Search results for 'political extremism' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Carl Cohen (1988). Free Speech and Political Extremism: How Nasty Are We Free to Be? [REVIEW] Law and Philosophy 7 (3):263 - 279.score: 90.0
  2. Clifford F. Porter (2002). Eric Voegelin on Nazi Political Extremism. Journal of the History of Ideas 63 (1):151-171.score: 90.0
  3. Kristian Skagen Ekeli (2012). Liberalism and Permissible Suppression of Illiberal Ideas. Inquiry 55 (2):171-193.score: 84.0
    The purpose of this paper is to consider the following question: To what extent is it permissible for a liberal democratic state to suppress the spread of illiberal ideas (including anti-democratic ideas)? I will discuss two approaches to this question. The first can be termed the clear and imminent danger approach, and the second the preventive approach. The clear and imminent danger approach implies that it is permissible for liberal states to suppress the spread of illiberal doctrines and ideas only (...)
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  4. Ian Frowe (2007). 'The Politics of Faith and the Politics of Scepticism': Michael Oakeshott, Education and Extremism. British Journal of Educational Studies 55 (3):264 - 285.score: 78.0
    This paper considers a distinction between two types of politics developed by Michael Oakeshott in his book The Politics of Faith and the Politics of Scepticism (1996) and argues that the theoretical framework proposed supplies an illuminating and productive perspective for examining the notion of political extremism. These positions are linked to two other important aspects of his work, namely his account of 'enterprise' and 'civil' association and his differentiation between abstract philosophical entities and concrete political situations. (...)
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  5. Laura Herta Gongola (2010). Sergiu Miscoiu, Le Front National et ses répercussions sur l'échiquier politique français 1972-2002/ The National Front and its Repercussions on the French Political Spectrum 1972-2002. [REVIEW] Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 4 (12):138-140.score: 66.0
    Sergiu Miscoiu, Le Front National et ses répercussions sur l’échiquier politique français 1972-2002 Cluj-Napoca, EFES, 2005, 123 p.
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  6. Chantal Mouffe (2005). On the Political. Routledge.score: 54.0
    Since September 11, we frequently hear that the struggle is between good and evil and that politics is at an end. Should we welcome or fear a 'Third Way' beyond left and right? In this timely and thought provoking book, Chantal Mouffe argues that third way thinking ignores fundamental, conflictual aspects of human nature and that far from expanding democracy, globalization is undermining the combative and radical heart of democratic life. Going back first to Aristotle, she identifies the historical origins (...)
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  7. Thomas E. Hill (1997). A Kantian Perspective on Political Violence. Journal of Ethics 1 (2):105 - 140.score: 54.0
    Rejecting Kant''s absolute opposition to revolution, I propose a modified Kantian perspective for reflecting on political violence, drawing from Kant''s basic ideas but abandoning some dubious assumptions. Developing suggestions in earlier papers, the essay sketches a model for moral legislation that combines the core ideas of each of Kant''s formulas of the Categorical Imperative. Though only a framework for deliberation, not a complete decision procedure, this excludes extremist positions, prohibitive and permissive, about political violence. Despite Kant''s hopes, the (...)
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  8. Alison Edgley (2005). Chomsky's Political Critique: Essentialism and Political Theory. Contemporary Political Theory 4 (2):129.score: 54.0
    This article challenges conventional views of Chomsky’s critique of American foreign policy as political extremism. It argues that it is necessary to begin with an understanding of the theoretical and philosophical framework he employs in all of his political writings. Chomsky has a political theory. Although it is underpinned by an essentialist view of human nature, it is neither reductionist nor conservative. The core of that view is a hopeful (and unverifiable) view of human need, and (...)
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  9. Thomas E. Hill Jr (1997). A Kantian Perspective on Political Violence. Journal of Ethics 1 (2):105-140.score: 54.0
    Rejecting Kant's absolute opposition to revolution, I propose a modified Kantian perspective for reflecting on political violence, drawing from Kant's basic ideas but abandoning some dubious assumptions. Developing suggestions in earlier papers, the essay sketches a model for “moral legislation” that combines the core ideas of each of Kant's formulas of the Categorical Imperative. Though only a framework for deliberation, not a complete decision procedure, this excludes extremist positions, prohibitive and permissive, about political violence. Despite Kant's hopes, the (...)
