David Bourget (Western Ontario)
David Chalmers (ANU, NYU)
Rafael De Clercq
Jack Alan Reynolds
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Natural Language Semantics 9 (1):1-40 (2001)
Quantified NPs in questions may lead to an interpretation in which the NP quantifies into the question. Which dish did every guest bring? can be understood as: 'For every guest x: which dish did x bring?'. After a review of previous approaches that tried to capture this quantification formally or to explain it away, it is argued that such readings involve quantification into speech acts. As the algebra of speech acts is more limited than a Boolean algebra – it only contains conjunction, not disjunction or negation – it is predicted that only universal quantifiers can scope out of questions or other speech acts. The approach is extended to indirect questions, which either are embedded speech acts or coerced to denote the true answers, depending on the embedding verb; in the latter case a Boolean structure results, and we find wide-scope readings of non-universal quantifiers
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María Biezma & Kyle Rawlins (2012). Responding to Alternative and Polar Questions. Linguistics and Philosophy 35 (5):361-406.
Eric Swanson (2010). On Scope Relations Between Quantifiers and Epistemic Modals. Journal of Semantics 27 (4):529-540.
J. Isaacs & K. Rawlins (2008). Conditional Questions. Journal of Semantics 25 (3):269-319.
D. F. Farkas & K. B. Bruce (2009). On Reacting to Assertions and Polar Questions. Journal of Semantics 27 (1):81-118.
Valentine Hacquard (2010). On the Event Relativity of Modal Auxiliaries. Natural Language Semantics 18 (1):79-114.
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