Search results for 'political extremism' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Carl Cohen (1988). Free Speech and Political Extremism: How Nasty Are We Free to Be? [REVIEW] Law and Philosophy 7 (3):263 - 279.score: 150.0
  2. Clifford F. Porter (2002). Eric Voegelin on Nazi Political Extremism. Journal of the History of Ideas 63 (1):151-171.score: 150.0
  3. Ian Frowe (2007). 'The Politics of Faith and the Politics of Scepticism': Michael Oakeshott, Education and Extremism. British Journal of Educational Studies 55 (3):264 - 285.score: 102.0
    This paper considers a distinction between two types of politics developed by Michael Oakeshott in his book The Politics of Faith and the Politics of Scepticism (1996) and argues that the theoretical framework proposed supplies an illuminating and productive perspective for examining the notion of political extremism. These positions are linked to two other important aspects of his work, namely his account of 'enterprise' and 'civil' association and his differentiation between abstract philosophical entities and concrete political situations. (...)
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  4. Kristian Skagen Ekeli (2012). Liberalism and Permissible Suppression of Illiberal Ideas. Inquiry 55 (2):171-193.score: 84.0
    The purpose of this paper is to consider the following question: To what extent is it permissible for a liberal democratic state to suppress the spread of illiberal ideas (including anti-democratic ideas)? I will discuss two approaches to this question. The first can be termed the clear and imminent danger approach, and the second the preventive approach. The clear and imminent danger approach implies that it is permissible for liberal states to suppress the spread of illiberal doctrines and ideas only (...)
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  5. Laura Herta Gongola (2010). Sergiu Miscoiu, Le Front National et ses répercussions sur l'échiquier politique français 1972-2002/ The National Front and its Repercussions on the French Political Spectrum 1972-2002. [REVIEW] Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 4 (12):138-140.score: 78.0
    Sergiu Miscoiu, Le Front National et ses répercussions sur l’échiquier politique français 1972-2002 Cluj-Napoca, EFES, 2005, 123 p.
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  6. Chantal Mouffe (2005). On the Political. Routledge.score: 66.0
    Since September 11, we frequently hear that the struggle is between good and evil and that politics is at an end. Should we welcome or fear a 'Third Way' beyond left and right? In this timely and thought provoking book, Chantal Mouffe argues that third way thinking ignores fundamental, conflictual aspects of human nature and that far from expanding democracy, globalization is undermining the combative and radical heart of democratic life. Going back first to Aristotle, she identifies the historical origins (...)
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  7. Thomas E. Hill (1997). A Kantian Perspective on Political Violence. Journal of Ethics 1 (2):105 - 140.score: 66.0
    Rejecting Kant''s absolute opposition to revolution, I propose a modified Kantian perspective for reflecting on political violence, drawing from Kant''s basic ideas but abandoning some dubious assumptions. Developing suggestions in earlier papers, the essay sketches a model for moral legislation that combines the core ideas of each of Kant''s formulas of the Categorical Imperative. Though only a framework for deliberation, not a complete decision procedure, this excludes extremist positions, prohibitive and permissive, about political violence. Despite Kant''s hopes, the (...)
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  8. Alison Edgley (2005). Chomsky's Political Critique: Essentialism and Political Theory. Contemporary Political Theory 4 (2):129.score: 66.0
    This article challenges conventional views of Chomsky’s critique of American foreign policy as political extremism. It argues that it is necessary to begin with an understanding of the theoretical and philosophical framework he employs in all of his political writings. Chomsky has a political theory. Although it is underpinned by an essentialist view of human nature, it is neither reductionist nor conservative. The core of that view is a hopeful (and unverifiable) view of human need, and (...)
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  9. Thomas E. Hill Jr (1997). A Kantian Perspective on Political Violence. Journal of Ethics 1 (2):105-140.score: 66.0
    Rejecting Kant's absolute opposition to revolution, I propose a modified Kantian perspective for reflecting on political violence, drawing from Kant's basic ideas but abandoning some dubious assumptions. Developing suggestions in earlier papers, the essay sketches a model for “moral legislation” that combines the core ideas of each of Kant's formulas of the Categorical Imperative. Though only a framework for deliberation, not a complete decision procedure, this excludes extremist positions, prohibitive and permissive, about political violence. Despite Kant's hopes, the (...)
