MASSIVE MODULARITY
richard samuels
Cognitive scientists disagree on many issues, but one very widespread commitment is that the mind is a mechanism of some sort: roughly speaking, a physical
device decomposable into functionally specifiable subparts. On this assumption, a
central project for cognitive science is to characterize the nature of this mechanism—to provide an account of our cognitive architecture—which specifies the
basic operations, component parts, and organization of the mind. As such, this
project is (albeit in modern, mechanistic guise) an attempt to answer issues that
have been central to philosophy at least since Plato. The recognition of this fact—as
well as the foundational character of the issues and arguments involved—has meant
that philosophers have been actively involved in contemporary discussions of cognitive architecture.
Though the overarching project of specifying a cognitive architecture spans
many different topics and regions of enquiry, one central cluster of issues focuses on
the extent to which our minds are modular in organization. It is this cluster of issues
that I focus on here. Specifically, I discuss the question of whether the human mind
is massively modular: roughly, whether our minds—including those “central” regions responsible for reasoning and decision-making—are largely or entirely composed of a great many specialized cognitive mechanisms or modules. This question
represents the confluence of many issues of central theoretical import to philosophy and cognitive science, including issues about the scope and limits of computational explanation, the role of evolutionary theorizing in understanding the mind,
and the extent to which our psychological capacities are innately specified. In large
measure because of this, the issue of massive modularity has come to mark a major
fault line dividing different approaches to the study of human cognition, and has
attracted both prominent advocates—Leda Cosmides, John Tooby, Steven Pinker,
Peter Carruthers, and Dan Sperber, to name a few—and its share of influential detractors (e.g., Jerry Fodor and Stephen J. Gould).
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The present chapter is not the place to provide a comprehensive survey of the
debate surrounding massive modularity (MM). Its goals are more limited. First, in
Section 1, it explains what is at issue between advocates and opponents of MM, and
spells out the hypothesis itself in more detail. Second, it sketches some of the more
prominent arguments for MM. In particular, in Section 2, it considers some wellknown arguments from evolution, and in Section 3, arguments from computational
tractability. Finally, in Section 4, it considers what many regard as the most serious
theoretical challenge for MM—the problem of flexibility—to explain our cognitivebehavioral flexibility within the restrictions imposed by a modularist conception of
cognitive architecture (Carruthers 2006).
1. What Is at Issue?
To a first approximation, massive modularity is the hypothesis that the human mind
is largely or entirely composed from a great many modules. More precisely, MM can
be formulated as the conjunction of three claims:
- Composition: The human mind is largely or entirely composed from
modules.
- Plurality: The human mind contains a great many modules.
- Central Modularity: Modularity is found not merely at the periphery of
the mind but also in those central regions responsible for such “higher”
cognitive capacities as reasoning and decision making.
In what follows I assume advocates of MM are committed to the conjunction of
these claims. Even so, each is amenable to a variety of different interpretations. More
needs to be said if we are to get clearer on what is at issue.
1.1. Composition Thesis
MM is in large measure a claim about the kinds of mechanisms from which our
minds are composed—viz. it is largely or even entirely composed from modules.1
1
There is a familiar notion of modularity, sometimes called Chomskian modularity, in
which modules are not mechanisms but systems of mental representations—bodies of mentally
represented knowledge or information—such as a grammar or a theory (Segal 1996; Samuels 2000;
Fodor 2000). Paradigmatically, such structures are truth-evaluable in that it makes sense to ask of
the representations if they are true or false. Moreover, they are often assumed to be innate and/
or subject to informational constraints (e.g., inaccessible to consciousness). Although Chomskian
modules are an important sort of cognitive structure, they are not the ones most relevant to the
sort of position advocated by massive modularists. This is because advocates of MM appear to
assume that modules are a species of cognitive mechanism (Sperber 2002; Sperber and Hirschfeld
2007; Cosmides and Tooby 1992; Carruthers 2006).
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But this is vague in at least two respects. First, it leaves unspecified the precise extent
to which minds are composed from modules. In particular, this way of formulating
the proposal accommodates two different positions, which I call strong and weak
massive modularity. According to strong MM all cognitive mechanisms are modules. Such a view would be undermined if we were to discover any non-modular
cognitive mechanisms. By contrast, weak MM maintains only that the human mind
is largely modular in structure. In contrast to strong MM, such a view is clearly
compatible with the claim that there are some non-modular mechanisms. So, for
example, a proponent of weak MM can readily posit non-modular devices for reasoning and learning.
A second crucial respect in which the Composition Thesis is vague is that it
leaves unspecified what modules are. For present purposes, this is an important
matter since the interest and plausibility of the thesis turns crucially on what one
takes modules to be.
1.2.1. Robust Notions of Module
Though there are many notions of modularity in play within cognitive science,2
perhaps the most well-known and most demanding is due to Fodor (1983). On this
view, modules are functionally characterizable cognitive mechanisms that tend to
possess the following features to some interesting degree:
• Domain-specificity: They operate on a limited range of inputs, defined by
some task domain such as vision or language processing;
• Informationally encapsulation: They have limited access to information in
other systems;
• Innateness: They are unlearned components of the mind;
• Inaccessibility: Other mental systems have only limited access to a module’s
computations;
• Shallow outputs: Their outputs are not conceptually elaborated;
• Mandatory operation: They respond automatically to inputs;
• Speed: Their operation is relatively fast;
• Neural localization: They are associated with distinct neural regions;
• They are subject to characteristic and specific breakdowns; and
• Their developmental trajectories exhibit a characteristic pace and sequence.
This full-fledged Fodorian notion has been highly influential in many areas of cognitive science (Garfield 1987); but it has not played much role in debate over MM,3
and for good reason. The thesis that minds are largely or entirely composed of
Fodorian modules is obviously implausible. Indeed, some of the entries on Fodor’s
list—relative speed and shallowness, for example—make little sense when applied
to central systems (Carruthers 2006; Sperber and Hirschfeld 2007). And even where
2
The following discussion is by no means exhaustive. For more detailed discussions of
different notions of modularity see Segal (1996); Samuels (2000); and Carruthers (2006).
3
Incidentally, not even Fodor adopts it in his recent discussions of MM (Fodor 2000, 2008).
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Fodor’s properties can be sensibly ascribed—as in the case of innateness—they
carry a heavy justificationary burden that few seem inclined to shoulder (BaronCohen 1995; Sperber 1994).
In any case, there is a broad consensus that not all characteristics on Fodor’s
original list are of equal theoretical import. Rather, domain-specificity and informational encapsulation are widely regarded as most central. Both concern the architecturally imposed4 informational restrictions to which cognitive mechanisms
are subject—the range of representations they can access—though the kinds of restriction involved are different.
Domain-specificity is a restriction on the representations a cognitive mechanism can take as input—that “trigger” it or “turn it on.” A mechanism is domainspecific (as opposed to domain-general) to the extent that it can only take as input
a highly restricted range of representations.5 Standard candidates include mechanisms for low-level visual perception, face recognition, and arithmetic.
Informational encapsulation is a restriction on the kinds of information a mechanism can use as a resource once so activated—paradigmatically, though not essentially,
information stored in memory. Specifically, a cognitive mechanism is encapsulated to
the extent that it can access, in the course of its computations, less than all of the information available to the organism as a whole (Fodor 1983). Standard candidates include
mechanisms such as those for low-level visual perception and phonology that do not
draw on the full range of an organism’s beliefs and goals.
Though there are many characteristics other than domain-specificity and encapsulation that have been ascribed to modules, when discussing more robust conceptions of modularity I will focus on these properties. This is both because they are
widely regarded as the most theoretically important features of Fodorian modules,
and because—as we will see—they are central to the topics to be considered here.
4
To claim that a property of a cognitive mechanism is architecturally imposed minimally
implies the following. First, they are relatively enduring characteristics of the device. Second, they
are not mere products of performance factors, such as fatigue or lapses in attention. Finally, they
are supposed to be cognitively impenetrable (Pylyshyn 1984). To a first approximation: they are not
properties of the mechanism that can be changed as a result of alterations in the beliefs, goals, and
other representational states of the organism.
