David Bourget (Western Ontario)
David Chalmers (ANU, NYU)
Rafael De Clercq
Jack Alan Reynolds
Learn more about PhilPapers
In April, 1934, workers at the Auto-Lite plant went on strike, demanding that their employer recognize their union and engage in collective bargaining with them. Despite the ill effects of the Depression on Toledo and an unemployment rate of over 50%, workers at the Auto-Lite transmission plant risked their jobs and the possibility of employment at other factories for what they believed were fundamental rights - the rights to organize into a union, engage in collective bargaining, and strike. With help from the Toledo Central Labor Union and the AWP, the Auto-Lite workers resisted an injunction and enforced their right to organize on their own through collective action. As of 1934, the Constitution had yet to emerge as a major public issue. Unlike the sit-down strikers in 1936 and 1937, a period in which the courts considered the constitutionality of the NLRA, the Toledo strikers rarely raised constitutional issues. Nevertheless, we conclude that the Toledo strike was one episode in a long-term popular movement for constitutional change. In later interviews, those workers stressed that the deplorable conditions and the way that their employer treated them that led them to strike. While most leaders of the Auto-Lite strike did not mention the Thirteenth Amendment, a number of them invoked opposition to wage slavery in their speeches and leaflets to rally their supporters. In this manner, the workers on the Auto-Lite picket line carried on labor's tradition of recognizing the right to organize as a human right as well as an economic right. This article thus considers an important chapter in the history of American popular constitutionalism, the belief of labor activists that they had a fundamental right to organize into a union, and Congress' codification of that belief in the National Labor Relations Act of 1935.
|Keywords||No keywords specified (fix it)|
No categories specified
(categorize this paper)
Setup an account with your affiliations in order to access resources via your University's proxy server
Configure custom proxy (use this if your affiliation does not provide a proxy)
|Through your library||
References found in this work BETA
No references found.
Citations of this work BETA
No citations found.
Similar books and articles
Glenn Bassett (2003). Ub's Militant Union History: An Informed Participant and Labor Relations Specialist's Perspective. [REVIEW] Journal of Academic Ethics 1 (3):287-294.
Thomas F. McMahon (1999). From Social Irresponsibility to Social Responsiveness: The Chrysler/Kenosha Plant Closing. [REVIEW] Journal of Business Ethics 20 (2):101 - 111.
James L. Muyskens (1982). Nurses' Collective Responsibility and the Strike Weapon. Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 7 (1):101-112.
Alfred G. Gerteiny (2003). The Longest Faculty Strike in the History of U.S. Institutions of Higher Education: Perceptions of the Union President. [REVIEW] Journal of Academic Ethics 1 (3):273-285.
Harry Targ (2006). Class and Race in the USA Labor Movement. Radical Philosophy Today 3:33-44.
Richard Jeffrey (2002). Logicism Lite. Philosophy of Science 69 (3):474-496.
Dick Allen (2003). Crossing the Picket Line: A Brief Faculty Memoir of the Historic University of Bridgeport Strike. [REVIEW] Journal of Academic Ethics 1 (3):331-339.
T. Mathai Thomas (2003). The Role of UB Faculty Council During the Strike: Reflections of a Former Striker Crossing a Picket Line. [REVIEW] Journal of Academic Ethics 1 (3):323-330.
Added to index2009-01-28
Total downloads3 ( #313,528 of 1,140,113 )
Recent downloads (6 months)1 ( #147,976 of 1,140,113 )
How can I increase my downloads?