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  10. Hans Peter Grüner (2009). Inequality and Political Consensus. Theory and Decision 67 (3):239-265.score: 66.0
    This paper develops a model of political consensus in order to explain the missing link between inequality and political redistribution. Political consensus is an implicit agreement not to vote for extreme policy proposals. We show that such an agreement may play an efficiency-enhancing role. Voters anticipate that voting for extremist parties increases policy uncertainty in the future. A political consensus among voters reduces policy uncertainty because self-interested politicians propose non-discriminatory policies. We study how much inequality can (...)
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  11. Kristian Skagen Ekeli (2012). The Political Rights of Anti-Liberal-Democratic Groups. Law and Philosophy 31 (3):269-297.score: 60.0
    The purpose of this paper is to consider whether it is permissible for a liberal democratic state to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. My answer to this question is twofold. On the one hand, I will argue that it is, in principle, permissible for liberal democratic states to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. On the other hand, I will argue that it is rarely wise (or prudent) for ripe (...)
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  12. Predrag Krstic (2008). On a Botanical Analogy in Modern Theory of Society. Filozofija I Drustvo 19 (3):109-145.score: 48.0
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  13. Robert E. Bonner (2009). Proslavery Extremism Goes to War: The Counterrevolutionary Confederacy and Reactionary Militarism. Modern Intellectual History 6 (2):261-285.score: 42.0
    Recent scholarship on Southern intellectual history has tended to minimize the importance of America's most reactionary defenders of bondage. This essay revisits the significance of proslavery extremists by attending to how George Fitzhugh and a group of fellow polemicists legitimated Confederate authoritarianism during the early 1860s. By joining together as avowed counterrevolutionaries during a period of rapid change, these publicists vindicated force and as an alternative to the American founders' commitment to consensual government and equal political rights. Conjuring up (...)
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  14. S. J. Hartenberg (1967). Extremism and Tolerance in Politics. Ethics 77 (4):297-302.score: 40.0
  15. Marga Gomez-Reino & Campus Miguel de Unamuno (2001). Identity Politics and Party Elites Strategic Dilemmas: Comparing Varieties of Extremism: The Vlaams Blok and Lega Nord Paper Abstract. In David M. Estlund (ed.), Democracy. Blackwell Publishers.score: 40.0
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  16. Marian Popescu (1997). Extremism in Politics and the Search for a New Theater. The European Legacy 2 (1):18-21.score: 40.0
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  17. Neil Burtonwood (2006). Cultural Diversity, Liberal Pluralism and Schools: Isaiah Berlin and Education. Routledge.score: 36.0
    Culturally diverse liberal democracies on both sides of the Atlantic are currently faced with serious questions about the education of their future citizens. What is the balance between the need for social cohesion, and at the same time dealing justly with the demands for exemptions and accommodations from cultural and religious minorities? In contemporary Britain, the importance of this question has been recently highlighted by the concern to develop political and educational strategies capable of countering the influence of extremist (...)
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  18. David Schkade, Cass R. Sunstein & Reid Hastie (2010). When Deliberation Produces Extremism. Critical Review 22 (2-3):227-252.score: 36.0
    What are the effects of deliberation about political issues by likeminded people? An experimental investigation involving two deliberative exercises, one among self-identified liberals and another among self-identified conservatives, showed that participants' views became more extreme after deliberation. Deliberation also increased consensus and significantly reduced diversity of opinion within the two groups. Even anonymous statements of personal opinion became more extreme and homogeneous after deliberation.
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  19. Kurtis Hagen (2010). Is Infiltration of “Extremist Groups” Justified? International Journal of Applied Philosophy 24 (2):153-168.score: 36.0
    Many intellectuals scoff at what they call “conspiracy theories.” But two Harvard law professors, Cass Sunstein (now working for the Obama administration) and Adrian Vermeule, go further. They argue in the Journal of Political Philosophy that groups that espouse such theories ought to be infiltrated and undermined by government agents and allies. While some may find this proposal appalling (as indeed we all should), others may find the argument plausible, especially if they have been swayed by the notion that (...)