5
Two comments. First, it should go without saying—though it will be said anyway—that
the notion of domain-specificity admits of degree and that researchers who use the notion are
interested in whether we possess mechanisms that are domain-specific to some interesting
extent. The same points also apply to the notion of informational encapsulation. Second, there
is a range of different ways in which theorists have proposed to characterize types or domains
of representations. For example, in one common view, domains of representations are content
domains: sets of representations that are characterized in terms of what they are about, or what
they mean (Fodor 1983). On another view, domains of representations are individuated by
formal properties of representations ( Jackendoff 1992; Barrett and Kurzban 2006). In this view,
the representations that comprise a domain share various formal, non-semantic properties. For
further discussion of issues about the nature and individuation of domains see Sperber 1996;
Fodor, 2000; Samuels, 2000; and Barrett and Kurzban 2006.
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That said, it is important to stress that not all those interested in modularity assume
the centrality of these notions.
1.1.2. A Minimal Functional Notion of Module
According to another, minimal conception of modules that has become increasingly
commonplace in cognitive science—especially among advocates of MM—modules
are just distinct, functionally characterized cognitive mechanisms of the sort that
correspond to boxes in a cognitive psychologist’s flow diagram (Fodor 2005). In a
recent paper, Barrett and Kurzban (2006) summarize and endorse this growing
consensus:
We similarly endorse the view espoused by many evolutionary psychologists that
the concept of modularity should be grounded in the notion of functional specialization (Barrett 2005; Pinker 1997, 2005; Sperber 1994, 2005; Tooby and Cosmides
1992) rather than any specific Fodorian criterion. Biologists have long held that
structure reflects function, but that function comes first. That is, determining
what structure one expects to see without first considering its function is an approach inconsistent with modern biological theory. The same holds true, we
argue, for modularity. (Barrett and Kurzban 2006)
Of course, there is nothing wrong per se with adopting such a conception of modularity. Indeed, one obvious virtue is that it renders MM more plausible. But it does
so at the risk of leaching the hypothesis of its content, thereby rendering it rather
less interesting than it may initially appear to be. For in the context of cognitive science, the idea that minds are composed of functionally specifiable mechanisms has
near universal acceptance.6 So, if being a module just is being a functionally specifiable mechanism, then the thesis that minds are composed of modules is just the
consensus view.
1.2. Plurality Thesis
Still, it does not follow, as many have claimed, that no distinctive version of MM can
be formulated with the minimal notion of modularity (Fodor 2005; Prinz 2006). In
particular, some proponents of MM maintain that their thesis is interesting not
because it implies that minds are composed of minimal modules, but because it
implies what I earlier called the Plurality Thesis: the view that minds contain a great
many cognitive mechanisms or modules (Carruthers 2006).7
Is this an interesting thesis? Clearly, if formulated in terms of a robust
notion of modularity, the Plurality Thesis is quite radical since many deny that
6
This is so even for fans of empiricist and domain-general accounts of cognitive processes.
After all, a domain-general learning mechanism is still a functionally specifiable device.
7
It may also be that functional specialization admits of degree, and that an interesting
version of MM could maintain that minds are largely or entirely composed of highly specialized
mechanisms.
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domain-specific and/or encapsulated devices have a substantial role to play in our
cognitive economy. But things are less clear if one adopts the minimal notion. According to some advocates of MM, such a thesis would still be interesting since
many deny that there are lots of such minimal modules. Carruthers, for example,
maintains that such a claim is rejected by “those who . . . picture the mind as a big
general-purpose computer with a limited number of distinct input and output
links to the world” (Carruthers 2006). But on reflection this cannot be quite right.
Big general-purpose computers are not simple entities. On the contrary, they are
almost invariably decomposable into a large number of functionally characterizable sub-mechanisms.8 So, for example, a standard von Neumann-type architecture decomposes into a calculating unit, a control unit, a fast-to-access memory,
a slow-to-access memory, and so on; and each of these decomposes further into
smaller functional units that are themselves decomposable into sub-mechanisms,
and so on. As a consequence, a standard von Neumann machine will typically
have hundreds or even thousands of distinct functionally characterizable subcomponents.9 Thus is would seem that even radical opponents of MM can endorse the sorts of Plurality Thesis advocated by Carruthers and others. Indeed,
some have argued that this is little more than a consequence of the consensus
view in cognitive science—viz. that cognitive mechanisms are hierarchically decomposable into smaller systems (Fodor 2005).
Still, there is an important distinction between this anodyne version of plurality and the sort of view that is characteristic of MM, even on the minimal
conception of modules. To a first approximation, non-modularists, such as those
who construe the mind as a big general-purpose computer with a limited number
of distinct input and output links, are committed to a plurality of functional
modules because, qua mechanists, they are committed to the idea that complex
mechanisms are decomposable into simpler parts. On this view, there will large
numbers of parts at lower levels in the decomposition. But there will also be some
relatively abstract level of description at which there is only a small number of
devices. Roughly, on such views the highest level of analysis will be one in which
all the parts are organized into a relatively small number of cognitive mechanisms. In contrast, advocates of MM deny that there is any such level of composition. Rather, they maintain that even at the highest levels of description, the
human mind will resemble a confederation of hundreds or even thousands of
functionally dedicated devices—a cheater detection mechanism, a theory of mind
8
Indeed this is more or less guaranteed by the widespread assumption that the functional
decomposition of a “large” system will typically have many levels of aggregation (Simon 1962).
I return to this point below.
9
A similar point applies to the sort of radical connectionism on which the mind is
characterized as one huge undifferentiated neural network. This is often—and rightly—seen as the
antithesis of MM (Pinker 1997), and yet it is committed to a vast plurality of mechanisms. After all,
each node in a neural network is a mechanism, and in any version of the connectionist story, there
will a great many such nodes.
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device, a frequentist module, and so on—that in no interesting sense compose to
form some larger single unitary mechanism. In short, all mechanists about cognition are committed to a plurality of cognitive mechanisms because they are committed to functional decomposition. Call this decompositional plurality. But only
advocates of MM are committed to what we might call a compositional plurality:
the existence of a large number of mechanisms that cannot be composed further.
It would thus seem that, contrary to what many have claimed, an interesting version of MM could be formulated in terms of the minimal, functional notion of a
module.10
1.3. Central Modularity
Let us turn to the final thesis that comprises MM:
Central Modularity: Modules are found not merely at the periphery of the
mind but also in those central regions responsible for such “higher” cognitive
capacities as reasoning and decision making.
This does not strictly follow from the claims discussed so far since one might
deny that there are any central systems for reasoning and decision making. But
this is not the view that advocates of MM seek to defend. Indeed, a large part of
what distinguishes MM from the earlier, well-known modularity hypothesis defended by Fodor (1983) and others is that the modular structure of the mind is
not restricted to input systems (those responsible for perception, including language perception) and output systems (those responsible for producing behavior) ( Jackendoff 1992). So, for example, it has been suggested that there are
modules for such central processes as social reasoning (Cosmides and Tooby,
2000), biological categorization (Pinker 1994), and probabilistic inference (Gigerenzer et al. 1999).
How interesting is the Central Modularity thesis? This depends on the notion
of modularity involved, but also the kind of plurality that is at stake. Start with versions of the thesis formulated with the minimal notion of a module. If the claim is
merely that there are central, functional modules, then Central Modularity is merely
the consensus view in cognitive science. Similarly, if the claim is merely that there
are lots of central, functional modules, then once more it is hard to discern any interesting and distinctive position. But if the kind of plurality involved is not merely
decompositional, but compositional in character, then we appear to have a position
that is rather more worthy of attention:
10
It should be noted that the present discussion presupposes answers to some genuine but
largely unaddressed questions about the individuation of cognitive mechanisms. In particular, it is
far from clear when two or more mechanisms are themselves parts of some larger mechanism. For
some discussion of such issues, see Lyons 2001.
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Central Compositional Modularity: Central cognition depends on a great many
functional modules that are not themselves composable into “larger” more
inclusive systems.
This would be a distinctive version of Central Modularity. Not because it maintains that central cognition depends on functional modules, or because it assumes
the existence of many such mechanisms, but because it implies a kind of decentralized or confederate view of central cognition: one on which our capacity for
thought, reasoning, judgment, and the like depends on the interaction of a multitude of distinct mechanisms. This is one way to articulate an interesting version
of Central Modularity without recourse to a Fodorian conception of modules.
