Search results for 'political extremism' (try it on Scholar)

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  1.  1
    C. Lopez-Guerra (forthcoming). Book Review: A Theory of Militant Democracy: The Ethics of Combating Political Extremism, by Alexander Kirshner. [REVIEW] Political Theory.
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  2.  97
    Clifford F. Porter (2002). Eric Voegelin on Nazi Political Extremism. Journal of the History of Ideas 63 (1):151-171.
  3.  26
    Carl Cohen (1988). Free Speech and Political Extremism: How Nasty Are We Free to Be? [REVIEW] Law and Philosophy 7 (3):263 - 279.
  4. Ronald Wintrobe (2006). Rational Extremism: The Political Economy of Radicalism. Cambridge University Press.
    Extremists are people whose ideas or tactics are viewed as outside the mainstream. Looked at this way, extremists are not necessarily twisted or evil. But they can be, especially when they are intolerant and violent. What makes extremists turn violent? This 2006 book assumes that extremists are rational: given their ends, they choose the best means to achieve them. The analysis explains why extremist leaders use the tactics they do, and why they are often insensitive to punishment and to loss (...)
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  5. Ronald Wintrobe (2012). Rational Extremism: The Political Economy of Radicalism. Cambridge University Press.
    Extremists are people whose ideas or tactics are viewed as outside the mainstream. Looked at this way, extremists are not necessarily twisted or evil. But they can be, especially when they are intolerant and violent. What makes extremists turn violent? This 2006 book assumes that extremists are rational: given their ends, they choose the best means to achieve them. The analysis explains why extremist leaders use the tactics they do, and why they are often insensitive to punishment and to loss (...)
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  6.  9
    Charlie Winter & Usama Hasan (2016). The Balanced Nation: Islam and the Challenges of Extremism, Fundamentalism, Islamism and Jihadism. Philosophia 44 (3):667-688.
    As will be made clear below, the terms extremism, fundamentalism, Islamism and Jihadism are often used interchangeably by the public, something that has negative implications for both the integration of the Muslim community into Western society, and the efficacy of counter-extremism efforts. This paper aims to provide working for these terms by understanding them independent from their misinformed socio-political contexts, and by determining how they relate to one another in what will be identified as a series of (...)
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  7.  16
    Kristian Skagen Ekeli (2012). Liberalism and Permissible Suppression of Illiberal Ideas. Inquiry 55 (2):171-193.
    The purpose of this paper is to consider the following question: To what extent is it permissible for a liberal democratic state to suppress the spread of illiberal ideas (including anti-democratic ideas)? I will discuss two approaches to this question. The first can be termed the clear and imminent danger approach, and the second the preventive approach. The clear and imminent danger approach implies that it is permissible for liberal states to suppress the spread of illiberal doctrines and ideas only (...)
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  8.  2
    Laura Herta Gongola (2010). Sergiu Miscoiu, Le Front National et ses répercussions sur l'échiquier politique français 1972-2002/ The National Front and its Repercussions on the French Political Spectrum 1972-2002. [REVIEW] Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 4 (12):138-140.
    Sergiu Miscoiu, Le Front National et ses répercussions sur l’échiquier politique français 1972-2002 Cluj-Napoca, EFES, 2005, 123 p.
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  9.  56
    Chantal Mouffe (2005). On the Political. Routledge.
    Since September 11, we frequently hear that the struggle is between good and evil and that politics is at an end. Should we welcome or fear a 'Third Way' beyond left and right? In this timely and thought provoking book, Chantal Mouffe argues that third way thinking ignores fundamental, conflictual aspects of human nature and that far from expanding democracy, globalization is undermining the combative and radical heart of democratic life. Going back first to Aristotle, she identifies the historical origins (...)
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  10.  19
    Ian Frowe (2007). 'The Politics of Faith and the Politics of Scepticism': Michael Oakeshott, Education and Extremism. British Journal of Educational Studies 55 (3):264 - 285.