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  20. J. Sanderson (1982). Hunton, Philip Appeasement-Moderation and Extremism in the English Civil-War. History of Political Thought 3 (3):447-461.score: 36.0
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  21. T. Sanderson (1982). Philip Hunton's" Appeasement": Moderation and Extremism in the English Civil War. History of Political Thought 111:447-61.score: 36.0
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  22. John P. McCormick (1997). Carl Schmitt's Critique of Liberalism: Against Politics as Technology. Cambridge University Press.score: 34.0
    This is the first in-depth critical appraisal in English of the political, legal, and cultural writings of Carl Schmitt, perhaps this century's most brilliant critic of liberalism. It offers an assessment of this most sophisticated of fascist theorists without attempting either to apologise for or demonise him. Schmitt's Weimar writings confront the role of technology as it finds expression through the principles and practices of liberalism. Contemporary political conditions such as disaffection with liberalism and the rise of extremist (...)
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  23. Ingerid Straume (2012). The Survival of Politics. Critical Horizons 13 (1):113 - 133.score: 34.0
    Politics, in an emphatic sense of the term, involves questioning, a sense of importance, rationality and a collective investment in political life. The essay discusses some of the threats against the political imaginary thus understood in contemporary Western societies. Depoliticizing trends are found in political and economic theory and echoed in discussions about political problems of global complexity. The responses to the experiences of political powerlessness include the rise of right wing populism and extremism. (...)
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  24. Robert Talisse (2005). Social Epistemology and the Politics of Omission. Episteme 2 (2):107-118.score: 34.0
    Contemporary liberal democracy employs a conception of legitimacy according to which political decisions and institutions must be at least in principle justifiable to all citizens. This conception of legitimacy is difficult to satisfy when citizens are deeply divided at the level of fundamental moral, religious, and philosophical commitments. Many have followed the later Rawls in holding that where a reasonable pluralism of such commitments persists, political justification must eschew appeal to any controversial moral, religious, or philosophical premises. In (...)
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  25. John Wettersten (2012). The Rationality of Extremists: A Talmonist Insight We Need to Respond To. Social Epistemology 26 (1):31-53.score: 34.0
    Extremists who have been well educated in science are quite common, but nevertheless puzzling. How can individuals with high levels of scientific education fall prey to irrationalist ideologies? Implicit assumptions about rationality may lead to tremendous and conspicuous developments. When correction of social deficits is seen as a pressing problem, it is quite common that individuals conclude that some religious or political system contains the all-encompassing answer, if only it is applied with sufficiently high standards. Implicit assumptions about rationally (...)
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  26. Andrew Sabl (2009). The Last Artificial Virtue: Hume on Toleration and Its Lessons. Political Theory 37 (4):511 - 538.score: 30.0
    David Hume’s position on religion is, broadly speaking, “politic”: instrumental and consequentialist. Religions should be tolerated or not according to their effects on political peace and order. Such theories of toleration are often rejected as immoral or unstable. The reading provided here responds by reading Hume’s position as one of radically indirect consequentialism. While religious policy should serve consequentialist ends, making direct reference to those ends merely gives free reign to religious-political bigotry and faction. Toleration, like Hume’s other (...)
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  27. Pablo Gilabert (2011). Humanist and Political Perspectives on Human Rights. Political Theory 39 (4):439-467.score: 27.0
    This essay explores the relation between two perspectives on the nature of human rights. According to the "political" or "practical" perspective, human rights are claims that individuals have against certain institutional structures, in particular modern states, in virtue of interests they have in contexts that include them. According to the more traditional "humanist" or "naturalistic" perspective, human rights are pre-institutional claims that individuals have against all other individuals in virtue of interests characteristic of their common humanity. This essay argues (...)