Moreover, it is a suggestion that comports well with views articulated by some
prominent advocates of MM. So, for example, it appears to capture what Tooby
and Comsides have in mind when they liken our cognitive architecture to “a confederation of hundreds or thousands of functionally dedicated computers (often
called modules)” ( Tooby and Cosmides, 1995, xiv) What makes their position interesting is not merely that there are lots of such devices, but that they comprise a
loose confederacy of subsystems as opposed to, say, an all-encompassing unitary
central executive.
Let us now consider versions of Central Modularity formulated in terms of a
more robust conception of modularity. Here, the degree to which one’s version of
Central Modularity is interesting will depend on both (1) the extent to which central cognition is subserved by domain-specific and/or encapsulated mechanisms,
and (2) how many such modules there are. Both these questions could be answered
in a variety of different ways. At one extreme, for example, one might adopt the following relatively weak claim:
Weak Central Modularity: There are a number of domain-specific and/or
encapsulated central systems, but there are also non-modular—domaingeneral and unencapsulated—central systems as well.
Such a proposal is not without interest. But it is not especially radical in that it does
not stray far from the old-fashioned peripheral modularity advocated by Fodor.
Moreover, as we will see in Section 4, it does not raise the sorts of deep theoretical
problems that plague other, stronger versions of MM. At the other extreme one
might maintain:
Strong Central Modularity: All central systems are domain-specific and/or
encapsulated, and there are a great many of them.
This is a genuinely radical position since it implies that there are no domain-general,
informationally unencapsulated central systems. But this Strong Central Modularity is also implausible, for as we will see in later sections, there are no good reasons
to accept it, and some reason to think it is false.
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2. Massive Modularity and Evolution
AQ: 1
Discussions of MM are closely tied to claims about the evolutionary plausibility of
different architectural arrangements. Specifically, many have argued that MM is
plausible in the light of quite general considerations about the nature of evolution.
Though this is not the place to discuss such arguments in detail, what follows aims
to provide a flavor of the evolutionary motivations for MM. In doing so, I discuss
briefly two prominent arguments for MM.11 (For more detailed discussion of such
arguments see Tooby and Cosmides 1992; Sperber 1994; Samuels 1998; Fodor 2000;
Buller 2005; and Barrett and Kurzban 2005.)
2.1. Evolvability
One common argument for MM derives from Simon (1962)’s seminal discussion of
evolutionary stability (Carston 1996; Carruthers 2006). According to Simon, for an
evolutionary process to reliably assemble complex functional systems—biological
systems in particular—the overall system needs to be semi-decomposable: hierarchically organized from components with relatively limited connections to each other.
Simon illustrates the point with a parable of two watchmakers, Hora and Tempus,
both highly regarded for their fine watches. But while Hora prospered, Tempus
became poorer and poorer and finally lost his shop. The reason:
The watches the men made consisted of about 1000 parts each. Tempus had so
constructed his that if he had one partially assembled and had to put it down—
to answer the phone, say—it immediately fell to pieces and had to be reassembled from the elements. . . . The watches Hora handled were no less complex . . .
but he had designed them so that he could put together sub-assemblies of
about ten elements each. Ten of these subassemblies, again, could be put together into a larger subassembly and a system of ten of the latter constituted the
whole watch. Hence, when Hora had to put down a partly assembled watch in
order to answer the phone, he lost only a small part of his work, and he assembled his watches in only a fraction of the man-hours it took Tempus. (Simon
1962)
The obvious moral—and the one Simon invites us to accept—is that evolutionary
stability requires that complex systems be hierarchically organized from dissociable subsystems, and according to many, this militates in favor of MM (Carston
1996, 75).
Though evolutionary stability may initially appear to favor MM, one concern
is that the argument only supports the familiar mechanistic thesis that complex
machines are hierarchically assembled from (and decomposable into) many
11
There are other less plausible arguments for MM, which due to space limitations, will not
be considered here. For further discussion of other arguments for MM see Tooby and Cosmides
(1992); Sperber (1994), and Samuels (2000).
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subcomponents. But this clearly falls short of the claim that all (or even any) are
domain-specific or encapsulated. Rather it supports at most the sort of banal Plurality Thesis which I earlier referred to as decompositional plurality: one that is
wholly compatible with even a Big Computer view of central processes. All it implies is that if there are such complex central systems, they will need to be hierarchically organized into dissociable subsystems—which incidentally was the view Simon
and his main collaborators endorsed all along (Simon 1962; Newell 1990).
2.2. Task Specificity
Another well-known kind of evolutionary argument, widely associated with the
work of the evolutionary psychologists Leda Cosmides and John Tooby, purports to
show that once we appreciate the way in which natural selection operates and the
character of the cognitive problems that human beings confront, we will see that
there are good reasons for thinking that our minds contain a large number of distinct, modular mechanisms.
In brief, the argument is this: Human beings confront a great many evolutionarily important cognitive tasks whose solutions impose quite different demands.
For example, the demands on vision are distinct from those of speech recognition,
of mindreading, cheater detection, probabilistic judgment, grammar induction,
and so on. Further, it is unlikely that there is be a single general inference mechanism that could perform all these cognitive tasks, and even if there could be such a
mechanism, it would be systematically outperformed by a system comprised of an
array of distinct mechanisms, each of whose internal processes were specialized for
processing the different sorts of information in the way required to solve the task
(Carruthers 2006; Cosmides and Tooby 1992, 1994). But if this is so, then we should
expect the human mind to contain a great many functionally specialized cognitive
mechanisms since natural selection can be expected to favor superior solutions over
inferior ones. In short: we should expect minds to be massively modular in their
organization.
Though there is a lot to say about this argument, I will restrict myself to two
brief comments. (See Samuels 1998; Buller 2005; Fodor 2000; and Carruthers 2006
for further discussion.) First, if the alternatives were MM or a view of minds as
comprised of just a single general-purpose cognitive device, then MM would be the
more plausible. But these are clearly not the only options; on the contrary, there are
lots of different options. For example, opponents of MM might deny that central
systems are modular while still insisting there are plenty of modules for perception,
motor control, selective attention, and so on. In other words, the issue is, not merely
whether some cognitive tasks require specialized modules, but whether the sorts of
tasks associated with central cognition—paradigmatically, reasoning and decision
making—require a proliferation of such mechanisms.
Second, it is important to see that the addition of functionally dedicated
mechanisms is not the only way of enabling a complex system to address multiple
tasks. An alternative is to provide some (small set of) relatively functionally non-
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specific mechanism with the requisite bodies of information for solving the tasks
it confronts. This is a familiar proposal among those who advocate non-modular
accounts of central processes. Indeed, advocates of non-modular reasoning architectures routinely assume that reasoning devices have access to a huge amount of
specialized information on a great many topics, much of which will be learned
but some of which may be innately specified (Newell 1990; Anderson and Lebiere
2003). Moreover, it is one that plausibly explains much of the proliferation of
cognitive competences that humans exhibit throughout their lives—for example,
the ability to play chess, or reason about historical issues as opposed to politics or
gene splicing or restaurants. To be sure, it might be that each such task requires a
distinct mechanism, but such a conclusion does not flow from general argument
alone. For all we know, the same is true of the sorts of tasks advocates of MM
discuss. It may be that the capacity to perform certain tasks is explained by the
existence of specialized mechanisms. But how often this is the case for central
cognition is a largely open question that is not adjudicated by the argument from
task specificity.
3. Computational Tractability
and Relevance
A second family of arguments for MM focuses on a range of problems that are familiar from the history of cognitive science: problems that concern the computational tractability of cognitive processes. Though such intractability arguments vary
considerably in detail, they share a common format. First, they proceed from the
assumption that cognitive processes are classical computational ones—roughly, algorithmically specifiable processes defined over mental representations. This assumption has been criticized in many quarters, but it has widespread acceptance in
the context of the present debate, and for this reason I assume it here. Second, given
the assumption that cognitive processes are computational ones, intractability arguments seek to undermine non-modular accounts of cognition by establishing the
following Intractability Thesis:
IT: Non-modular cognitive mechanisms—in particular mechanisms for
reasoning and other central processes—are computationally intractable in
roughly the sense that they require more time or cognitive resources—for
example, memory and processing power—than humans can reasonably be
expected to possess.
But if this is so, and if the human mind is, as many cognitive scientists suppose, a
computational system of some kind, then it follows that the mind is composed of
modular cognitive mechanisms. After all, a model of cognition that requires
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resources that we do not possess is simply not one that can accurately characterize
the architecture of our minds.
