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Ricoeur and the pre-political

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Abstract

We argue that Paul Ricoeur’s work on narrative and alienation provides a largely untapped, though potentially fruitful way of re-thinking the question of political agency within the context of globalization. We argue that the political agency of many around the world has been placed in an exceedingly fragile position due to the rapid pace of globalization, the movement of multi-national corporations from their previous national headquarters, etc. We use Ricoeur’s work to argue that the alienation of globalization is not something that can be simply overcome either in a unified world-state or a retreat to protectionist nationalism, because institutional mediation—and consequently alienation—is in some sense constitutive of all politics: the world of political representation operates by its own set of rules, which are at least partially disconnected from the represented world. Using the work of Mouffe, a radical democratic theorist, we then flesh out an ideal of agonistic citizenship (which recognizes both the need for and the inevitability of discursive struggle in politics) in a number of overlapping communities of interest, rather than tying political participation solely to the sovereign government of my state. The state will remain important, but because globalization has disenfranchised so many from their participation in “local” modes of self-governance (tied to the state in which they live), we have a responsibility to re-envision what political participation means outside the traditional context of the state. Rather than merely citizens of a particular state, we need to begin thinking of ourselves politically—and then acting—as “citizens” of Green Peace, Human Rights Watch, Doctors Without Borders, or whatever other supra-local concrete universals or communities of interest to which we belong, investing the time and energy there that we might previously have invested solely in our state’s government. (By implication, we must also ensure that these organizations work in transparent democratic ways themselves.) We believe that by re-plotting our narratives of political engagement in this way, we can positively respond to the alienation created by globalization, while avoiding both the extremes of “McWorld” (hyperglobalism) and “Jihad” (complete skepticism towards, or war against globalization) that Benjamin Barber and David Held have recently described.

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Notes

  1. Dauenhauer (1998).

  2. Ricoeur (1969, p. 347).

  3. In this essay, Ricoeur first derives the “wounded cogito” from a meditation on Freud; however, the other masters of suspicion, Marx and Nietzsche, teach us a similar lesson. Ricoeur (1974, p. 243).

  4. Ricoeur (1996, p. 16).

  5. We began a similar investigation in a recent essay (Erfani and Whitmire 2004).

  6. Ricoeur (1965, p. 260).

  7. Held (1999, p. 1).

  8. Held (1999, p. 3).

  9. Held (1999, p. 5). Among contemporary philosophers, Peter Singer’s One World (2004) is an example of such an approach that focuses on global forces and considers any national resistance as naïve political parochialism.

  10. Ricoeur (1991, p. 327).

  11. Held (1999, p. 5).

  12. Held (1999, p. 2). For another take on these off unions, cf. Wolff (2005).

  13. It may be instructive to recall the language of the Communist Manifesto here: “In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations … National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible … The bourgeoisie … compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image” (Marx 1977, p. 227).

  14. We explore this line of thought, and some of its consequences, in significantly more detail (Erfani and Whitmire 2004, pp. 49–52).

  15. Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau’s work is grounded more deeply in the Marxist tradition. They in fact refer to themselves as post-marxists. Within the rich tradition of Marxism, they have found Gramsci’s thought to be most useful. It is unfortunate that Ricoeur is unfamiliar with Gramsci: only in passing does he mention the possible connections between his own work and that of the Italian Marxist. See Ricoeur (1986, p. 86).

  16. Ricoeur (1995, p. 235).

  17. Ricoeur (1991, p. 326). This thesis may be compared with “the inverse hypothesis, which would make the political a simple variable of the economic. This is what occurred, if not with Marx himself, at least with subsequent Marxism.” Ricoeur believes that “Marxism’s great lacuna” is in not recognizing a distinct “finality” to politics (along with the pathologies specific to that realm) (Ricoeur 1991, p. 327).

