Elsevier

Cognition

Volume 127, Issue 2, May 2013, Pages 258-263
Cognition

Brief article
Four year-olds use norm-based coding for face identity

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2013.01.008Get rights and content

Abstract

Norm-based coding, in which faces are coded as deviations from an average face, is an efficient way of coding visual patterns that share a common structure and must be distinguished by subtle variations that define individuals. Adults and school-aged children use norm-based coding for face identity but it is not yet known if pre-school aged children also use norm-based coding. We reasoned that the transition to school could be critical in developing a norm-based system because school places new demands on children’s face identification skills and substantially increases experience with faces. Consistent with this view, face identification performance improves steeply between ages 4 and 7. We used face identity aftereffects to test whether norm-based coding emerges between these ages. We found that 4 year-old children, like adults, showed larger face identity aftereffects for adaptors far from the average than for adaptors closer to the average, consistent with use of norm-based coding. We conclude that experience prior to age 4 is sufficient to develop a norm-based face-space and that failure to use norm-based coding cannot explain 4 year-old children’s poor face identification skills.

Introduction

Faces convey a wealth of information that we use to guide our social interactions. As adults we swiftly extract information about identity, gender, ethnicity, age and emotional state from faces. Face identification, in particular, requires exquisite sensitivity to very subtle differences between highly similar visual patterns. Norm-based coding represents an efficient and elegant solution to this problem of representing visual patterns that share a common structure and must be distinguished by subtle variations that define individuals. A norm-based system represents what is distinctive about each face by coding how faces deviate from a perceptual norm or prototype (see Fig. 1). This system may be more efficient than one that codes a complete structural description, most elements of which are shared by all faces and therefore redundant. Moreover, face norms are updated by experience, fine-tuning our face perception coding mechanisms to our diet of faces (e.g., Rhodes, Jeffery, Watson, Clifford, & Nakayama, 2003). A variety of behavioral and neurophysiological evidence supports use of norm-based coding for facial identity in adults (see Rhodes & Leopold, 2011, for a review). The functional importance of adaptive norm-based coding is suggested by evidence that stronger adaptive norm-based coding of faces is associated with better face identification performance (Dennett, McKone, Edwards, & Susilo, 2012) and that groups with known face perception difficulties show reduced adaptive norm-based coding of facial identity (Congenital Prosopagnosia – Palermo, Rivolta, Wilson, & Jeffery, 2011; Autism Spectrum Disorders – Pellicano, Jeffery, Burr, & Rhodes, 2007).

Preschool aged children perform poorly on face identification tasks, relative to older children and adults (Bruce et al., 2000) but the source of their poor performance is controversial (Crookes and McKone, 2009, McKone et al., 2012). Early research suggested that a key mechanism of face perception, holistic coding (the integration of information across a face, including features and the spatial relations between them) was either absent or immature in young children (Carey et al., 1980, Diamond and Carey, 1977). However, more recent studies have established that holistic coding is present by age three (Macchi Cassia, Picozzi, Kuefner, Bricolo, & Turati, 2009) and is mature by five (see McKone et al., 2012, Pellicano and Rhodes, 2003). Therefore poor face identification performance in young children cannot be attributed to immaturities in holistic coding. Here we ask whether failure to use norm-based coding, another key mechanism of face perception, could explain young children’s poor performance.