3.1. Informational Impoverishment
Why accept the Intractability Thesis? One well-known argument for IT, often
associated with the work of Cosmides and Tooby, proceeds from the assumption
that a non-modular mechanism—one that is task nonspecific or domain-general
“lacks any content, either in the form of domain-specific knowledge or domainspecific procedures that can guide it towards the solution of problems” (Cosmides and Tooby 1994, 94). As a consequence, it “must evaluate all the alternatives
it can define” (94). But as Cosmides and Tooby observe, such a strategy is subject
to serious intractability problems, since even routine cognitive tasks are such
that the space of alternative options tends to increase exponentially. Non-modular mechanisms would thus seem to be computationally intractable: at best intolerably slow, and at worst incapable of solving the vast majority of problems
they confront.
Though frequently presented as an objection to non-MM accounts of cognitive
architecture, this argument is really only a criticism of theories that characterize
cognitive mechanisms as suffering from a particularly extreme form of informational impoverishment. Any appearance to the contrary derives from the stipulation that domain-general mechanisms possess no specialized knowledge. But this
conflates claims about the need for informationally rich cognitive mechanisms—a
claim that is not denied—with claims about the need for modularity, and though
modularity is one way to build specialized knowledge into a system, it is not the
only way. As noted earlier, another is for non-modular devices to have access to
bodies of specialized knowledge. Indeed, it is commonly assumed by non-modular
accounts of central processing that such devices have access to huge amounts of
information. This is obvious from even the most cursory survey of the relevant literatures. Fodor (1983), for example, maintains explicitly that non-modular central
systems have access to huge amounts of information; Gopnik, Newell, and many
others who adopt a non-modular conception of central systems maintain this as
well (Gopnik and Meltzoff 1997; Newell 1990). The argument currently under discussion thus succeeds only in refuting a straw man.
3.2. Relevance Problems
Non-modularists can avoid the conclusion of Cosmides and Tooby’s argument by
positing relatively task nonspecific mechanisms that have access to lots of information. Yet it is precisely the assumption of informational richness that generates the
most well-known tractability problems for non-modular accounts of cognition:
what have historically been construed as versions of the frame problem, though are
perhaps more accurately characterized as relevance problems (Pylyshyn 1989; Ford
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and Pylyshyn 1996; Samuels 2010). Roughly put, such problems conform to the following general schema:
Relevance Problems: Given a task, T, and computational system S, how does
S determine (with reasonable levels of success) from all the available
information which is relevant to the specific task at hand? (Glymour 1987).
Such problems can arise in the performance of many different tasks, including planning,
decision making, pragmatics, perception, and so on. But perhaps the most well-known—
and notoriously difficult to address—is a kind of relevance problem that arises in the
context of belief revision, what might be called problem of relevance in update:
Relevance in Update: Given some new information, how do we determine
(with reasonable levels of success) which of the representational states we
possess are relevant to determining how to update our beliefs?
Does this problem undermine non-modular, computational accounts of cognition?
Presumably it is a very hard research topic for cognitive science. Among other
things, it requires the specification of tractable, psychologically plausible computational processes that manage to successfully recruit those representations relevant
to the task at hand. But the fact that the problem constitutes a hard research topic is
not, by itself, reason to reject non-modular views. Rather, it is merely the specification of one central part of the problem of explaining belief revision, and moreover,
a part of the problem that presumably modular and non-modular views alike need
to address. What is required to turn this into an objection to non-modular, computational accounts is an argument for the claim that that non-modular accounts
cannot plausibly accommodate the sort of relevance-sensitivity characteristic of
human cognition. In what follows, I consider two arguments of this sort.
3.2.1. Exhaustive Search
One might think that in order to identify those items of information relevant to the
task at hand, a non-modular central system would need to perform exhaustive
searches over our beliefs. But given even a conservative estimate of the size of any
individual’s belief system, such a search would be unfeasible in practice. In this case,
it would seem that non-modular reasoning mechanisms are computationally
intractable.
Though it is unclear that anyone really endorses this argument, some have
found it hard not to view advocates of non-modular central systems as somehow
committed to exhaustive search (Carruthers 2004; Glymour 1985). Yet this view is
incorrect. What the non-modularist does accept is that unencapsulated reasoning
mechanisms have access to huge amounts of information—paradigmatically, all the
agent’s background beliefs. But the relevant notion of access is a modal one. It concerns what information—given architectural constraints—a mechanism can
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mobilize in solving a problem. In particular, it implies that any background belief
can be used, not that the mechanism in fact mobilizes the entire set of background
beliefs—that is, that it engage in exhaustive search.
3.2.2. Inferential Holism and the Intractability of Unencapsulated
Processes
A second closely related intractability argument focuses on the apparent implications of the assumption that modular mechanisms are paradigmatically encapsulated. Though the argument has been formulated many times over (see
Carruthers 2006; Samuels 2005; Barrett and Kurzban 2006), one relatively plausible rendering of the argument proceeds from the observation that much
human reasoning is holistic in character. In contrast to the argument from exhaustive search, the sort of holism at issue is not that all—or even most—of our
beliefs actually figure in any specific instance of reasoning. Instead, the sort of
holism at stake here is modal in character. What it amounts to is that under the
appropriate conditions—especially those involving different background beliefs—the relevance of a belief to a reasoning task can vary dramatically. Slightly
more precisely:
Inferential Holism: Given appropriate background beliefs, (almost) any belief
can be rendered relevant to the assessment of (almost)12 any other belief.13
To take a fairly simple example:14 On the face of it, the current cost of tea in China
has little to do with whether my brother’s baby in England will cry on Saturday
morning. But suppose that I believe my brother has stocks invested in Chinese tea,
that he reads the business section of the newspaper every Saturday morning, and
that on reading bad financial news he tends to fly into a rage. Given these background beliefs, it seems that beliefs about the current cost of tea in China may well
be relevant to beliefs about whether my brother’s baby will cry on Saturday morning. Mutatis mutandis for other beliefs. Or so it would seem. In which case, it would
seem that under the appropriate conditions, a given belief can be relevant to the
assessment of (almost) any other.
How is the apparent holism of human inference related to issues of modularity?
One connection is this: If our capacity for belief revision depends on some kind of
domain-general inference system, then such a system will need to be highly unencapsulated. Otherwise the mechanism in question could not explain the holistic
character of much human inference. But, the argument continues, such unencapsu12
Clearly, this could do with refinement. So, for example, few beliefs will presumably be
relevant to the assessment of logical beliefs—e.g., that if P, then P.
13
Or to use Fodor (1983)’s terminology: belief revision processes are isotropic.
14
The example is based on a case used in Copeland (1993), which, in turn, was based on an
example from Guha and Levy (1990).
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lated processes would be computationally intractable. They would require more
time and resources than we, in fact, possess. In which case, it cannot be that we possess unencapsulated reasoning mechanisms.
What are we to make of this argument? The first premise is plausible. If belief
revision is holistic and depends on a single mechanism, then the mechanism would
need to be unencapsualted. The problem is with the second premise. There is a long
story to tell here. (See Samuels 2005.) But the short version is that tractability does
not require encapsulation. As with most real-world computational applications—
Web search engines, for example—there may be heuristic and approximation techniques that permit feasible computation: techniques that often, though not
invariably, identify a substantial subset of those representations that are relevant to
the task at hand. Of course, this would not be an option if we maintained that, when
reasoning, we are guaranteed to identify relevant beliefs. But there is no reason
whatsoever to suppose that this claim is true. Indeed, one very clear moral from the
last four decades of research on human judgment and reasoning is that such standards of accuracy are misplaced.15 I conclude, then, that the present argument
fails.
3.3. The Locality Argument
A final kind of intractability argument that I consider here—one that has been
hugely influential in recent debate—is due to Jerry Fodor (2000, 2008). Fodor’s argument is a complex one, but the core idea can be framed in terms of a tension
between two claims.16 The first is that classical computational processes are local in
roughly the following sense: what computations apply to a particular representation is determined solely by its constituent structure—that is, by how the representation is constructed from its parts (2000, 30). To take a very simple example,
whether the addition function can be applied to a given representation is solely
determined by whether it has the appropriate syntactic structure—for example,
whether it contains a permissible set of symbols related by “+.”