    This paper considers a distinction between two types of politics developed by Michael Oakeshott in his book The Politics of Faith and the Politics of Scepticism (1996) and argues that the theoretical framework proposed supplies an illuminating and productive perspective for examining the notion of political extremism. These positions are linked to two other important aspects of his work, namely his account of 'enterprise' and 'civil' association and his differentiation between abstract philosophical entities and concrete political situations. (...)
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  11.  60
    Alison Edgley (2005). Chomsky's Political Critique: Essentialism and Political Theory. Contemporary Political Theory 4 (2):129.
    This article challenges conventional views of Chomsky’s critique of American foreign policy as political extremism. It argues that it is necessary to begin with an understanding of the theoretical and philosophical framework he employs in all of his political writings. Chomsky has a political theory. Although it is underpinned by an essentialist view of human nature, it is neither reductionist nor conservative. The core of that view is a hopeful (and unverifiable) view of human need, and (...)
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  12.  47
    Thomas E. Hill (1997). A Kantian Perspective on Political Violence. Journal of Ethics 1 (2):105 - 140.
    Rejecting Kant''s absolute opposition to revolution, I propose a modified Kantian perspective for reflecting on political violence, drawing from Kant''s basic ideas but abandoning some dubious assumptions. Developing suggestions in earlier papers, the essay sketches a model for moral legislation that combines the core ideas of each of Kant''s formulas of the Categorical Imperative. Though only a framework for deliberation, not a complete decision procedure, this excludes extremist positions, prohibitive and permissive, about political violence. Despite Kant''s hopes, the (...)
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  13.  19
    Hans Peter Grüner (2009). Inequality and Political Consensus. Theory and Decision 67 (3):239-265.
    This paper develops a model of political consensus in order to explain the missing link between inequality and political redistribution. Political consensus is an implicit agreement not to vote for extreme policy proposals. We show that such an agreement may play an efficiency-enhancing role. Voters anticipate that voting for extremist parties increases policy uncertainty in the future. A political consensus among voters reduces policy uncertainty because self-interested politicians propose non-discriminatory policies. We study how much inequality can (...)
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  14.  20
    Kristian Skagen Ekeli (2012). The Political Rights of Anti-Liberal-Democratic Groups. Law and Philosophy 31 (3):269-297.
    The purpose of this paper is to consider whether it is permissible for a liberal democratic state to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. My answer to this question is twofold. On the one hand, I will argue that it is, in principle, permissible for liberal democratic states to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. On the other hand, I will argue that it is rarely wise (or prudent) for ripe (...)
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  15. Sandor Halebsky (1976). Mass Society and Political Conflict: Toward a Reconstruction of Theory. Cambridge University Press.
    The principal purpose of the present volume is to analyse critically one of the major contemporary interpretations of the origin of support for radical or extremist political behaviour - the political theory of mass society. Mass political theory is one of several major perspectives on political extremism which share a stress on the social psychological, emotional and irrational origins of dissidence. The present work may be seen as part of a growing scholarly effort reassessing such (...)
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  16. Strother Purdy (1979). "Stalingrad" and My Lai: A Literary-Political Speculation. Critical Inquiry 5 (4):651-661.
    In serious art, where the best talents of each generation work, we have seen the elimination of didacticism, moral lessons, and the sentimentality so characteristic of the preceding century; in their place we find the celebration of dryness, acerbity, irony, withdrawal from emotion, balance in tension, the reduction of the authorial and, finally, the human presence: "empty words, corresponding to the void in things."1 Literature as practiced and as taught in the schools has tended toward the allusive and the elusive, (...)
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  17. Chantal Mouffe (2011). On the Political. Routledge.
    Since September 11th, we frequently hear that political differences should be put aside: the real struggle is between good and evil. What does this mean for political and social life? Is there a 'Third Way' beyond left and right, and if so, should we fear or welcome it? This thought-provoking book by Chantal Mouffe, a globally recognized political author, presents a timely account of the current state of democracy, affording readers the most relevant and up-to-date information. Arguing (...)
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  18.  2
    Predrag Krstic (2008). On a Botanical Analogy in Modern Theory of Society. Filozofija I Društvo 19 (3):109-145.