Norm-based coding of facial identity has been demonstrated in adults and 7–9 year-old children using face adaptation techniques (e.g., Jeffery et al., 2011, Leopold et al., 2001, Rhodes and Jeffery, 2006, Robbins et al., 2007, Webster and MacLin, 1999). Adaptation (exposure) to faces biases the appearance of subsequently viewed faces so that they look wider after seeing narrow faces, more male after seeing female faces, and so on (e.g., Webster, Kaping, Mizokami, & Duhamel, 2004). In a norm-based account these “aftereffects” are argued to reflect opponent coding, with pairs of neural channels tuned to above- and below-average values on each dimension in face space and the norm signaled by balanced activity in both pools. The further the adaptor is from the norm the larger the effect of adaptation on an average test face because more extreme adaptors produce greater activation, and greater subsequent suppression, in the preferred channel (Rhodes et al., 2005, Robbins et al., 2007). Alternative models of face coding that do not posit a norm, e.g., exemplar coding, neurally instantiated by multichannel coding, predict a different pattern. Multichannel models predict that small increases in the distance of the adaptor from the average face will increase aftereffects but thereafter increasing adaptor distance will reduce aftereffects because these extreme adaptors will have less effect on channels that code the average face (Clifford et al., 2000, Dickinson et al., 2010). The pattern of aftereffects predicted by norm-based coding has been found for adults (Robbins et al., 2007) and 7 year-old children (Jeffery et al., 2011).

Here we tested whether norm-based coding for facial identity emerges earlier in development, by measuring 4-year-olds’ face identity aftereffects for near and far adaptors. Four year-olds are the youngest age group who do not yet to attend school but can complete adult-like adaptation tasks. The transition from preschool to primary (grade) school typically results in a substantial and sudden increase the number of individuals that children need to distinguish and remember. This sudden increase in experience may drive critical changes in face-space organization, consistent with the assumption that face-space is built via experience with faces (Johnston and Ellis, 1995, Valentine, 1991) and proposals that changing demands on face perception skills during development prompt reorganization of the face-perception system (Scherf & Scott, 2012). Certainly performance appears to improve more steeply between these ages than during later childhood (Bruce et al., 2000, Ellis, 1992, Kinnunen et al., 2012), consistent with a qualitative shift in processing between 4 and 7 years of age. While 4 year-old children possess at least a rudimentary face-space that produces distinctiveness effects (e.g., McKone & Boyer, 2006) and atypicality biases (Tanaka, Meixner, & Kantner, 2011) it has not been established that their face-space is norm-based. It remains possible that young children represent faces in an exemplar manner (neurally instantiated by multichannel coding) until sufficient demands are placed on their face-recognition system to prompt reorganization of face-space to be norm-based. Increased exposure to faces at school may also be crucial in developing a representation of the average face that is sufficiently good to function as a norm, or in developing sufficiently good representations of the dimensions on which to code individual faces as deviating from this norm.

We sought evidence of norm-based coding of face identity in 4 year-olds using the face identity aftereffect in which adaptation to an individual face (e.g. Ted) biases perception of an identity neutral average face so that it resembles an individual with characteristics opposite the adapting face (e.g., antiTed, see Fig. 1). Identity aftereffects directly tap face identification processes (Rhodes, Evangelista, & Jeffery, 2009) and have not previously been demonstrated in children. We asked whether children’s identity aftereffects would be larger for more extreme versus less extreme adaptors, consistent with norm-based coding.

Section snippets

Participants

Sixteen children (M = 4:5 years, range 4:0–5:1, 4 female) were recruited from a preschool in Perth, Western Australia. Data from three additional children were removed from all analyses. Two failed to learn the target faces and one was an outlier (see Section 3). Seventeen undergraduates from the University of Western Australia participated for course credit (M = 18 years, range 17–22 years, 16 female). Participants were primarily Caucasian/European (16 adults, 11 children). Written consent was

Results

To measure adaptation we calculated the proportion of times the average (0%) face was identified as the face opposite the adaptor (i.e., the proportion of “Ted” responses after adaptation to antiTed and the proportion of “Rob” responses after adaptation to antiRob), in both adaptation conditions (near/far), for each participant. An aftereffect is indicated by greater than chance (0.5) performance. One female child’s scores were more than three standard deviations below the mean, for both near