The second claim is that much of our reasoning is global in that it is sensitive to
context-dependent properties of the entire belief system. In arguing for this, Fodor
focuses primarily on abductive reasoning (or inference to the best explanation).
Such inferences routinely occur in science and, roughly speaking, consist of coming
to endorse a particular belief or hypothesis on the grounds that it constitutes the
best available explanation of the data. One familiar feature of such inferences is that
the relative quality of hypotheses are not assessed merely in terms of their ability to
fit the data, but also in terms of their simplicity and conservativism. According to
Fodor, however, these properties are not intrinsic to a belief or hypothesis but are
15
See, for example, Pohl (2005) for a discussion of the myriad errors that we make in reasoning.
For more detailed discussion of the argument see Ludwig and Schneider (2007) and
Samuels (2010).
16
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global characteristics that a belief or hypothesis possesses by virtue of its relationship to a constantly changing system of background beliefs.
The problem, then, is this: If classical computational operations are local, how
could global reasoning processes, such as abduction, be computationally tractable?
Notice that if the above is correct, a classical abductive process could not operate
merely by looking at the hypotheses to be evaluated. This is because, by assumption,
what classical computations apply to a representation is determined solely by its
constituent structure, whereas the simplicity and conservativism of a hypothesis, H,
depends not only on its constituent structure but its relations to our system of background beliefs, K. In which case, a classical implementation of abduction would
need to look at both H and whatever parts of K determine the simplicity and conservativism of H. The question is: How much of K needs to be consulted in order
for a classical system to perform reliable abduction? According to Fodor, the answer
is that lots—indeed, very often, the totality—of the background will need to be accessed, since this is the “only guaranteed way” of classically computing a global
property. But this threatens to render reliable abduction\computationally intractable. As Fodor puts it:
Reliable abduction may require, in the limit, that the whole background of
epistemic commitments be somehow brought to bear on planning and belief fixation. But feasible abduction requires in practice that not more than a small subset
of even the relevant background beliefs are actually consulted. (2000, 37)
In short: if classicism is true, abduction cannot be reliable. But since abduction
presumably is reliable, classicism is false.
If sound, the above argument would appear to show that classicism itself is
untenable. So, why would anyone think it supports MM? The suggestion appears to
be that MM provides the advocate of CTM with a way out: a way of avoiding the
tractability problems associated with the globality of abduction without jettisoning
CTM (Sperber 2005; Carruthers 2006). Fodor himself put the point as well as
anyone:
Modules are informationally encapsulated by definition. And, likewise by
definition, the more encapsulated the informational resources to which a computational mechanism has access, the less the character of its operations is sensitive
to global properties of belief systems. Thus to the extent that the information accessible to a device is architecturally constrained to a proprietary database, it
won’t have a frame problem and it won’t have a relevance problem (assuming that
these are different); not, at least, if the database is small enough to permit approximations to exhaustive searches. (2000, 64)
The modularity of central systems is thus supposed to render reasoning processes
sufficiently local to permit tractable computation.
There are a number of serious problems with the above line of argument. One
that will not be addressed here concerns the extent to which MM provides a satisfactory way of shielding computationalism from the tractability worries associated
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with globality. What will be argued, however, is that although simplicity and conservativism are plausibly context dependent, Fodor provides us with no reason whatsoever to think that they are global in any sense that threatens non-modular versions
of computationalism.
First, when assessing the claim that abduction is global, it is important to
keep firmly in mind the general distinction between normative and descriptivepsychological claims about reasoning: claims about how we ought to reason, and
claims about how we actually reason. This distinction applies to the specific case of
assessing the simplicity and conservativism of hypotheses. On the normative reading, assessments of simplicity and conservativism ought to be global: that is, normatively correct assessments ought to take into consideration one’s total background
epistemic commitments. But of course it is not enough for Fodor’s purposes that
such assessments ought to be global. Rather, it needs to be the case that the assessments humans make are, in fact, global—and there is no reason whatsoever to suppose that this is true.
A comparison with the notion of consistency may help to make the point
clearer. Consistency is frequently construed as a normative standard against which
to assess one’s beliefs (Dennett 1987). Roughly, all else being equal, one’s beliefs
ought to be consistent with each other. When construed in this manner, however,
it is natural to think that consistency should be a global property in the sense that
any belief ought to be consistent with the entirety of one’s background beliefs. But
there is absolutely no reason to suppose that human beings conform to this norm,
and some reason to deny that we do. So, for instance, there is good reason to suppose that reliable methods of consistency checking are computationally too expensive for creatures like us to engage in, if consistency is construed as a global
property of belief systems (Cherniak 1986). Moreover, this is so in spite of the fact
that consistency really does play a role in our inferential practices. What I am suggesting is that much the same may be true of simplicity and conservativism. When
they are construed in a normative manner, it is natural to think of them as global
properties, but when construed as properties of the beliefs that figure in actual
human inference, there is no reason to suppose that they accord with this normative characterization.
Second, even if we suppose that simplicity and conservativism are global properties of actual beliefs, the locality argument still does not go through, since it turns
on the implausible assumption that we are guaranteed to make successful assessments of simplicity and conservativism. Specifically, in arguing for the conclusion
that abduction is computationally unfeasible, Fodor relies on the claim that “the
only guaranteed way of Classically computing a syntactic-but-global property” is to
take “whole theories as computational domains” (2000, 36). But guarantees are
beside the point. Why suppose that we always successfully compute the global properties on which abduction depends? Presumably we do not. And one very plausible
suggestion is that we fail to do so when the cognitive demands required are just too
great. In particular, for all that is known, we may well fail under precisely those circumstances the classical view would predict—namely, when too much of a belief
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system needs to be consulted in order to compute the simplicity or conservativism
of a given belief.
3.4. Modularity and Tractability
Even if intractability arguments for MM are not decisive, it is important to stress
that modularity does provide a number of resources for addressing tractability
problems. First, where a mechanism is functionally specialized or domain-specific,
it becomes possible to utilize a potent design strategy for reducing computational
load: namely, to build into the mechanism substantial amounts of information
about the problems that is it supposed to address. This might be done in a variety
of ways. It might be only implicit in the organization of the mechanism, or it might
be explicitly represented; it might take the form of rules or procedures or bodies of
propositional knowledge and so on. But however this information gets encoded, the
key point is that a domain-specific mechanism can be informationally rich and, as
a result, capable of rapidly and efficiently deploying those strategies and options
most relevant to the domain in which it operates. Such mechanisms thereby avoid
the need for computationally expensive search-and-assessment procedures that
might plague a more general-purpose device. For this reason, domain specificity
has seemed to many a plausible candidate for reducing the threat of combinatorial
explosion without compromising the reliability of cognitive mechanisms (Sperber
1994; Tooby and Cosmides 1992).
Second, encapsulation can help reduce computational load in two ways. First,
because the device only has access to a highly restricted database or memory, the
costs incurred by memory search are considerably reduced since there just is not
that much stuff over which the search can be performed. Second, by reducing the
range of accessible items of information, there is a concomitant reduction in the
number of relations between items—paradigmatically, relations of confirmation
and relevance—that can be computed.
Yet one might reasonably wonder what all the fuss is about. After all, computer
scientists have generated a huge array of methods—literally hundreds of different
search and approximation techniques—for reducing computational overheads
(Russell and Norvig 2003). What makes encapsulation of particular interest? Here is
where the deeper explanation comes into play. Most of the methods that have been
developed for reducing computational load require that the implementing mechanisms treat the assessment of relevance as a computational problem. Roughly, they
need to implement computational procedures that select from the available information some subset that is estimated to be relevant. In contrast, encapsulation is
supposed to obviate the need for such computational solutions. According to this
view, an encapsulated device (at least paradigmatically) only has access to a very
small amount of information. As a consequence, it can perform a (near) exhaustive
search on whatever information it can access, thereby avoiding the need to assess
relevance. There is a sense, then, in which highly encapsulated devices avoid the
relevance problem altogether (Fodor 2000).
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4. Problems of Cognitive-Behavioral
Flexibility
So far I have considered some prominent arguments for MM and found them wanting. I now consider a family of challenges for massive modularity that concern the
apparent flexibility of human behavior and cognition. Section 4.1 spells out three
sorts of representational flexibility that are alleged to pose a problem for MM, at
least in its more radical forms. Next, Section 4.2 highlights some closely related
problems that behavioral flexibility pose for MM. Finally, Section 4.3 reviews briefly
some possible responses to these problems.