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  10. Hans Peter Grüner (2009). Inequality and Political Consensus. Theory and Decision 67 (3):239-265.score: 54.0
    This paper develops a model of political consensus in order to explain the missing link between inequality and political redistribution. Political consensus is an implicit agreement not to vote for extreme policy proposals. We show that such an agreement may play an efficiency-enhancing role. Voters anticipate that voting for extremist parties increases policy uncertainty in the future. A political consensus among voters reduces policy uncertainty because self-interested politicians propose non-discriminatory policies. We study how much inequality can (...)
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  11. Kristian Skagen Ekeli (2012). The Political Rights of Anti-Liberal-Democratic Groups. Law and Philosophy 31 (3):269-297.score: 48.0
    The purpose of this paper is to consider whether it is permissible for a liberal democratic state to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. My answer to this question is twofold. On the one hand, I will argue that it is, in principle, permissible for liberal democratic states to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. On the other hand, I will argue that it is rarely wise (or prudent) for ripe (...)
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  12. Predrag Krstic (2008). On a Botanical Analogy in Modern Theory of Society. Filozofija I Drustvo 19 (3):109-145.score: 48.0
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  13. Neil Burtonwood (2006). Cultural Diversity, Liberal Pluralism and Schools: Isaiah Berlin and Education. Routledge.score: 36.0
    Culturally diverse liberal democracies on both sides of the Atlantic are currently faced with serious questions about the education of their future citizens. What is the balance between the need for social cohesion, and at the same time dealing justly with the demands for exemptions and accommodations from cultural and religious minorities? In contemporary Britain, the importance of this question has been recently highlighted by the concern to develop political and educational strategies capable of countering the influence of extremist (...)
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  14. John P. McCormick (1997). Carl Schmitt's Critique of Liberalism: Against Politics as Technology. Cambridge University Press.score: 30.0
    This is the first in-depth critical appraisal in English of the political, legal, and cultural writings of Carl Schmitt, perhaps this century's most brilliant critic of liberalism. It offers an assessment of this most sophisticated of fascist theorists without attempting either to apologise for or demonise him. Schmitt's Weimar writings confront the role of technology as it finds expression through the principles and practices of liberalism. Contemporary political conditions such as disaffection with liberalism and the rise of extremist (...)
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  15. Robert Talisse (2005). Social Epistemology and the Politics of Omission. Episteme 2 (2):107-118.score: 30.0
    Contemporary liberal democracy employs a conception of legitimacy according to which political decisions and institutions must be at least in principle justifiable to all citizens. This conception of legitimacy is difficult to satisfy when citizens are deeply divided at the level of fundamental moral, religious, and philosophical commitments. Many have followed the later Rawls in holding that where a reasonable pluralism of such commitments persists, political justification must eschew appeal to any controversial moral, religious, or philosophical premises. In (...)
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  16. Ingerid Straume (2012). The Survival of Politics. Critical Horizons 13 (1):113 - 133.score: 30.0
    Politics, in an emphatic sense of the term, involves questioning, a sense of importance, rationality and a collective investment in political life. The essay discusses some of the threats against the political imaginary thus understood in contemporary Western societies. Depoliticizing trends are found in political and economic theory and echoed in discussions about political problems of global complexity. The responses to the experiences of political powerlessness include the rise of right wing populism and extremism. (...)
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  17. John Wettersten (2012). The Rationality of Extremists: A Talmonist Insight We Need to Respond To. Social Epistemology 26 (1):31-53.score: 30.0
    Extremists who have been well educated in science are quite common, but nevertheless puzzling. How can individuals with high levels of scientific education fall prey to irrationalist ideologies? Implicit assumptions about rationality may lead to tremendous and conspicuous developments. When correction of social deficits is seen as a pressing problem, it is quite common that individuals conclude that some religious or political system contains the all-encompassing answer, if only it is applied with sufficiently high standards. Implicit assumptions about rationally (...)
