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  1.  5
    Christian Blum & Christina Isabel Zuber (2016). Liquid Democracy: Potentials, Problems, and Perspectives. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (2):162-182.
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  2.  3
    Jan Brezger & Andreas Cassee (2016). Debate: Immigrants and Newcomers by Birth—Do Statist Arguments Imply a Right to Exclude Both? Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (2).
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  3.  20
    Max Cherem (2016). Refugee Rights: Against Expanding the Definition of a “Refugee” and Unilateral Protection Elsewhere. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (2):183-205.
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  4.  13
    Bryan Cwik (2016). Property Rights in Non‐Rival Goods. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (2):n/a-n/a.
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  5.  5
    Kasper Lippert‐Rasmussen (2016). Affirmative Action, Historical Injustice, and the Concept of Beneficiaries. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (2).
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  6.  10
    Luke Maring (2016). Debate: Why Does the Excellent Citizen Vote? Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (2):245-257.
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  7.  6
    Kieran Oberman (2016). Immigration, Citizenship, and Consent: What is Wrong with Permanent Alienage? Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (2).
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  8.  7
    David Runciman (2016). Political Theory and Real Politics in the Age of the Internet. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (2):n/a-n/a.
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  9.  1
    Rahul Sagar (2016). Are Charter Cities Legitimate? Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (2).
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  10.  5
    Robert Sparrow (2016). If People Were Movies? Free Speech and Free Association. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (2):227-244.
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  11.  9
    Rosa Terlazzo (2016). Conceptualizing Adaptive Preferences Respectfully: An Indirectly Substantive Account. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (2):206-226.
    While the concept of adaptive preferences is an important tool for criticizing injustice, it is often claimed that using the concept involves showing disrespect for persons judged to have adaptive preferences. In this paper, I propose an account of adaptive preferences that does the relevant political work while still showing persons two centrally important kinds of respect. My account is based in what I call an indirect substantive account of autonomy, which places substantive requirements on the options available to a (...)
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  12.  30
    Steven Wall (2016). Political Morality and the Authority of Tradition. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (2):137-161.
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  13.  66
    Anca Gheaus (2016). The Right to Parent and Duties Concerning Future Generations. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (1).
  14.  1
    Jeffrey W. Howard (2016). Moral Subversion and Structural Entrapment. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (1):24-46.
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  15.  11
    Frank Lovett & Gregory Whitfield (2016). Republicanism, Perfectionism, and Neutrality. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (1):120-134.
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  16.  2
    Paulina Ochoa Espejo (2016). Taking Place Seriously: Territorial Presence and the Rights of Immigrants. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (1):67-87.
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  17.  5
    Matthieu Queloz (2016). The Double Nature of DNA: Reevaluating the Common Heritage Idea. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (1):47-66.
    DNA possesses a double nature: it is both an analog chemical compound and a digital carrier of information. By distinguishing these two aspects, this paper aims to reevaluate the legally and politically influential idea that the human genome forms part of the common heritage of mankind, an idea which is thought to conflict with the practice of patenting DNA. The paper explores the lines of reasoning that lead to the common heritage idea, articulates and motivates what emerges as the most (...)
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  18.  25
    Andrea Sangiovanni (2016). How Practices Matter. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (1):3-23.
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  19.  5
    Michael Zürn (2016). Survey Article: Four Models of a Global Order with Cosmopolitan Intent: An Empirical Assessment. Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (1):88-119.
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