The English resultative perfect and its relationship to the experiential perfect and the simple past tense
David Bourget (Western Ontario)
David Chalmers (ANU, NYU)
Rafael De Clercq
Jack Alan Reynolds
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Linguistics and Philosophy 31 (3):323-351 (2008)
A sentence in the Resultative perfect licenses two inferences: (a) the occurrence of an event (b) the state caused by this event obtains at evaluation time. In this paper I show that this use of the perfect is subject to a large number of distributional restrictions that all serve to highlight the result inference at the expense of the event inference. Nevertheless, only the event inference determines the truth conditions of this use of the perfect, the result inference being a unique type of conventional implicature. I argue furthermore that, since the result state is singular, the event that causes it must also be singular, whereas the Experiential perfect is purely quantificational. But in out-of-the-blue contexts the past tense is also normally interpreted as singular. This leads to a certain amount of competition between the Resultative perfect and the past tense, and it is this competition, I suggest, that maintains the conventional (non-truth conditional) result state inference.
|Keywords||Resultative perfect Experiential perfect Target state Conventional implicature Specificity Specific event Singular event Past tense Perfect|
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References found in this work BETA
Hans Reichenbach (1980). Elements of Symbolic Logic. Dover Publications.
Terence Parsons (1990). Events in the Semantics of English: A Study in Subatomic Semantics. The MIT Press.
Stephen C. Levinson (1986). Pragmatics. Philosophical Review 95 (1):123-127.
Kent Bach (1999). The Myth of Conventional Implicature. Linguistics and Philosophy 22 (4):327-366.
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