Graduate studies at Western
Philosophy Compass 2 (6):910–927 (2007)
|Abstract||(1) Every miner went to a meeting. It seems that (1) can mean either that there was one meeting that every miner went to, or that every miner went to at least one meeting with no guarantee that they all went to the same meeting. In the language of ﬁrst-order logic we can represent these two readings as a matter of the universal and existential quantiﬁers having diﬀerent scope with respect to each other.|
|Keywords||No keywords specified (fix it)|
|Categories||categorize this paper)|
|Through your library||Configure|
Similar books and articles
R. C. Miner (2008). What Does Obligation Add to Virtue-Descriptions? Some Uses of Anscombe's Law/Game Analogy. Christian Bioethics 14 (2):165-174.
Adrian Brasoveanu, Structured Anaphora to Quantifier Domains: A Unified Account of Quantificational & Modal Subordination and Exceptional Wide Scope.
ST Kuhn (2000). Embedded Definite Descriptions: Russellian Analysis and Semantic Puzzles. Mind 109 (435):443-454.
Delia Graff Fara (2003). Desires, Scope, and Tense. Philosophical Perspectives 17 (1):141-164.
Daniel Rothschild (2007). Presuppositions and Scope. Journal of Philosophy 104 (2):71-106.
Saul A. Kripke (2005). Russell's Notion of Scope. Mind 114 (456):1005-1037.
Michael Glanzberg (2007). Definite Descriptions and Quantifier Scope: Some Mates Cases Reconsidered. European Journal of Analytic Philosophy 3 (2):133-158.
Added to index2009-01-28
Total downloads17 ( #78,143 of 739,353 )
Recent downloads (6 months)1 ( #61,680 of 739,353 )
How can I increase my downloads?