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  18. Andrew Sabl (2009). The Last Artificial Virtue: Hume on Toleration and Its Lessons. Political Theory 37 (4):511 - 538.score: 30.0
    David Hume’s position on religion is, broadly speaking, “politic”: instrumental and consequentialist. Religions should be tolerated or not according to their effects on political peace and order. Such theories of toleration are often rejected as immoral or unstable. The reading provided here responds by reading Hume’s position as one of radically indirect consequentialism. While religious policy should serve consequentialist ends, making direct reference to those ends merely gives free reign to religious-political bigotry and faction. Toleration, like Hume’s other (...)
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  19. Robert E. Bonner (2009). Proslavery Extremism Goes to War: The Counterrevolutionary Confederacy and Reactionary Militarism. Modern Intellectual History 6 (2):261-285.score: 30.0
    Recent scholarship on Southern intellectual history has tended to minimize the importance of America's most reactionary defenders of bondage. This essay revisits the significance of proslavery extremists by attending to how George Fitzhugh and a group of fellow polemicists legitimated Confederate authoritarianism during the early 1860s. By joining together as avowed counterrevolutionaries during a period of rapid change, these publicists vindicated force and as an alternative to the American founders' commitment to consensual government and equal political rights. Conjuring up (...)
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  20. Sasha Lilley (2012). Catastrophism: The Apocalyptic Politics of Collapse and Rebirth. Pm Press.score: 30.0
    Amid a global zeitgeist of impending catastrophe, this book explores the culture of fear so prevalent in today's politics, economic climate, and religious extremism.
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  21. R. Jahanbegloo (2010). Is a Muslim Gandhi Possible?: Integrating Cultural and Religious Plurality in Islamic Traditions. Philosophy and Social Criticism 36 (3-4):309-323.score: 24.0
    In the past decade, Islam has come to be associated more than ever with images of extremism and violence. Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein are stock characters in this association, in the aftermath of 11 September and the ‘war on terror’. Lost in all this is a long record of Muslim experience of non-violent change and peace-making. Yet Islam hardly glorifies violence — and does quite explicitly glorify its opposite. History offers much evidence of Muslim tolerance and civil (...)
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  22. Alexander Moseley (2005). John Locke's Morality of War. Journal of Military Ethics 4 (2):119-128.score: 24.0
    Abstract This article outlines Locke's theory of war as found in his political writings and seeks to redress a perceived imbalance in John Locke's morality of war. Locke's strident rejection of any sense of proportionality in warfare against unjust aggression, as read in the Second Treatise of Government, has to be tempered with his general philosophical programme against extremism of any sort. Arguably, Locke's war ethic when read alone is strict, objective, and emphatic, but when compared with his (...)
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  23. S. J. Hartenberg (1967). Extremism and Tolerance in Politics. Ethics 77 (4):297-302.score: 24.0
  24. David Schkade, Cass R. Sunstein & Reid Hastie (2010). When Deliberation Produces Extremism. Critical Review 22 (2-3):227-252.score: 24.0
    What are the effects of deliberation about political issues by likeminded people? An experimental investigation involving two deliberative exercises, one among self-identified liberals and another among self-identified conservatives, showed that participants' views became more extreme after deliberation. Deliberation also increased consensus and significantly reduced diversity of opinion within the two groups. Even anonymous statements of personal opinion became more extreme and homogeneous after deliberation.
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  25. Marlene Podritske & Peter Schwartz (eds.) (2009). Objectively Speaking: Ayn Rand Interviewed. Lexington Books.score: 24.0
    Beginnings : a Russian émigré's first interviews (1932-1949) -- Russian girl jeers at U.S. for depression complaint, Oakland Tribune, 1932 -- True picture of Russian girls' love life tragic, Boston Post, 1936 -- The woman of tomorrow, WJZ radio, 1949 -- On campus : Ayn Rand talks with future intellectuals (1962-1966) -- Objectivism versus conservatism -- The campaign against extremism -- The robber-barons -- Myths of capitalism -- The political structure of a free society -- The American Constitution (...)
