Tree models and (labeled) categorial grammar

This paper studies the relation between some extensions of the non-associative Lambek Calculus NL and their interpretation in tree models (free groupoids). We give various examples of sequents that are valid in tree models, but not derivable in NL. We argue why tree models may not be axiomatizable if we add finitely many derivation rules to NL, and proceed to consider labeled calculi instead.We define two labeled categorial calculi, and prove soundness and completeness for interpretations that are almost the intended one, namely for tree models where some branches of some trees may be resp. all branches of all trees must be infinitely extending. Extrapolating from the experiences in our quite simple systems, we briefly discuss some problems involved with the introduction of labels in categorial grammar, and argue that many of the basic questions are not yet understood.
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DOI 10.1007/BF00159341
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References found in this work BETA
Joachim Lambek (1968). The Mathematics of Sentence Structure. Journal of Symbolic Logic 33 (4):627-628.

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Citations of this work BETA
Glyn Morrill (1995). Discontinuity in Categorial Grammar. Linguistics and Philosophy 18 (2):175 - 219.

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