Discussion

We have shown for the first time that 4 year-old children use norm-based (two-pool) coding of identity in face-space. Face identity aftereffects were larger for adaptors that are far from the average than for adaptors close to the average, as predicted by a norm-based model. Furthermore, children did not differ from adults in their sensitivity to the distance of the adaptor from the average. Therefore, we conclude that experience prior to age 4 is sufficient to develop a norm-based face-space

Acknowledgements

We thank the staff, students and parents who participated, Mayu Nishimura and Daphne Maurer for co-creating the “Robbers Task”, Elinor McKone, Elizabeth Pellicano, Kate Crookes and Elizabeth Taylor for helpful discussions. This research was supported by Australian Research Council Discovery Grants DP0770923, DP0877379 and by ARC Centre of Excellence Grant CE110001021.

References (39)

  • Abboud, H., Schultz, H., & Zeitlin, V. (2008). Superlab 4.0 [Computer software]. San Pedro, CA: Cedrus...
  • V. Bruce et al.

    Testing face processing skills in children

    British Journal of Developmental Psychology

    (2000)
  • S. Carey et al.

    Development of face recognition: A maturational component?

    Developmental Psychology

    (1980)
  • D. Chiappe et al.

    Cheaters are looked at longer and remembered better than cooperators in social exchange situations

    Evolutionary Psychology

    (2004)
  • C.W. Clifford et al.

    A functional angle on some after-effects in cortical vision

    Proceedings of the Royal Society of London – Series B: Biological Sciences

    (2000)
  • H.W. Dennett et al.

    Face aftereffects predict individual differences in face recognition ability

    Psychological Science

    (2012)
  • J.E. Dickinson et al.

    Global shape aftereffects have a local substrate: A tilt aftereffect field

    Journal of Vision

    (2010)
  • H.D. Ellis

    The development of face processing skills

    Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London B Biological Sciences

    (1992)
  • G. Golarai et al.

    Differential development of high-level visual cortex correlates with category-specific recognition memory

    Nature Neuroscience

    (2007)
  • Cited by (23)

    • Recognizing the same face in different contexts: Testing within-person face recognition in typical development and in autism

      2016, Journal of Experimental Child Psychology
      Citation Excerpt :

      Yet the emergence of adult face expertise follows a protracted developmental trajectory, with performance on tests of unfamiliar face recognition not approaching maturity until well into adulthood (Germine, Duchaine, & Nakayama, 2011; Susilo, Germine, & Duchaine, 2013). Much research has focused on the mechanisms underlying this lengthy course of development, including holistic, configural, and norm-based coding abilities (Crookes & McKone, 2009; Jeffery, Read, & Rhodes, 2013; Mondloch, Le Grand, & Maurer, 2002; Mondloch et al., 2003; Pellicano & Rhodes, 2003; Pellicano, Rhodes, & Peters, 2006; Taylor, Batty, & Itier, 2004; Turati, Sangrigoli, Ruel, & de Schonen, 2004), which continue to be the subject of much debate (McKone, Crookes, Jeffery, & Dilks, 2012). This research, however, has focused on individuals’ abilities to tell different faces apart (referred to here as between-person face recognition) or to match an image that differs in one experimentally manipulated way, such as facial expression or viewpoint, to a target image of the same identity (Bruce et al., 2000; Ellis, 1992; Mondloch et al., 2003; Sporer, Trinkl, & Guberova, 2007).

    • How distinct is the coding of face identity and expression? Evidence for some common dimensions in face space

      2015, Cognition
      Citation Excerpt :

      Therefore, they challenge claims that face recognition is quantitatively mature in early childhood (McKone, Crookes, Jeffery, & Dilks, 2012). We found no age-related increase in any face aftereffects, consistent with other evidence for early maturity of adaptive face-coding mechanisms (Jeffery, Read, & Rhodes, 2013; Jeffery et al., 2010, 2011) and face perception generally (e.g., Weigelt et al., 2014). We also found new evidence that expression recognition improves with age from 17 to 30 years.

    View all citing articles on Scopus
    View full text