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  26. Kurtis Hagen (2010). Is Infiltration of “Extremist Groups” Justified? International Journal of Applied Philosophy 24 (2):153-168.score: 24.0
    Many intellectuals scoff at what they call “conspiracy theories.” But two Harvard law professors, Cass Sunstein (now working for the Obama administration) and Adrian Vermeule, go further. They argue in the Journal of Political Philosophy that groups that espouse such theories ought to be infiltrated and undermined by government agents and allies. While some may find this proposal appalling (as indeed we all should), others may find the argument plausible, especially if they have been swayed by the notion that (...)
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  27. Robert Talisse, R o B E R T B . Ta L I S s E.score: 24.0
    Contemporary liberal democracy employs a conception of legitimacy according to which political decisions and institutions must be at least in principle justifiable to all citizens. This conception of legitimacy is difficult to satisfy when citizens are deeply divided at the level of fundamental moral, religious, and philosophical commitments. Many have followed the later Rawls in holding that where a reasonable pluralism of such commitments persists, political justification must eschew appeal to any controversial moral, religious, or philosophical premises. In (...)
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  28. Bogdan Levyk (2014). Геополітика Нових Незалежних Держав Центральної Азії В Пострадянський Період. Схід 2:85-91.score: 24.0
    The conditions for development of a regional system of national security in Central Asia in the post-Soviet period are reviewed in a new geopolitical context. The emergence in the region of new political actors of the first echelon - the USA, the European Union and the People's Republic of China as well as the second echelon - Turkey, the Islamic republic of Iran, India and Pakistan is emphasized. The role of the above countries in ensuring political and economic (...)
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  29. Krishna Mani Pathak (2008). Gandhian Formula of Harmony and Peace. Proceedings of the Xxii World Congress of Philosophy 33:45-51.score: 24.0
    Gandhi’s writings on moral issues propose an easiest formula to the world to establish harmony and peace in the global society. In a world where people are confronting a psychological fear of sudden terror and violence, the Gandhian formula of ‘non-violence (ahimsa) as a means’ to form a perfect harmonious world is getting strong attention of the world-community. Truth and non-violence are the two most valuable ingredients of Gandhian moral thoughts. For him, Truth or God is the end and non-violence (...)
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  30. Sasha Ross (2012). The Prescience of the Untimely: A Review of Arab Spring, Libyan Winter by Vijay Prashad. [REVIEW] Continent 2 (3):218-223.score: 24.0
    continent. 2.3 (2012): 218–223 Vijay Prashad. Arab Spring, Libyan Winter . Oakland: AK Press. 2012. 271pp, pbk. $14.95 ISBN-13: 978-1849351126. Nearly a decade ago, I sat in a class entitled, quite simply, “Corporations,” taught by Vijay Prashad at Trinity College. Over the course of the semester, I was amazed at the extent of Prashad’s knowledge, and the complexity and erudition of his style. He has since authored a number of classic books that have gained recognition throughout the world. The Darker (...)
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  31. Jakobus M. Vorster (2010). Perspectives on the Core Characteristics of Religious Fundamentalism Today. Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 7 (21):44-65.score: 24.0
    The surge of religious fundamentalism is a present reality. This way of reasoning breeds ideologies that are both religious and political in nature and mount themselves against a perceived threat or enemy in order to protect their identities. These ideologies elevate certain fundamentals of a particular religion or life- and worldview to absolutes and interlace their ideas and methods around these absolutes. With a strong reactionary attitude, fundamentalist ideologies and religions easily resort to extremism, militancy, abuses of human (...)
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  32. Bertrand Russell (2004). Power: A New Social Analysis. Routledge.score: 24.0
    The key to human nature that Marx found in wealth and Freud in sex, Bertrand Russell finds in power. Power, he argues, is man's ultimate goal, and is, in its many guises, the single most important element in the development of any society. Writting in the late 1930s when Europe was being torn apart by extremist ideologies and the world was on the brink of war, Russell set out to found a 'new science' to make sense of the traumatic events (...)