    The author, first of all, undertakes to perceive and analyze the role that the metaphor of 'root' plays, as well as the discourse connected with it - 'rooted', 'root out' and so on - in order to examine the functioning of botanical metaphors in modern political theory. Ideological duality is here shown as, in equal measure but in different ways, fixed to the idea of the root of human existence or of the well ordered society - and an image (...)
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  19. G. M. Goshgarian (ed.) (2015). Violence and Civility: On the Limits of Political Philosophy. Cup.
    In _Violence and Civility_, Étienne Balibar boldly confronts the insidious causes of violence, racism, nationalism, and ethnic cleansing worldwide, as well as mass poverty and dispossession. Through a novel synthesis of theory and empirical studies of contemporary violence, the acclaimed thinker pushes past the limits of political philosophy to reconceive war, revolution, sovereignty, and class. Through the pathbreaking thought of Derrida, Balibar builds a topography of cruelty converted into extremism by ideology, juxtaposing its subjective forms and its objective (...)
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  20.  16
    Neil Burtonwood (2006). Cultural Diversity, Liberal Pluralism and Schools: Isaiah Berlin and Education. Routledge.
    Culturally diverse liberal democracies on both sides of the Atlantic are currently faced with serious questions about the education of their future citizens. What is the balance between the need for social cohesion, and at the same time dealing justly with the demands for exemptions and accommodations from cultural and religious minorities? In contemporary Britain, the importance of this question has been recently highlighted by the concern to develop political and educational strategies capable of countering the influence of extremist (...)
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  21.  22
    David Schkade, Cass R. Sunstein & Reid Hastie (2010). When Deliberation Produces Extremism. Critical Review 22 (2-3):227-252.
    What are the effects of deliberation about political issues by likeminded people? An experimental investigation involving two deliberative exercises, one among self-identified liberals and another among self-identified conservatives, showed that participants' views became more extreme after deliberation. Deliberation also increased consensus and significantly reduced diversity of opinion within the two groups. Even anonymous statements of personal opinion became more extreme and homogeneous after deliberation.
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  22.  24
    Kurtis Hagen (2010). Is Infiltration of “Extremist Groups” Justified? International Journal of Applied Philosophy 24 (2):153-168.
    Many intellectuals scoff at what they call “conspiracy theories.” But two Harvard law professors, Cass Sunstein (now working for the Obama administration) and Adrian Vermeule, go further. They argue in the Journal of Political Philosophy that groups that espouse such theories ought to be infiltrated and undermined by government agents and allies. While some may find this proposal appalling (as indeed we all should), others may find the argument plausible, especially if they have been swayed by the notion that (...)
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  23.  1
    Robert E. Bonner (2009). Proslavery Extremism Goes to War: The Counterrevolutionary Confederacy and Reactionary Militarism. Modern Intellectual History 6 (2):261-285.
    Recent scholarship on Southern intellectual history has tended to minimize the importance of America's most reactionary defenders of bondage. This essay revisits the significance of proslavery extremists by attending to how George Fitzhugh and a group of fellow polemicists legitimated Confederate authoritarianism during the early 1860s. By joining together as avowed counterrevolutionaries during a period of rapid change, these publicists vindicated force and as an alternative to the American founders' commitment to consensual government and equal political rights. Conjuring up (...)
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  24. Anthoula Malkopoulou (2016). De-Presentation Rights as a Response to Extremism. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 19 (3):301-319.
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  25. J. Sanderson (1982). Hunton, Philip Appeasement-Moderation and Extremism in the English Civil-War. History of Political Thought 3 (3):447-461.
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  26. T. Sanderson (1982). Philip Hunton's" Appeasement": Moderation and Extremism in the English Civil War. History of Political Thought 111:447-61.
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  27. J. Sanderson (1982). Philip Hunton's `Appeasement': Moderation and Extremism in the English Civil War. History of Political Thought 3 (3):447.
