Mood as illocutionary centering

Abstract
By this point, we have developed some articulated analyses of top-level temporal anaphora, including temporal quantification, in languages with grammatical tense and/or aspect systems, represented by English, Polish, and Mandarin. But it is still not clear how this approach might extend to temporal anaphora in a language such as Kalaallisut, which has neither grammatical tense nor grammatical aspect, but instead marks only grammatical mood and person. Most theories of mood and modal reference either ignore temporal reference (e.g. Hamblin 1973, Stalnaker 1975, Karttunen 1977, Kratzer 1981, Groenendijk and Stokhof 1984, Roberts 1987, Farkas 1992, Portner 2004, a.m.o.) or analyze modal and temporal reference as unrelated phenomena (e.g. Muskens 1995, Stone 1997, Mastop 2005). Such theories provide no inkling how temporal reference in a tenseless mood-based language can be as precise as in English (see e.g. Bittner 2005, 2007, 2009, 2011)
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