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  33. Brett W. Schultz (2011). Gonzo Strategies of Deceit: An Interview with Joaquin Segura. Continent 1 (2):117-124.score: 24.0
    Joaquin Segura. Untitled (fig. 40) . 2007 continent. 1.2 (2011): 117-124. The interview that follows is a dialogue between artist and gallerist with the intent of unearthing the artist’s working strategies for a general public. Joaquin Segura is at once an anomaly in Mexico’s contemporary art scene at the same time as he is one of the most emblematic representatives of a larger shift toward a post-national identity among its youngest generation of artists. If Mexico looks increasingly like a foreclosed (...)
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  34. John L. Esposito (2012). Islam: The Straight Path. OUP USA.score: 24.0
    Now in a new edition, this exceptionally successful survey text introduces the faith, belief, and practice of Islam from its earliest origins up to its contemporary resurgence. John L. Esposito, an internationally renowned expert on Islam, traces the development of this dynamic faith and its impact on world history and politics. Lucidly written and expansive in scope, Islam: The Straight Path, Fourth Edition, provides keen insight into one of the world's least understood religions. It is ideally suited for use in (...)
     
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  35. Marga Gomez-Reino & Campus Miguel de Unamuno (2001). Identity Politics and Party Elites Strategic Dilemmas: Comparing Varieties of Extremism: The Vlaams Blok and Lega Nord Paper Abstract. In David M. Estlund (ed.), Democracy. Blackwell Publishers.score: 24.0
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  36. Yitzhak Melamed (forthcoming). “ ‘Let the Law Cut Through the Mountain’: Salomon Maimon, Moses Mendelssohn, and Mme. Truth”. In Lukas Muehlethaler (ed.), Höre die Wahrheit, wer sie auch spricht. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.score: 24.0
    Moses Maimonides was a rare kind of radical. Being a genuine Aristotelian, he recommended following the middle path and avoiding extremism. Yet, within the sphere of Jewish philosophy and thought, he created a school of philosophical radicalism, inspiring Rabbis and thinkers to be unwilling to compromise their integrity in searching for the truth, regardless of where their arguments might lead. Both Spinoza and Salomon Maimon inherited this commitment to uncompromising philosophical inquiry. But of course, such willingness to follow a (...)
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  37. Marian Popescu (1997). Extremism in Politics and the Search for a New Theater. The European Legacy 2 (1):18-21.score: 24.0
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  38. Renata Salecl (1994). The Spoils of Freedom: Psychoanalysis, Feminism and Ideology After the Fall of Socialism. Routledge.score: 24.0
    The rise of nationalist, racist and anti-feminist ideologies is one of the most frightening repercussions of the collapse of socialism. Using psychoanalytic theories of fantasy to investigate why such extremist ideologies have taken hold, Renata Salecl argues that the major social and political changes in post-communist Eastern Europe require a radical re-evaluation of notions of liberal theories of democracy. In doing so she offers a new approach to human rights and feminism grounded in her own active partipation in the (...)
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  39. J. Sanderson (1982). Hunton, Philip Appeasement-Moderation and Extremism in the English Civil-War. History of Political Thought 3 (3):447-461.score: 24.0
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  40. T. Sanderson (1982). Philip Hunton's" Appeasement": Moderation and Extremism in the English Civil War. History of Political Thought 111:447-61.score: 24.0
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  41. Pablo Gilabert (2011). Humanist and Political Perspectives on Human Rights. Political Theory 39 (4):439-467.score: 21.0
    This essay explores the relation between two perspectives on the nature of human rights. According to the "political" or "practical" perspective, human rights are claims that individuals have against certain institutional structures, in particular modern states, in virtue of interests they have in contexts that include them. According to the more traditional "humanist" or "naturalistic" perspective, human rights are pre-institutional claims that individuals have against all other individuals in virtue of interests characteristic of their common humanity. This essay argues (...)
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  42. Enzo Rossi (2012). Justice, Legitimacy, and (Normative) Authority for Political Realists. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):149-164.score: 21.0
    One of the main challenges faced by realists in political philosophy is that of offering an account of authority that is genuinely normative and yet does not consist of a moralistic application of general, abstract ethical principles to the practice of politics. Political moralists typically start by devising a conception of justice based on their pre-political moral commitments; authority would then be legitimate only if political power is exercised in accordance with justice. As an alternative to (...)