4.1. Representational Flexibility
Perhaps the most commonly posed flexibility worries for MM concern various
kinds of representational plasticity that human thought appears to exhibit, but that
are not readily accommodated within a MM framework.
Representational Integration. A first kind of flexibility concerns our capacity to
freely combine conceptual representations across different subject matters or content domains. That is, we exhibit what Carruthers (2006) calls content flexibility. So,
for example, it is not merely that we can think about colors, about numbers, about
shapes, about food, and so on. Rather we can have thoughts that concern all these
things at once—for example, that we had two roughly round red steaks for lunch.
But if this is so, then the natural explanation of this capacity is that there are cognitive mechanisms that are able to combine representations from different cognitive
domains (Fodor 1983, 102). In this case, it would seem that there must be at least
some domain-general cognitive mechanisms.
Content General Consumption. Not only can we freely combine concepts, we
can also use the resulting representations in theoretical and practical inference to
assess their truth or plausibility, but also to assess their impact on our plans and
projects (Fodor 1983; Carruthers 2006). But if this so, then there must be mechanisms that can utilize such complex, novel representations. And the obvious explanation for this capacity is that we possess domain-general cognitive mechanisms—for
example, for planning and belief revision—that can take representations as input
more or less irrespective of their content.
Inferential Holism. A third kind of representation flexibility concerns the
range of information that we can bring to bear on solving a given problem. As
noted in Section 3, human reasoning appears to exhibit a kind of holism or isotropy (Fodor 1983). Given surrounding conditions—especially background beliefs—
the relevance of a belief to the theoretical or practical tasks in which one engages
can change dramatically. Indeed, it would seem that given appropriate background assumptions, almost any belief can be rendered relevant to the task in
which one engages (Copeland 1993). But if this is so, then the obvious explanation
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is, as Fodor noted long ago, that we possess central systems that are unencapsulated to an interesting degree.
What do these considerations show? First, they clearly do not show that there
are no modular central systems. This is because even if the explanation of representational flexibility requires the existence of some non-modular central systems, this
would be wholly consistent with the existence of other central systems that are
modular in character. In other words, the above considerations are wholly compatible with what I earlier called weak MM: the thesis that central cognition depends
on both modular mechanisms and domain-general, unencapsulated ones. Second,
the above considerations are also compatible with the sort of compositional MM
formulated using the minimal notion of a module. This is because such a thesis
does not require what the above considerations render implausible—that all modules are domain-specific and/or encapsulated—and this is simply because, in the
minimal sense of modularity, domain-general, unencapsulated mechanisms are
modules.
So, we should be cautious not to interpret the present considerations as undermining all versions of MM. Nevertheless, taken together the above kinds of representational plasticity do provide prima facie reason to suppose that there are
cognitive mechanisms that are domain general and unencapsulated. This is because
the assumption that there are such mechanisms yields the simplest and most natural explanation of the kinds of flexibility outlined above. To that extent, then, the
existence of representational flexibility renders Strong MM implausible.
Advocates of Strong MM have sought to provide accounts of the above kinds of
flexibility—accounts that eschew any commitment to the sorts of non-modular
mechanisms posited by Fodor and others. If such proposals could be made to work,
then the argument from representational flexibility would be significantly weakened. In Section 4.3 I briefly review some of these modularist proposals. But first we
need to consider a closely related kind of flexibility problem that an adequate version of MM must address.
4.2. Behavioral Flexibility and Flow of Control
The worries considered so far concern the apparent flexibility of our representational capacities. But there is another very closely related kind of worry that concerns a striking fact about the character and range of our cognitive-behavioral
repertoire. To a first approximation:
Flexibility Thesis: We are capable of performing an exceedingly wide—perhaps
unbounded—range of tasks in a context-appropriate fashion.
According to some critics, the worry about MM, at least in radical form, is that it
lacks the resources to account for this kind of flexibility.
Some comments are in order. First, though there are many issues of detail regarding precisely how best to formulate the Flexibility Thesis, the general idea has
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very widespread acceptance. Indeed, it has a heritage that goes back at least as far as
Descartes; it is widely endorsed by cognitive scientists (Newell 1990; Anderson and
Lebiere 2003); and it has seemed irresistible to those who study either the anthropological record (Richerson and Boyd 2006) or the contrasts between human behavior
and that of other primates (Whiten et al. 2003).
Second, though the Flexibility Thesis is logically distinct from the sorts of
representational flexibility mentioned in Section 4.1, it is important to stress
that on many extant accounts of cognition, the two are very intimately related.
Specifically, one very common reason for invoking flexible, representation-rich
processes is to explain the highly variable yet context-appropriate character of
human behavior. Crudely put: on one very common view of cognition—one
that many modularists endorse—human behavior is flexible in large measure
because it causally depends on flexible representational processes (Newell 1990;
Pylyshyn 1984).
Third, the fact of behavioral flexibility is, of course, not merely an explanatory
challenge for modular theories of cognitive architecture, but a serious explanatory
challenge for any account of cognition (Newell 1990). Indeed, it is arguably just the
problem of explaining intelligent behavior. Nevertheless, some critics maintain that
behavioral flexibility poses quite specific and serious challenges for advocates of
MM because their position appears to preclude the sorts of explanations that most
plausibly explain the character and range of human behavior: that is, those that
posit domain-general, functionally nonspecific mechanisms.
One central virtue of domain-general, functionally nonspecific mechanisms is
that they can underwrite the performance of a great many tasks. They are, in Descartes’s memorable phrase, “universal instruments.” Advocates of a thoroughgoing
MM cannot, of course, avail themselves of such mechanisms. But neither can they
plausibly suppose that we possess a specific module for each task we can perform.
As Descartes observed, the range of tasks that we can perform is simply too great for
such a proposal to be at all plausible.17 How, then, can advocates of MM explain the
range of tasks that we are capable of performing?
It would seem that there is only one available option. Advocates of MM are
committed to providing what might be called a confederate account of cognitive
flexibility: one on which flexible behavior is, as Pinker puts it, the product of
“a network of subsystems that feed each other in criss-crossing but intelligible ways”
(Pinker 2005. See also Pinker 1994 and James 1890). But merely pointing this out is
not, of course, an explanation of our cognitive-behavioral flexibility so much as a
statement of the problem given a commitment to MM. The challenge for advocates
of MM is to sketch the right sort of plurality and “criss-crossing” between mechanisms, and this would require an account that addresses at least the following
problems.
17
As Fodor once pointed out, sometimes we manage to balance our checkbooks, but it is not
at all likely that there is a modular device for doing that!
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First, on the assumption that behavioral flexibility causally depends on flexible
representation-rich processes, such an account would need to handle the sorts of
flexibility mentioned in Section 4.1., that is:
Integration Problem: Advocates of MM need to explain how novel, crossdomain representations can be produced.
Consumption Problem: Advocates of MM need to explain how novel, crossdomain representations could be utilized in reasoning, decision making, and
other cognitive processes.
Holism Problem: Advocates of MM need to explain how some inferential
processes could exhibit their characteristic holism.
To avoid positing non-modular mechanisms, a thoroughgoing MM would need to explain such phenomena as a product of the collaborative activity of multiple modules.
Second, because MM is committed to a confederate account of behavioral flexibility, advocates of MM also need to address a problem about the flow of control
that is often ignored in discussions of MM. If solutions to the problems we confront
frequently depend on the collaborative interaction of a host of modules, there needs
to be some account of how the right module “gains control” of the process at the
right time. This is because on such a model, a correct or appropriate outcome will
occur only if an appropriate module is activated at the right time in the process. So,
advocates of MM need to address what might be called the allocation problem:
Allocation Problem: Advocates of MM need to characterize the control
structures that ensure that representations are allocated to the relevant
modules at the right time.
Issues about flow of control are commonplace in computer science, and there are
many ways to organize a computational system in order to address such issues. In
the case of thoroughgoing versions of MM, however, the allocation problem has
seemed especially pressing because it has proven hard to think of plausible control
structures that could enable cognitive-behavioral flexibility without compromising
the assumption that our minds contain only modular systems.