     
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  28.  12
    Andrew Sabl (2009). The Last Artificial Virtue: Hume on Toleration and Its Lessons. Political Theory 37 (4):511 - 538.
    David Hume’s position on religion is, broadly speaking, “politic”: instrumental and consequentialist. Religions should be tolerated or not according to their effects on political peace and order. Such theories of toleration are often rejected as immoral or unstable. The reading provided here responds by reading Hume’s position as one of radically indirect consequentialism. While religious policy should serve consequentialist ends, making direct reference to those ends merely gives free reign to religious-political bigotry and faction. Toleration, like Hume’s other (...)
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  29.  2
    T. Rupp (2000). Damnation, Individual and Community in Remigio Dei Girolami's De Bono Communi. History of Political Thought 21 (2):217-236.
    The fourteenth-century Florentine Dominican Remigio dei Girolami has traditionally been regarded as an extreme anti-individualist. As evidence for his extremism, commentators typically point to objection eleven of his 1302 treatise De bono communi, which appears to argue that the superiority of the common good over individual good requires that a citizen be willing to be damned to hell in preference to his commune's damnation. I believe, however, not only that this traditional interpretation has been influenced by historiographical cirumstances, but (...)
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  30. Ronald C. Naso & Jon Mills (eds.) (2015). Humanizing Evil: Psychoanalytic, Philosophical and Clinical Perspectives. Routledge.
    Psychoanalysis has traditionally had difficulty in accounting for the existence of evil. Freud saw it as a direct expression of unconscious forces, whereas more recent theorists have examined the links between early traumatic experiences and later ‘evil’ behaviour. _Humanizing Evil: Psychoanalytic, Philosophical and Clinical Perspectives _explores the controversies surrounding definitions of evil, and examines its various forms, from the destructive forces contained within the normal mind to the most horrific expressions observed in contemporary life. Ronald Naso and _Jon Mills_ bring (...)
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  31. Will Kymlicka (2001). Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Introduction. Oxford University Press.
    This new edition of Will Kymlicka's best selling critical introduction to contemporary political theory has been fully revised to include many of the most significant developments in Anglo-American political philosophy in the last eleven years, particularly the new debates over issues of democratic citizenship and cultural pluralism. The book now includes two new chapters on citizenship theory and multiculturalism, in addition to updated chapters on utilitarianism, liberal egalitarianism, libertarianism, socialism, communitarianism, and feminism. The many thinkers discussed include G. (...)
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  32.  28
    Janosh Prinz & Enzo Rossi (forthcoming). Political Realism as Ideology Critique. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    This paper outlines an account of political realism as a form of ideology critique. Our focus is a defence of the normative edge of this critical-theoretic project against the common charge that there is a problematic trade-off between a theory’s groundedness in facts about the political status quo and its ability to consistently envisage radical departures from the status quo. To overcome that problem we combine insights from three distant corners of the philosophical landscape: theories of legitimacy by (...)
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  33.  25
    Jane Bennett (2010). Vibrant Matter: A Political Ecology of Things. Duke University Press.
    The force of things -- The agency of assemblages -- Edible matter -- A life of metal -- Neither vitalism nor mechanism -- Stem cells and the culture of life -- Political ecologies -- Vitality and self-interest.
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  34. Pablo Gilabert (2011). Humanist and Political Perspectives on Human Rights. Political Theory 39 (4):439-467.
    This essay explores the relation between two perspectives on the nature of human rights. According to the "political" or "practical" perspective, human rights are claims that individuals have against certain institutional structures, in particular modern states, in virtue of interests they have in contexts that include them. According to the more traditional "humanist" or "naturalistic" perspective, human rights are pre-institutional claims that individuals have against all other individuals in virtue of interests characteristic of their common humanity. This essay argues (...)
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  35. Enzo Rossi (2012). Justice, Legitimacy, and (Normative) Authority for Political Realists. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):149-164.
    One of the main challenges faced by realists in political philosophy is that of offering an account of authority that is genuinely normative and yet does not consist of a moralistic application of general, abstract ethical principles to the practice of politics. Political moralists typically start by devising a conception of justice based on their pre-political moral commitments; authority would then be legitimate only if political power is exercised in accordance with justice. As an alternative to (...)
