David Bourget (Western Ontario)
David Chalmers (ANU, NYU)
Rafael De Clercq
Ezio Di Nucci
Jack Alan Reynolds
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The empirical phenomenon at the center of this paper is projection, which we define (uncontroversially) as follows: (1) Definition of projection An implication projects if and only if it survives as an utterance implication when the expression that triggers the implication occurs under the syntactic scope of an entailment-cancelling operator. Projection is observed, for example, with utterances containing aspectual verbs like stop, as shown in (2) and (3) with examples from English and Paraguayan Guaraní (Paraguay, Tupí-Guaraní).1 The Guaraní example in (2) and its English translation have at least the following implications: (i) Carla has previously smoked, and (ii) Carla stopped smoking. The first but not the second of these implications is also conveyed by the question version of sentence (2), as in (3a), or when (2) is embedded under entailment-cancelling sentential operators, such as negation, as in (3b), the antecedent of a conditional, as in (3c), or an epistemic modal, as in (3d). Hence, by the definition in (14), the first but not the second implication of (2) projects
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Citations of this work BETA
Márta Abrusán (2011). Predicting the Presuppositions of Soft Triggers. Linguistics and Philosophy 34 (6):491-535.
Barbara Abbott (forthcoming). An Information Packaging Approach to Presuppositions and Conventional Implicatures. Topoi:1-13.
Scott AnderBois (2012). Focus and Uninformativity in Yucatec Maya Questions. Natural Language Semantics 20 (4):349-390.
Kyle Rawlins (2013). Conditionals. Natural Language Semantics 21 (2):111-178.
Chris Cummins (2016). Using Triggers Without Projecting Presuppositions. Topoi 35 (1):123-131.
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