Though there are many variants of the allocation problem, it would be useful to
start with one especially well-known version, discussed by Fodor (2000). What
Fodor purports to show is that the allocation problem poses a kind of logical problem for strong versions of MM. Specifically, he argues that, on pain of regress, solving the allocation problem requires that there exist at least some domain-general
mechanisms. In this case there is, according to Fodor, a sense in which the hypothesis of a completely modular architecture—one that eschews domain-general
mechanisms entirely—is “self-defeating.”
To appreciate Fodor’s version of the allocation problem, we need to focus on
the question of whether the mechanisms responsible for allocating representations
to modules are themselves domain-specific. Fodor maintains that there are really
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P1
All
Representations
M1
Box 1
Box 2
P2
M2
P1
M1
All
Representations
Box 3
P2
M2
Figure 1. Fodor’s input problem.
only two options, which are represented schematically in Figure 1. According to the
first option, represented by Box 1, the allocation mechanism is relatively domaingeneral, in which case it is able to perform its allocating function because it can
access both those representations that should be allocated to M1 and those that
should be allocated to M2. (Think of someone passing apples to one friend and
oranges to another. They need to have access to both apples and oranges to perform
that task.) But the problem with this option is that the allocating mechanism (Box
1) is not itself domain-specific, and so (strong) MM is false. The second option,
represented by Box 2 and Box 3 in the diagram, is that allocation mechanisms are no
more domain-general than the modules to which they allocate representations. In
this arrangement, the existence of allocation mechanisms does not violate MM by
assuming the existence of non-modular devices. But according to Fodor, it is now
unclear how the allocation mechanisms could, themselves, have been allocated the
relevant representations. If we suppose that it was another domain-specific allocator, then regress ensues, and if we suppose that the allocator is domain-general, then
we once more violate the assumptions of strong MM. On the face of it, then, allocation poses a serious challenge for strong versions of MM.
4.3. Massively Modular Architectures for the Explanation
of Cognitive-Behavioral Flexibility
What sort of massively modular architecture could address the various problems of
flexibility and allocation outlined above? At this time, the issues remain largely
open, and extant proposals are pitched at a very abstract—sometimes metaphorical—level. Nonetheless, I now propose to consider some of the suggestions that
have been floated in recent years.
4.3.1. Weak Massive Modularity
One response, mentioned earlier, would be to acknowledge the need for at least
some domain-general and/or unencapsulated mechanisms. Such positions are
commonplace in recent cognitive science among theorists who are otherwise quite
sympathetic to modular accounts of cognition. Thus, for example, Susan Carey and
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Inputs
Outputs
Figure 2. Pipeline architectures.
John Anderson both endorse versions of this weak MM position, and moreover
they do so in large measure because it helps handle the sorts of problems mentioned earlier (Anderson 2007; Carey 2009).
Weak MM is a plausible position for it has the resources to accommodate the
empirical evidence for modularity while also allowing for aspects of cognition—
various kinds of learning, analogical inference, planning, and so on—that do not
seem modular in character. Nonetheless, for some advocates of MM, such a position may seem unattractive on broad theoretical grounds. As we saw in Sections 2
and 3, it is quite common to maintain that, for evolutionary and computational
reasons, non-modular mechanisms are implausible, and consequently that some
more thoroughgoing version of MM is required. For such theorists it would be implausible to suppose that non-modular devices have a major role to play in human
cognition.
4.3.2. Pipeline Architectures
Suppose that one seeks a thoroughgoing—or strong—MM. How might one address the problems of representational flexibility and allocation? One possibility
would be to advocate what are sometimes called pipeline architectures. The general
idea is that the modules within such a system are organized in a lattice-like fashion
so that their interconnections satisfy two conditions:
a) Information flow is unidirectional: Once information enters a device in a
given layer, n, it cannot subsequently enter another device in n, or a device
in any layer prior to n. Rather, information is automatically routed to a
device to some subsequent layer of the system.
b) Uniqueness: Information processed by one module can be routed to (at
most) one other module.
On these assumptions, then, the overall system can be schematically represented as
a set of parallel pipelines, each composed of a number of interconnected modular
processing units. (See Figure 2.)
It is important to stress that no one has ever seriously defended pipeline architectures in the simple form presented here.18 Nonetheless, it will be instructive to
18
It is worth noting, however, that there are various influential proposals that come
very close. In particular, the Subsumption Architecture advocated by Rodney Brooks and his
collaborators bears striking similarities, and raises very similar problems. For further discussion
see Barrett (2006), Brooks (1991), Kirsch (1991), and Hurley (2001).
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consider them since simple pipeline architectures possess a number of properties
relevant to our present discussion, which can help clarify the problems that flexibility poses for MM.
First, such architectures enforce a strong kind of MM because they ensure that
different mechanisms have access to different, non-overlapping pools of information. Indeed they ensure that modules satisfy exceedingly strong conditions on both
domain–specificity and informational encapsulation.19 Modules within such a
system will be domain-specific because they receive inputs from at most one other
system. And since the information that any module receives is simply its input, each
module will also be encapsulated. Thus pipeline architectures are both strongly
modular and satisfy Fodorian conditions on modularity.
Second, there is a sense in which pipeline architectures evade the sorts of allocation worries discussed earlier. Since modules within such an architecture are
triggered by their inputs and pass information uniquely and unidirectionally, the
flow of control within a pipleline architecture is rigid and inflexible. For example,
if the first module in a pipeline, P, is activated by a sensory input, then every subsequent module in P will also be activated, and modules that are not in P will not
be activated by the sensory input. One way to put the point is that in such a view
there is no computational problem of allocation; rather, allocation is brute-causal
and hardwired.
Third, the previous observation is important for understanding Fodor’s allocation problem. This is because it highlights that strong MM per se is not selfdefeating—or at least not for the reasons that Fodor provides. Fodor’s problem
turns on the putative fact that regress ensues unless one posits domain-general allocation mechanisms. But within a pipeline architecture the regress of allocation is
halted by the first module in the pipeline—we might suppose a sensory mechanism
of some sort. Thus, the dilemma that Fodor seeks to generate for MM—either regress of allocation or domain-general allocators—never gets off the ground.
Fourth, it is important to see that pipeline architectures only succeed in resolving Fodor’s puzzle at a serious cost. Specifically, the proposed solution implies that
modules in different pipelines cannot interact—that many configurations of intermodular interaction are impossible—and this, in turn, imposes serious limitations
on the sorts of flexibility that can be accommodated by such a confederate system.
First, representations in different pipes cannot be freely combined, in which case a
pipeline architecture will not solve the integration problem. Second, since pipeline
architectures cannot combine representations from distinct domains, they cannot
explain our apparent capacity to use cross-domain representations in our practical
and theoretical inferences. In other words, they cannot offer a solution to the consumption problem for MM.20 Third, since pipeline architectures enforce a rigid
19
Of course, this assumes the (obvious) fact that no sensory mechanisms are domain-general.
Indeed there is a sense in which such systems do not confront a consumption problem
since there are no cross-domain representations to be consumed.
20
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distinction between informational pools, such a system cannot exhibit inferential
holism. Finally, since behavioral flexibility is supposed to depend on the above sorts
of representational flexibility, pipeline architectures preclude the kinds of intermodular interactions that seem required to produce novel, flexible behavior. In
short: though pipeline architectures evade the allocation problem that Fodor poses,
they do so at the cost of completely failing to accommodate the sorts of flexibility
that advocates of MM need to explain.
Finally, the above discussion suggests an interesting connection between the
problems posed by allocation and the problems that cognitive flexibility poses.
Recall: it is precisely because pipeline architectures enforce a rigid division between
pipelines of modules that they both evade Fodor’s allocation problem and fail to
exhibit representational flexibility. But what this suggests is that, within MM architectures, problems of allocation or control are closely related to the system’s capacity to exhibit various kinds of representational flexibility. Roughly put, the more
flexibility the system exhibits, the more serious we should expect allocation problems to be. More specifically, the above discussion suggests that Fodor’s version of
the allocation problem—that of requiring domain-general control structures—is
one that only arises for modular systems that exhibit the appropriate kinds of representational flexibility, and the more flexibility exhibited, the more need there will
be for such control structures. I return to this issue below. But for now let us consider another possible approach to the problems of flexibility and allocation.
4.3.3. Enzymatic Computation
Recently, Clark Barrett has presented a proposal that is intended to address worries
about allocation at the same time as it explains aspects of cognitive flexibility (Barrett 2005). Barrett’s point of departure is Fodor’s version of the allocation problem.
