A republican right to basic income?
| Abstract | The basic income proposal provides everyone in a society, as an unconditional right, with access to a certain level of income. Introducing such a right is bound to raise questions of institutional feasibility. Would it lead too many people to opt out of the workforce, for example? And even if it did not, could a constitution that allowed some members of the society to do this – at whatever relative cost – prove acceptable in a society of mutually reciprocal, equally positioned members? I assume in this short essay, however, that none of these problems is insurmountable. I concentrate on the question of how far republicanism makes room for justifying something like a right to basic income, assuming that there are no problems of this kind with introducing and establishing such a right. Any satisfactory argument for a basic income should satisfy two desiderata. First is that of adequacy: the argument should establish a right to an intuitively.. | |||||||||
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Daniel Moseley (2011). What is Libertarianism? Basic Income Studies 6 (2):4.
Doris Schroeder (2001). Wickedness, Idleness and Basic Income. Res Publica 7 (1).
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Derek Bianchi Melchin (2010). A Case Study in Functional Payment Classification. The Lonergan Review 2 (1):223-233.
Anca Gheaus (2008). Basic Income, Gender Justice and the Costs of Gender-Symmetrical Lifestyles. Basic Income Studies 3 (3).
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Daniel Moseley (2011). A Lockean Argument for Basic Income. Basic Income Studies 6 (2):11.
Simon Wigley (2006). Basic Income and the Problem of Cumulative Misfortune. Basic Income Studies 1 (2).
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