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  • Michael C. Anderson & Benjamin J. Levy (2006). Encouraging the Nascent Cognitive Neuroscience of Repression. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29 (5):511-513.
    Repression has remained controversial for nearly a century on account of the lack of well-controlled evidence validating it. Here we argue that the conceptual and methodological tools now exist for a rigorous scientific examination of repression, and that a nascent cognitive neuroscience of repression is emerging. We review progress in this area and highlight important questions for this field to address.
    Philosophy of Neuroscience, Misc in Philosophy of Cognitive Science
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  • 91.8Matthew Hugh Erdelyi (2006). The Return of the Repressed. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29 (5):535-543.
    Repression continues to be controversial. One insight crystallized by the commentaries is that there is a serious semantic problem, partly resulting from a long silence in psychology on repression. In this response, narrow views (e.g., that repression needs always be unconscious, must yield total amnesia) are challenged. Broader conceptions of repression, both biological and social, are considered, with a special stress on repression of meanings (denial). Several issues – generilizability, falsifiability, personality factors, the interaction of repression with cognitive channel (e.g., recall vs. (...) dreams), and false-memory as repression – are discussed. (shrink)
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  • 84.2John F. Kihlstrom (2006). Repression: A Unified Theory of a Will-O'-the-Wisp. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29 (5):523-523.
    By conflating Freudian repression with thought suppression and memory reconstruction, Erdelyi defines repression so broadly that the concept loses its meaning. Worse, perhaps, he fails to provide any evidence that repression actually happens, and ignores evidence that it does not.
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  • 83.0Esther Fujiwara & Marcel Kinsbourne (2006). Forging a Link Between Cognitive and Emotional Repression. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29 (5):519-520.
    Erdelyi distinguishes between cognitive and emotional forms of repression, but argues that they use the same general mechanism. His discussion of experimental memory findings, on the one hand, and clinical examples, on the other, does indeed indicate considerable overlap. As an in-between level of evidence, research findings on emotion in neuroscience, as well as experimental and social/personality psychology, further support his argument.
    Psychopathology and Emotion in Philosophy of Cognitive Science
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  • 81.0Joseph M. Boden (2006). Motive and Consequence in Repression. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29 (5):514-515.
    Erdelyi's unified theory of repression offers a significant advance in understanding the disparate findings related to repression. However, the theory de-emphasizes the role of motive in repression, and it is argued here that motive is critical to the understanding of repression as it occurs in the mental life of individuals.
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  • 79.6Jennifer J. Freyd (2006). The Social Psychology of Cognitive Repression. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29 (5):518-519.
    Erdelyi identifies cognitive and emotional motives for repression, but largely neglects social motivations. Yet social pressure to not know, and implicit needs to isolate awareness in order to protect relationships, are common motives. Social motives may even trump emotional motives; the most painful events are sometimes the most difficult to repress. Cognitive repression may be impacted by social information sharing.
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  • 77.1Golan Shahar (2006). Repression, Suppression, and Oppression (in Depression). Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29 (5):533-534.
    Erdelyi's two key tenets – that repression may be conscious (“suppression”) and that it is context-sensitive – resonate well with findings on unipolar depression. Drawing from this field, I argue that (1) “oppression,” namely, pressure from significant others to refrain from attending to certain mental contents, influences individuals' repression/suppression; and that, (2) individuals actively create the very contexts that facilitate their repression/suppression.
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  • 75.0Simon Boag (2007). 'Real Processes' and the Explanatory Status of Repression and Inhibition. Philosophical Psychology 20 (3):375 – 392.
    The recent interest in neuroscientific psychodynamic research ('neuropsychoanalysis') has meant that empirical findings are emerging which allow greater public scrutiny of psychodynamic concepts. However, Malcolm Macmillan has claimed that the psychoanalytic cornerstone, repression, is a circular explanatory concept and incapable of referring to a "real process." This paper discusses Macmillan's criticism and finds that repression is a coherent explanatory term and is not precluded from referring to real processes. Specifically, 'neural inhibition,' triggered by social factors, can account for Freudian repression, (...) without succumbing to circular explanation. Recent developments in neuroscience suggest that a plausible mechanism of inhibition exists, providing testable avenues for the 'cornerstone' of psychoanalysis. Evidence of the role of the frontal lobes, a brain area that appears to mediate the influence of social factors upon impulse control, demonstrates that repression is plausible within a dynamic neural framework. (shrink)
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  • 74.7Harlene Hayne, Maryanne Garry & Elizabeth F. Loftus (2006). On the Continuing Lack of Scientific Evidence for Repression. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29 (5):521-522.
    The forgetting and remembering phenomena that Erdelyi outlines here have little to do with the concept of repression. None of the research that he describes shows that it is possible for people to repress (and then recover) memories for entire, significant, and potentially emotion-laden events. In the absence of scientific evidence, we continue to challenge the validity of the concept of repression.
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  • 74.0Michael Schredl (2006). Repression and Dreaming: An Open Empirical Question. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29 (5):531-532.
    From the perspective of modern dream research, Freud's hypotheses regarding repression and dreaming are difficult to evaluate. Several studies indicate that it is possible to study these topics empirically, but it needs a lot more empirical evidence, at least in the area of dream research, before arriving at a unified theory of repression.
    Dreams in Philosophy of Mind
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  • 71.6Nick Medford & Anthony S. David (2006). Learning From Repression: Emotional Memory and Emotional Numbing. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29 (5):527-528.
    Erdelyi argues persuasively for his unified theory of repression. Beyond this, what can studying repression bring to our understanding of other aspects of emotional function? Here we consider ways in which work on repression might inform the study of, on one hand, emotional memory, and on the other, the emotional numbing seen in patients with chronic persistent depersonalization symptoms.
    Psychopathology and Emotion in Philosophy of Cognitive Science
    Memory in Philosophy of Mind
    Emotion and Consciousness in Psychology in Philosophy of Cognitive Science
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