On Scope Relations between Quantifiers and Epistemic Modals

Journal of Semantics 27 (4):529-540 (2010)
This paper presents and discusses a range of counterexamples to the common view that quantifiers cannot take scope over epistemic modals. Some of the counterexamples raise problems for ‘force modifier’ theories of epistemic modals. Some of the counterexamples raise problems for Robert Stalnaker’s theory of counterfactuals, according to which a special kind of epistemic modal must be able to scope over a whole counterfactual. Finally, some of the counterexamples suggest that David Lewis must countenance ‘would’ counterfactuals in which a covert ‘would’ scopes over the whole consequent of the counterfactual, including an overt ‘might.’.
Keywords epistemic modals  counterfactuals  force modifier  scope  quantifier  indeterminacy  Counterfactual Duality  Conditional Excluded Middle
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DOI 10.1093/jos/ffq010
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References found in this work BETA
Dorit Abusch (1997). Sequence of Tense and Temporal de Re. Linguistics and Philosophy 20 (1):1-50.
Manfred Krifka (2001). Quantifying Into Question Acts. Natural Language Semantics 9 (1):1-40.
Huw Price (1983). Does 'Probably' Modify Sense? Australasian Journal of Philosophy 61 (4):396 – 408.

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Citations of this work BETA
Seth Yalcin (2010). Probability Operators. Philosophy Compass 5 (11):916-37.
Billy Dunaway & Alex Silk (2014). Whither Anankastics? Philosophical Perspectives 28 (1):75-94.

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