Abstract

Along the way, I will argue, based on work by Wang (2006) on Chinese, that wh-phrases themselves occur in [Spec, FocP], and that sluicing is really TopP deletion (i.e., deletion of the complement of Foc0). It will be shown that this analysis provides a natural account of why, in so-called “doubly-filled Comp” languages such as Norwegian, Bellinzonese, and Belfast English, the overt complementizer cannot be stranded in sluicing.