  18. Ricoeur (1991, p. 330).

  19. Ricoeur (1975, pp. 138–142).

  20. Ricoeur (1965, pp. 253–254).

  21. Ricoeur (1965, p. 259).

  22. Ricoeur (1965, p. 260, our emphasis).

  23. Ricoeur (1991, p. 328).

  24. Dauenhauer (1997, p. 237).

  25. Ricoeur (1996, p. 21, our emphasis).

  26. Ricoeur (1996, p. 21).

  27. Ricoeur (1965, p. 248).

  28. Ricoeur (1991, pp. 315–317).

  29. Ricoeur (1996, p. 20).

  30. This tension between the goal of a communal life and the excess of power necessary for the state to effect that end recurs in Ricoeur’s later writings, as well. In The Just (2000), Ricoeur continues to reflect on the social contract tradition. He asks, “What sort of bond is there between a deontological perspective and a contractualist procedure?” His answer is that “ this bond is in no way contingent, inasmuch as it is the goal and function of a contractualist procedure to assure the primacy of the just over the good by substituting the very procedure of deliberation for any commitment concerning an alleged common good” (37). In other words, the social contract ties the masters to a moral, deontological obligation. Yet, in The Reflections on the Just (2007), Ricoeur writes: “how, in a democratic society, can we connect the horizontal axis of wanting to live together and the vertical axis that Weber calls the axis of domination?” Given this irreducibility of the two axes, Ricoeur asks “where does this power come from”? (22). And he admits that it “is not easy to shake off this question. I see it returning in new ways in the question of grandeur.” He adds that “What is still poorly understood is the kind of superiority presupposed by the idea of grandeur” (23). In this essay we argue that the tension that Ricoeur detects can be resolved through a more agonistic model of democracy that is not based on reducing the two axes.

  31. Lefort (1972).

  32. Ricoeur (1998, p. 99).

  33. Ricoeur (1991, p. 334) and Ricoeur (1965, p. 269).

  34. Dauenhauer (1998). We shall also show that Mouffe is a more judicious thinker for this issue.

  35. Ricoeur (1996, p. 3).

  36. Ricoeur (2000, p. 10).

  37. Ricoeur (1975, pp. 141–142).

  38. Ricoeur (1991, p. 329). The distinction between the rational and the reasonable here is Ricoeur’s own, though of course Hegel’s critique of a Kantian Moralität to the advantage of a full-bodied Sittlichkeit undergirds it.

  39. See footnote 42.

  40. Ricoeur (1996, p. 5).

  41. Ricoeur (1996, p. 8).

  42. Ricoeur (1965, p. 140).

  43. Ricoeur (1965, p. 137).

  44. Ricoeur (1965, p. 146).

  45. Each language is of course contingent and particular, but perhaps more importantly, language is also overdetermined. Any given linguistic thought is always open to a degree of interpretation and what Derrida calls the play of différance, what Merleau-Ponty calls ambiguity, or what Ricoeur calls the conflict of interpretations. As we will see, Mouffe appreciates this multiplicity of perspectives and its importance for citizenship. Cf. also Ricoeur (1996, p. 4).

  46. Cf. Caputo (1987) for an essentialist reading of Aristotle’s notion of phronesis by way of Gadamerian hermeneutics.

  47. Mouffe (2000, p. 43).

  48. Mouffe (2000, p. 43).

  49. Cf. Ricoeur’s own distinction, explored above, between the reasonable (the lived customs of a concretely universal community) and the rational (the abstractly universal technic of scientifico-economic management). Mouffe (1999, p. 172).

  50. Mouffe (2000, p. 93).

  51. Mouffe (1999, pp. 182–183). Cf. Ricoeur’s analogous point: “a democratic State is that State which does not propose to eliminate conflicts but to invent procedures allowing them to be expressed and to remain open to negotiation” (Ricoeur 1991, p. 335).

  52. Mouffe (2000, p. 102).

  53. Mouffe (1999, p. 177).

  54. Mouffe (2005, p. 7).

  55. Mouffe (2005, p. 42).

  56. Mouffe (2005, p. 66).

  57. Mouffe (2005, p. 100).

  58. Mouffe (2005, p. 117).

  59. Mouffe (2005, pp. 10, 116).

  60. Mouffe (2005, p. 127).

  61. Ricoeur (1996, p. 8).

  62. Ricoeur (1996, pp. 19–20).

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Correspondence to Farhang Erfani.

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Erfani, F., Whitmire, J.F. Ricoeur and the pre-political. Cont Philos Rev 41, 501–521 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11007-008-9091-8

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