Online research in philosophy

This article analyzes the role of ideology vis?à?vis three major crises of the twentieth century: the end of ideology, the end of politics and the end of history. In each, it is contended, ideology epitomized a central feature of modern society; in the aftermath of these crises, however, there is still a place for the study of ideology. The second part explores five challenges for analyzing ideology in the twenty?first century: ideology in non?Western societies, ideology beyond the state, alternative collective actors as holders of ideology, the role of public discourse and the boundaries between political theory and the study of ideology.

Hobbes’s political theory has traditionally been taken to be an endorsement of state power and a prescription for unconditional obedience to the sovereign’s will. In this book, Susanne Sreedhar develops a novel interpretation of Hobbes’s theory of political obligation and explores important cases where Hobbes claims that subjects have a right to disobey and resist state power, even when their lives are not directly threatened. Drawing attention to this broader set of rights, her comprehensive analysis of Hobbes’s account of political disobedience reveals a unified and coherent theory of resistance that has previously gone unnoticed and undefended. Her book will appeal to all who are interested in the nature and limits of political authority, the right of self-defense, the right of revolution, and the modern origins of these issues.

What is to be “protected†is US power and the interests it represents, not the world, which vigorously opposed the conception. Within a few months, studies revealed that fear of the United States had reached remarkable heights, along with distrust of the political leadership. An international Gallup poll in December, barely noted in the <

CHAPTER ONE IDEOLOGY AND CONFUSION Among political concepts none is more muddled or more fraught than ideology. This is not for the want of theories to ...

In the middle section of Theory and Practice , Kant speaks briefly `against Hobbes'; but for a fuller version of Kant's anti-Hobbesianism one must turn to the three Critiques , the Groundwork , and Religion within the Limits of Reason Alone . It is in those works that one learns that, for Kant, Hobbes's notion of `will' as fully determined `last appetite' destroys the freedom needed to take `ought' or moral necessity as the motives for self-determined action; that Hobbes' s version of the social contract is thus incoherent; that Hobbes is not even able to show how moral ideas (i.e. `ought') are conceivable through the `pressure' of `outward objects'. For Kant, in short, Hobbes has no adequate notions of will, freedom, moral necessity, ideation, or even obligatory contract, and therefore fails in his own stated aims. Key Words: Hobbes • Kant • politics • reason • teleology • will.

This paper aims to offer an analysis of `Against Hobbes', the title of the second section of Kant's essay On the Common Saying: That May be Correct in Theory but is of no Use in Practice. The paper suggests that we should take the title `Against Hobbes' seriously and that Kant meant to target Hobbes as the standard-bearer of the old regime and in particular Hobbes's claim that the Head of state cannot act unjustly against his citizens. It is argued that Kant's interpretation of Hobbes conforms to what can be regarded as the majority view in Hobbesian scholarship and that Kant poses a serious challenge to Hobbes, in so far as he removes the very foundations from Hobbes's argument on justice, namely, a specific notion of natural law. Finally the paper highlights Kant's lack of interest in engaging with possible Hobbesian counter-arguments. Key Words: civil law • justice • morality • natural law.

There are three views on the meaning of Hobbes's theology for his political theory: (1) Hobbes's political theory can be understood completely without taking account of his theology; (2) Hobbes in fact teaches a "divine command theory of political obligation"; (3) his theology is a rhetorical weapon in his polemics against Catholics and Presbyterians, whom he suspects of seeking to endanger the political peace in the interest of their own religious goals. To show that the third is the most plausible, the author examines Hobbes's reversal of the medieval doctrine of the "two swords" as a departure point for a consideration of the content of Hobbes's theology as well as its function in his argument. The author suggests that, with his functional view of faith, Hobbes is the founding father of modern political theology and that the realization of this fact might rightly raise doubts about the theological defensibility of political theology.

This major new work from Quentin Skinner presents a fundamental reappraisal of the political theory of Hobbes. Using, for the first time, the full range of manuscript as well as printed sources, it documents an entirely new view of Hobbes's intellectual development, and re-examines the shift from a humanist to a scientific culture in European moral and political thought. By examining Hobbes's philosophy against the background of his humanist education, Professor Skinner rescues this most difficult and challenging of political philosophers from the intellectual isolation in which he is so often discussed. This book presents a splendid exemplification of the 'Cambridge' contextual approach to the study of intellectual history with which Professor Skinner himself is especially associated. It will be of interest and importance to a wide range of scholars in history, philosophy, politics, and literary theory.

In this paper I provide an interpretation of Hobbes's account of miracles in Leviathan. Four main theses are defended: (i) that Hobbes affirms a single account of miracles, not several non-equivalent accounts, (ii) that Hobbes's main objective is political – he wants to explain how the doctrine of miracles must be understood in order for it not to pose a threat to political stability, (3) that Hobbes's discussion is not designed to undermine the doctrine of miracles in its entirety, and (4) that Hobbes's considered view of miracles is compatible with the modern scientific worldview to which he is committed.