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  36. Enzo Rossi (2010). Reality and Imagination in Political Theory and Practice: On Raymond Geuss’s Realism. [REVIEW] European Journal of Political Theory 9 (4):504-512.
    Can political theory be action-guiding without relying on pre-political normative commitments? I answer that question affirmatively by unpacking two related tenets of Raymond Geuss’ political realism: the view that political philosophy should not be a branch of ethics, and the ensuing empirically-informed conception of legitimacy. I argue that the former idea can be made sense of by reference to Hobbes’ account of authorization, and that realist legitimacy can be normatively salient in so far as it stands (...)
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  37. Alex Sager (2016). Methodological Nationalism, Migration and Political Theory. Political Studies 64 (1):xx-yy.
    The political theory of migration has largely occurred within a paradigm of methodological nationalism and this has led to the neglect of morally salient agents and causes. This article draws on research from the social sciences on the transnationalism, globalization and migration systems theory to show how methodological nationalist assumptions have affected the views of political theorists on membership, culture and distributive justice. In particular, it is contended that methodological nationalism has prevented political theorists of migration from (...)
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  38.  88
    Paul Billingham (forthcoming). Can My Religion Influence My Conception of Justice? Political Liberalism and the Role of Comprehensive Doctrines. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-22.
    In his last works, John Rawls explicitly argued for an overlapping consensus on a family of reasonable liberal political conceptions of justice, rather than just one. This ‘Deep Version’ of political liberalism opens up new questions about the relationship between citizens’ political conceptions, from which they must draw and offer public reasons in their political advocacy, and their comprehensive doctrines. These questions centre on whether a reasonable citizen’s choice of political conception can be influenced by (...)
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  39. Ian Hunter (2012). Kant's Political Thought in the Prussian Enlightenment. In Elisabeth Ellis (ed.), Kant's Political Theory: Interpretations and Applications. Pennsylvania State University Press
    This article provides an historical account of Kant's political, legal, and religious thought in the context of the Prussian Enlightenment.
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  40.  34
    Gabriele Badano (2014). Political Liberalism and the Justice Claims of the Disabled: A Reconciliation. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (4):1-22.
    Unlike his theory of justice as fairness, John Rawls’s political liberalism has generally been spared from critiques regarding what is due to the disabled. This paper demonstrates that, due to the account of the basic ideas of society and persons provided by Rawls, political liberalism requires that the interests of numerous individuals with disabilities should be put aside when the most fundamental issues of justice are settled. The aim is to accommodate within public reason the due concern for (...)
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  41. Leo Strauss & Joseph Cropsey (eds.) (1987). History of Political Philosophy. University of Chicago Press.
    This volume provides an unequaled introduction to the thought of chief contributors to the Western tradition of political philosophy from classical Greek antiquity to the twentieth century. Written by specialists on the various philosophers, this third edition has been expanded significantly to include both new and revised essays.
     
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  42.  74
    Simon Căbulea May (2011). Moral Compromise, Civic Friendship, and Political Reconciliation. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14 (5):581-602.
    Instrumentalism about moral compromise in politics appears inconsistent with accepting both the existence of non-instrumental or principled reasons for moral compromise in close personal friendships and a rich ideal of civic friendship. Using a robust conception of political reconciliation during democratic transitions as an example of civic friendship, I argue that all three claims are compatible. Spouses have principled reasons for compromise because they commit to sharing responsibility for their joint success as partners in life, and not because their (...)
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  43.  7
    Andrew Sabl (2002). Ruling Passions: Political Offices and Democratic Ethics. Princeton University Press.
    How should politicians act? When should they try to lead public opinion and when should they follow it? Should politicians see themselves as experts, whose opinions have greater authority than other people's, or as participants in a common dialogue with ordinary citizens? When do virtues like toleration and willingness to compromise deteriorate into moral weakness? In this innovative work, Andrew Sabl answers these questions by exploring what a democratic polity needs from its leaders. He concludes that there are systematic, principled (...)