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  43. Ian Hunter (2012). Kant's Political Thought in the Prussian Enlightenment. In Elisabeth Ellis (ed.), Kant's Political Theory: Interpretations and Applications. Pennsylvania State University Press.score: 21.0
    This article provides an historical account of Kant's political, legal, and religious thought in the context of the Prussian Enlightenment.
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  44. Enzo Rossi (2010). Reality and Imagination in Political Theory and Practice: On Raymond Geuss’s Realism. [REVIEW] European Journal of Political Theory 9 (4):504-512.score: 21.0
    Can political theory be action-guiding without relying on pre-political normative commitments? I answer that question affirmatively by unpacking two related tenets of Raymond Geuss’ political realism: the view that political philosophy should not be a branch of ethics, and the ensuing empirically-informed conception of legitimacy. I argue that the former idea can be made sense of by reference to Hobbes’ account of authorization, and that realist legitimacy can be normatively salient in so far as it stands (...)
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  45. Simon Căbulea May (2011). Moral Compromise, Civic Friendship, and Political Reconciliation. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14 (5):581-602.score: 21.0
    Instrumentalism about moral compromise in politics appears inconsistent with accepting both the existence of non-instrumental or principled reasons for moral compromise in close personal friendships and a rich ideal of civic friendship. Using a robust conception of political reconciliation during democratic transitions as an example of civic friendship, I argue that all three claims are compatible. Spouses have principled reasons for compromise because they commit to sharing responsibility for their joint success as partners in life, and not because their (...)
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  46. Jonathan Floyd (2009). Is Political Philosophy Too Ahistorical? Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 12 (4):513-533.score: 21.0
    The accusation that contemporary political philosophy is carried out in too ahistorical a fashion depends upon it being possible for historical facts to ground normative political principles. This they cannot do. Each of the seven ways in which it might be thought possible for them to do so fails for one or more of four reasons: (1) History yields no timeless set of universal moral values; (2) it displays no convergence upon such a set; (3) it reveals no (...)
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  47. Mihaela Mihai (2013). When the State Says “Sorry”: State Apologies as Exemplary Political Judgments. Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (2):200-220.score: 21.0
    This paper aims to offer an account of state apologies that discloses their potential function as catalysing political acts within broader processes of democratic change. While lots of ink has been spilled on analysing the relationship between apologies and processes of recognising the victims and their descendants, more needs to be said about how apologies can challenge the presence of self-congratulatory, distorted visions of history within the public sphere of liberal democracies. My account will be delineated through a critical (...)
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  48. Alan Ryan (1999). Isaiah Berlin, Political Theory and Liberal Culture. Annual Review of Political Science 2 (June):345-362.score: 21.0
    The essay provides a short outline of Berlin's career and an assessment of his contribution to pluralist and liberal thought. He was a British academic with a Russian cast of mind, and an inhabitant of the ivory tower who was very much at home in the diplomatic and political world. Similarly, he was neither a historian of ideas nor a political philosopher in the narrow sense usually understood in the modern academy. Rather, he engaged in a trans-historical conversation (...)
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  49. Leslie Marsh (2006). A History of Political Experience. [REVIEW] European Journal of Political Theory 5 (4):504-510.score: 21.0
    This book survives superficial but fails deeper scrutiny. A facile, undiscerning criticism of Lectures in the History of Political Thought (LHPT) is that on Oakeshott’s own account these are lectures on a non-subject: ‘I cannot detect anything which could properly correspond to the expression “the history of political thought”’ (p. 32). This is an entirely typical Oakeshottian swipe – elegant and oblique – at the title of the lecture course he inherited from Harold Laski. If title and quotation (...)
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  50. Gabriele Badano (2013). Political Liberalism and the Justice Claims of the Disabled: A Reconciliation. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (4):1-22.score: 21.0
    Unlike his theory of justice as fairness, John Rawls’s political liberalism has generally been spared from critiques regarding what is due to the disabled. This paper demonstrates that, due to the account of the basic ideas of society and persons provided by Rawls, political liberalism requires that the interests of numerous individuals with disabilities should be put aside when the most fundamental issues of justice are settled. My aim is to accommodate within public reason the due concern for (...)
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