David Bourget (Western Ontario)
David Chalmers (ANU, NYU)
Rafael De Clercq
Jack Alan Reynolds
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Linguistics and Philosophy 17 (2):109 - 158 (1994)
In this paper, I show that the availability of what some authors have called the weak reading and the strong reading of donkey sentences with relative clauses is systematically related to monotonicity properties of the determiner. The correlation is different from what has been observed in the literature in that it concerns not only right monotonicity, but also left monotonicity (persistence/antipersistence). I claim that the reading selected by a donkey sentence with a double monotone determiner is in fact the one that validates inference based on the left monotonicity of the determiner. This accounts for the lack of strong reading in donkey sentences with MON determiners, which have been neglected in the literature. I consider the relevance of other natural forms of inference as well, but also suggest how monotonicity inference might play a central role in the actual process of interpretation. The formal theory is couched in dynamic predicate logic with generalized quantifiers.
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References found in this work BETA
Jon Barwise & Robin Cooper (1981). Generalized Quantifiers and Natural Language. Linguistics and Philosophy 4 (2):159--219.
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Citations of this work BETA
Emmanuel Chemla, Vincent Homer & Daniel Rothschild (2011). Modularity and Intuitions in Formal Semantics: The Case of Polarity Items. Linguistics and Philosophy 34 (6):537-570.
Edward Keenan & Denis Paperno (2010). Stanley Peters and Dag Westerståhl: Quantifiers in Language and Logic. [REVIEW] Linguistics and Philosophy 33 (6):513-549.
Adrian Brasoveanu (2013). The Grammar of Quantification and the Fine Structure of Interpretation Contexts. Synthese 190 (15):3001-3051.
Shalom Lappin & Nissim Francez (1994). E-Type Pronouns, I-Sums, and Donkey Anaphora. Linguistics and Philosophy 17 (4):391 - 428.
A. Brasoveanu (2010). Decomposing Modal Quantification. Journal of Semantics 27 (4):437-527.
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