the number of individuals fleeing persecution is increasing year on year as endemic violence in countries such as Iraq, Somalia and the Syrian Arab Republic continues. As a result, media broadcasts and political dialogues are saturated with discussions about these “persons of concern”. Fundamental questions nonetheless remain unanswered about what meaning these actors attribute to the label ‘refugee’ and what intent, other than paucity of knowledge, might be driving the term’s use or manipulation. Though this is evidently important in the public arena, where incorrect conflations fuel mistrust and misunderstandings, the ramifications of these divergent understandings at the level of multi-lateral politics have yet to be critically explored. This article applies Barthes’ theory of the multiple orders of the sign to address this. Using the case study of the negotiations preceding the invocation of the Cessation Clause for Rwandan refugees, it illustrates how the word refugee is susceptible to numerous, simultaneous understandings, and discusses the implications of these manifold interpretations for how durable solutions are envisaged and negotiated in the refugee regime. In the case of Rwandan refugees in Uganda, this has meant that over a decade of stalemated discussions between the Governments of Uganda and Rwanda and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees over their future have been broken by a series of bilateral concessions that, whilst diminishing the political significance attached to this protracted caseload, have failed to address the continuing precarity of their situation. By conceptualising the word refugee as a sign according to the Saussurean model of semiotics, this paper therefore argues that despite the term’s established legal-normative definition, its inherent malleability makes it susceptible to processes of political instrumentalisation. This elevates the refugee as a rhetorical figure above the refugee as a physical-legal body entitled to certain forms of assistance.

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Notes

  1. For example, the 1969 OAU Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Protection in Africa.

  2. ‘Joint Communique on the Occasion of the Visit of Antonio Guterres’, 19 October 2009. Unpublished. Author’s own.

  3. Interviews with staff members of UNHCR in Geneva, Kigali, Kampala, Asmara, and Oxford. January 2012 to June 2014.

  4. This is corroborated by interviews in Uganda and Rwanda between October and December 2013. Anonymous interviewees included representatives from the Government of Rwanda, the Government of Uganda, UNHCR and the International Refugee Rights Initiative.

  5. Interviews with staff members at the Office of the Prime Minister, Kampala. October to November, 2013.

  6. Interview with Representative of Ministry of Local Government (MINALOC), Kigali. December, 2013.

  7. Interviews with members of the Ministry of Disaster Management and Refugee Affairs (MIDIMAR), Kigali. November, 2013.

  8. Interviews with UNHCR Staff, Kigali and Geneva. Throughout 2012 and 2013.

  9. Interviews with various Non-Governmental Organisations, Kigali and Kampala. October to December, 2013.

  10. Interview with staff member at the GoR, Kigali. November, 2013.

  11. Personal Interview, Kampala, Uganda. December, 2013.

  12. Interview with Minister in GoU, Kampala. October, 2013.

  13. Interview with UNHCR staff members, Geneva. April, 2012.

  14. Human Rights Watch claimed in 2010 that UNHCR figures suggested that 98 % of Rwandan applications for asylum in Uganda had been rejected that year.

  15. Unpublished, Author’s own.

  16. Interviews with staff members at the Office of the Prime Minister and various NGOs, Kampala. October to November, 2013.

  17. This is based on multiple sources including: discussions with staff at the Constitutional Court of Uganda, Kampala in December, 2013; interviews with a lawyer at Athiang and Co Advocates who were employed to work on the petition in Kampala in December, 2013; interviews with members of the GoU, including employees at OPM throughout October to December, 2013; and interviews with a Principle Immigration Officer at the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Kampala in December, 2013.

  18. Interviews with representatives of MIDIMAR, MINALOC, the Rwandan Demobilisation and Reintegration Commission and NGOs, Kigali. November, 2013.

  19. A further point of suspicion vis-à-vis the actual feasibility of this repatriation and reintegration strategy was the GoR’s handling of the forced expulsion of 6000 Rwandans from Tanzania. Though many denied this as having any relationship to how the country would respond to refugee returnees, it did not suggest the capacity to deal with 100,000 returnees [5456]. Despite uncertainty surrounding exactly how many individuals had been expelled, MINALOC acknowledged that even with the most conservative estimates of 6000 returnees, that it would be hard to accommodate all these individuals at the local level due to the acute shortage of land and housing. The Government’s claim that it had the capacity to reintegrate 100,000 refugees therefore began to look more like a ‘Potemkin’ plan than anything feasible in practice.

  20. Patrycja Stys, DPhil Thesis, University of Oxford. Forthcoming in 2015.

  21. Focus group and interviews with Rwandan refugees, Kampala. October to December 2013.

  22. Interview with journalist at The East African, Kigali. November, 2013.

  23. Interviews with Rwandan refugees, Kampala. October to November 2013.

  24. Focus Group and Interviews with Rwandan Refugees, Kampala. October, 2013.

  25. This petition, entitled ‘Prevent the Cessation of refugee status for Rwandans fearing return’ was produced by the Fahamu Refugee Project and Rwandan refugees and is intended for presentation to UNHCR. It can be found at Avaaz.org.

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Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the Economic and Social Research Council for their generous funding towards this Project, and Jean-François Durieux for his encouraging comments on earlier versions of this paper.

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Cole, G. Negotiating Durable Solutions for Refugees: A Critical Space for Semiotic Analysis. Int J Semiot Law 29, 9–27 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11196-015-9428-7

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