As such, his proposal might be viewed merely as an attempt to resolve the kind of
logical problem that, according to Fodor, allocation poses for massively modular
architectures. Alternatively, it might be construed as trying to satisfy the stronger
demand of providing an empirically plausible model for how a massively modular
system might exhibit flexibility. What follows outlines Barrett’s proposal and then
considers these options in turn.
In developing his view, Barrett takes enzymatic systems in biochemistry as a
model for how a modular mind might be organized. Broadly speaking, enzymatic
systems possess two kinds of properties that make them appropriate as a model of
cognitive modularity. The first class of properties is those that allow enzymes to
function as specialized computational devices. Specifically:
a) Enzymes accept information of a particular kind, generally in the form
of chemical substrates with particular properties that meet the binding
specificity criteria of the enzyme in a “lock and key” fashion.
b) They perform specific operations on the information they admit,
catalyzing reactions that produce reaction products with different
properties than the input substrates.
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c) The reaction products produced by enzymes are in a format useable by
other systems, thereby allowing for complex cascades of activity.
A second class of properties possessed by enzymatic systems that Barrett thinks
make them appropriate as a model of cognitive modularity concerns the environment in which interactions between enzymes and substrate occur. Specifically, such
interactions occur in “open” systems (solutions) in which all substrates are accessible, in principle, to all enzymes. Thus in such enzymatic systems one has access
generality—where all information (substrates) are available to all processing mechanisms (enzymes)—with processing specificity: where each kind of enzyme only performs highly specific operations on a very specific range of substrates—viz. those
that satisfy the binding criteria of the enzyme. Importantly for Barrett’s purposes,
enzymatic systems achieve this combination of access generality and processing
specificity without the need for a mechanism that delivers substrates to enzymes.
Thus within such systems there is no rigid routing (à la the pipeline model) or domain-general “meta” device for allocation (à la Fodor). Thus, according to Barrett,
enzymatic systems provide both (1) an existence proof of naturally occurring modular systems that avoid the sorts of allocation problems Fodor raises, and (2) a
model of how the flow of control within cognitive systems might occur.
What should we make of Barrett’s proposal? First, let us consider it as a response to the putatively logical problem of allocation that Fodor poses for MM.
Barrett is correct that flow of control within a MM cognitive system could, in principle, operate in the same way as enzymatic systems do. Specifically, it is possible to
envisage a system comprised of process-specific mechanisms operating in an access
general environment in such a way that specialized mechanisms gain access to relevant inputs without the need for non-modular allocation devices. As such, Barrett’s proposal provides a way to resolve the logical problem Fodor seeks to generate
for MM, and to that extent the proposal is successful.21
How does Barrett’s enzymatic proposal fare as an empirically plausible model of
the mind’s organization? Here I am rather less sanguine. Construed literally, the
enzymatic model is deeply implausible, and construed as mere metaphor it is utterly unclear that it can be cashed out without reintroducing precisely the sorts of
domain-general control structures that it seeks to avoid.
In order to see why, on a literal construal, the enzymatic model is implausible,
we need to get clearer about why enzymatic systems—real enzymatic systems—do
not require routing mechanisms or meta-control devices. The central problem of
control within a modular cognitive architecture is the problem of enabling the right
mechanism to access the right representations at the relevant time. There is an analogous problem for enzymes. In order for enzymes to produce their products, they
must bind the relevant substrate. How does that occur? Of course, there is no “routing system” that brings the relevant substrate to the right enzyme. Instead, enzymes
21
Though since the simpler pipeline model achieves the same result, it is unclear that this
success is of any great significance.
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interact with substrates via a process that crucially depends on chance collision. To
a first approximation, dumb luck (random probability) is a central component of
the story of how enzymes come to have their characteristic effects within an open
system. Where solution conditions are fixed, the rate at which enzymatic processes
occur is a function of enzyme and substrate concentrations. Where either concentration is high, catalytic reactions occur rapidly because there is a higher probability
that individual enzymes will encounter substrates that satisfy their binding conditions. By contrast, where concentrations are low, rates of reaction are low because
compatible proteins and substrates rarely encounter each other. And, of course,
where there is just one instance of an enzyme and one instance of an appropriate
substrate in a sea of other substrates, the probability of a relevant collision at any
particular point in time is exceedingly low.
The moral should be clear for discussions of cognitive architecture. Enzymatic
systems do possess properties that are closely analogous to those possessed by putative cognitive modules. Moreover, enzymes are able to do their job—convert substrate into products—in the absence of any routing or meta-device for allocation.
Thus the possibility of enzymatic computation shows, contrary to Fodor, that there
is no logical problem of allocation within a massively modular system. But much
more would need to be said in order to render the enzyme metaphor plausible as an
empirical model of control flow. This is because, when applied in a literal fashion to
cognitive systems, the proposal yields a conception of control flow on which appropriate cognitive processing—as opposed to lots of fruitless failed interactions
between modules and representations—is simply the product of random interactions in an environment that contains high concentrations of modules of the same
type and high concentrations of representations of the same type. And this is not
even remotely plausible as a story for how cognition works.22
Of course, Barrett is well aware that, construed literally, enzymatic systems are
not a plausible model for how modular cognitive systems interact. Indeed, it is a
point he stresses repeatedly. As a consequence, he instead treats talk of enzymatic
systems as a metaphor in need of further development. But now the problem is that
it is far from clear how this can done while still preserving the idea that the human
mind has a MM architecture that manifests flexibility and yet avoids the need for
domain-general allocation devices.
In developing his view, Barrett tends to draw on examples of computational
models that bear an abstract resemblance to enzymatic systems. In particular, he is
fond of developing the enzymatic metaphor with reference to the sorts of blackboard architectures that exhibit a kind of open access combined with processing
specificity (Hayes-Roth 1985). But the problem with this is that computationally
well-specified backboard architectures—as opposed to breezy descriptions of the
22
Though there is not enough space to consider the issue in detail here, one possible way
to respond to the present worry would be to hypothesize that (1) the informational repository is
open but highly structured, and (2) modules tend to be located in close proximity to those areas of
the repository that contain information that satisfies their input conditions.
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rough idea—incorporate precisely the sort of domain-general allocation mechanism that Barrett seems so keen to avoid. Specifically, though such architectures are
comprised of an open source repository of information (the blackboard), and multiple (software) modules—often called “knowledge sources”—they also have a control shell as a core component. What the control shell does is use generic control
knowledge in order to make runtime decisions about the course of problem solving.
In other words, it is an allocation device that determines which of the available
modules gets to perform its computations at a given time on information in the
blackboard (Corkill 2003). But this is precisely the kind of domain-general control
device that is so conducive to Fodor’s presentation of the allocation problem, and
so at odds with the spirit of the enzymatic model. In short, if the blackboard architecture is what one gets when the enzymatic metaphor is spelled out, then strong
MM must be rejected.
5. Conclusion
This chapter sought first to clarify MM and distinguish a range of importantly
different versions of the thesis. Second, it critically assessed some of the more
prominent arguments for MM—arguments that purport to show that it is plausible either on evolutionary grounds or on grounds of computational tractability.
Finally, it introduced some of the problems that cognitive-behavioral flexibility
appears to pose for MM, at least in its strongest forms. The foregoing discussion
of flexibility clearly does not preclude the possibility of an empirically plausible
strong MM. Among other things, there are other important modularist proposals—such as those proposed by Sperber (2005) and Carruthers (2006)—that have
not been discussed here, and a comprehensive assessment would require due consideration of these proposals. But neither was the discussion intended to ground
such a strong conclusion. Rather, the goals were threefold. The first was to flag
some of the kinds of flexibility that appear to pose problems for MM. The second
was to highlight that, in the absence of any well-specified and plausible modularist account of flexibility, positing non-modular devices appears to yield the most
natural and plausible account of flexibility. The final goal was to suggest that in
going beyond mere metaphor and vague suggestion, extant modularist proposals
that seek to accommodate cognitive flexibility appear to risk reintroducing precisely the sorts of domain-general, non-modular mechanisms that they seek to
banish. For all that has been said, this might reflect mere contingent features of
extant proposals. But another and rather more intriguing possibility is that there
are deep and systematic connections between manifesting human levels of cognitive-behavioral flexibility and the need for domain-general mechanisms. Though
this is not the place to spell out the argument, I suspect that this is what is really
going on.
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