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  44.  19
    Veit Bader (1997). The Cultural Conditions of Transnational Citizenship: On the Interpenetration of Political and Ethnic Cultures. Political Theory 25 (6):771-813.
    No reverberatory effect of the great war has caused American public opinion more solicitude than the failure of the “melting-pot.” The tendency... has been for the national clusters of immigrants, as they became more and more firmly established and more and more prosperous to cultivate more and more assiduously the literatures and cultural traditions of their homelands. Assimilation, in other words, instead of washing out the memories of Europe, made them more and more intensely real. Just as these clusters became (...)
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  45.  25
    Machiel Keestra (2012). Bounded Mirroring. Joint Action and Group Membership in Political Theory and Cognitive Neuroscience. In Frank Vandervalk (ed.), Thinking About the Body Politic: Essays on Neuroscience and Political Theory. Routledge 222--249.
    A crucial socio-political challenge for our age is how to rede!ne or extend group membership in such a way that it adequately responds to phenomena related to globalization like the prevalence of migration, the transformation of family and social networks, and changes in the position of the nation state. Two centuries ago Immanuel Kant assumed that international connectedness between humans would inevitably lead to the realization of world citizen rights. Nonetheless, globalization does not just foster cosmopolitanism but simultaneously yields (...)
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  46.  10
    Shannon Brincat (2008). `Death to Tyrants': The Political Philosophy of Tyrannicide - Part I. Journal of International Political Theory 4 (2):212-240.
    This paper examines the conceptual development of the philosophical justifications for tyrannicide. It posits that the political philosophy of tyrannicide can be categorised into three distinct periods or models, the classical, medieval, and liberal, respectively. It argues that each model contained unique themes and principles that justified tyrannicide in that period; the classical, through the importance attached to public life and the functional role of leadership; the medieval, through natural law doctrine; and the liberal, through the postulates of social (...)
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  47.  11
    Joseph Chan (1992). Does Aristotle's Political Theory Rest on a 'Blunder'? History of Political Thought 13 (2):189-202.
    We may sum up the five roles which human beings might play in the existence of the polis in the following way: (1) Human nature plays the role of the inner principle of change which explains the type of human relation a polis takes (the polis as a type); (2) General patterns of human behaviours, together with patterns of societal conditions, play the role of material conditions which explain the variety of forms of polis; (3) Statesmen or politicians play the (...)
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  48.  75
    Leslie Marsh (2006). A History of Political Experience. [REVIEW] European Journal of Political Theory 5 (4):504-510.
    This book survives superficial but fails deeper scrutiny. A facile, undiscerning criticism of Lectures in the History of Political Thought (LHPT) is that on Oakeshott’s own account these are lectures on a non-subject: ‘I cannot detect anything which could properly correspond to the expression “the history of political thought”’ (p. 32). This is an entirely typical Oakeshottian swipe – elegant and oblique – at the title of the lecture course he inherited from Harold Laski. If title and quotation (...)
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  49. Nancy J. Hirschmann (2008). Mill, Political Economy, and Women's Work. American Political Science Review 102 (2):199-203.
    The sexual division of labor and the social and economic value of women’s work in the home has been a problem that scholars have struggled with at least since the advent of the “second wave” women’s movement, but it has never entered into the primary discourses of political science. This paper argues that John Stuart Mill’s Political Economy provides innovative and useful arguments that address this thorny problem. Productive labor is essential to Mill’s conception of property, and property (...)
     
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  50.  37
    Mihaela Mihai (2013). When the State Says “Sorry”: State Apologies as Exemplary Political Judgments. Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (2):200-220.
    This paper aims to offer an account of state apologies that discloses their potential function as catalysing political acts within broader processes of democratic change. While lots of ink has been spilled on analysing the relationship between apologies and processes of recognising the victims and their descendants, more needs to be said about how apologies can challenge the presence of self-congratulatory, distorted visions of history within the public sphere of liberal democracies. My account will be delineated through a critical (...)
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