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  28. Enzo Rossi (2012). Justice, Legitimacy, and (Normative) Authority for Political Realists. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):149-164.score: 27.0
    One of the main challenges faced by realists in political philosophy is that of offering an account of authority that is genuinely normative and yet does not consist of a moralistic application of general, abstract ethical principles to the practice of politics. Political moralists typically start by devising a conception of justice based on their pre-political moral commitments; authority would then be legitimate only if political power is exercised in accordance with justice. As an alternative to (...)
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  29. Ian Hunter (2012). Kant's Political Thought in the Prussian Enlightenment. In Elisabeth Ellis (ed.), Kant's Political Theory: Interpretations and Applications. Pennsylvania State University Press.score: 27.0
    This article provides an historical account of Kant's political, legal, and religious thought in the context of the Prussian Enlightenment.
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  30. Enzo Rossi (2010). Reality and Imagination in Political Theory and Practice: On Raymond Geuss’s Realism. [REVIEW] European Journal of Political Theory 9 (4):504-512.score: 27.0
    Can political theory be action-guiding without relying on pre-political normative commitments? I answer that question affirmatively by unpacking two related tenets of Raymond Geuss’ political realism: the view that political philosophy should not be a branch of ethics, and the ensuing empirically-informed conception of legitimacy. I argue that the former idea can be made sense of by reference to Hobbes’ account of authorization, and that realist legitimacy can be normatively salient in so far as it stands (...)
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  31. Simon Căbulea May (2011). Moral Compromise, Civic Friendship, and Political Reconciliation. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14 (5):581-602.score: 27.0
    Instrumentalism about moral compromise in politics appears inconsistent with accepting both the existence of non-instrumental or principled reasons for moral compromise in close personal friendships and a rich ideal of civic friendship. Using a robust conception of political reconciliation during democratic transitions as an example of civic friendship, I argue that all three claims are compatible. Spouses have principled reasons for compromise because they commit to sharing responsibility for their joint success as partners in life, and not because their (...)
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  32. Mihaela Mihai (2013). When the State Says “Sorry”: State Apologies as Exemplary Political Judgments. Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (2):200-220.score: 27.0
    This paper aims to offer an account of state apologies that discloses their potential function as catalysing political acts within broader processes of democratic change. While lots of ink has been spilled on analysing the relationship between apologies and processes of recognising the victims and their descendants, more needs to be said about how apologies can challenge the presence of self-congratulatory, distorted visions of history within the public sphere of liberal democracies. My account will be delineated through a critical (...)
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  33. Alan Ryan (1999). Isaiah Berlin, Political Theory and Liberal Culture. Annual Review of Political Science 2 (June):345-362.score: 27.0
    The essay provides a short outline of Berlin's career and an assessment of his contribution to pluralist and liberal thought. He was a British academic with a Russian cast of mind, and an inhabitant of the ivory tower who was very much at home in the diplomatic and political world. Similarly, he was neither a historian of ideas nor a political philosopher in the narrow sense usually understood in the modern academy. Rather, he engaged in a trans-historical conversation (...)
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  34. Leslie Marsh (2006). A History of Political Experience. [REVIEW] European Journal of Political Theory 5 (4):504-510.score: 27.0
    This book survives superficial but fails deeper scrutiny. A facile, undiscerning criticism of Lectures in the History of Political Thought (LHPT) is that on Oakeshott’s own account these are lectures on a non-subject: ‘I cannot detect anything which could properly correspond to the expression “the history of political thought”’ (p. 32). This is an entirely typical Oakeshottian swipe – elegant and oblique – at the title of the lecture course he inherited from Harold Laski. If title and quotation (...)
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  35. Gabriele Badano (2013). Political Liberalism and the Justice Claims of the Disabled: A Reconciliation. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (4):1-22.score: 27.0
    Unlike his theory of justice as fairness, John Rawls’s political liberalism has generally been spared from critiques regarding what is due to the disabled. This paper demonstrates that, due to the account of the basic ideas of society and persons provided by Rawls, political liberalism requires that the interests of numerous individuals with disabilities should be put aside when the most fundamental issues of justice are settled. My aim is to accommodate within public reason the due concern for (...)
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  36. Andrew Sabl (2002). Ruling Passions: Political Offices and Democratic Ethics. Princeton University Press.score: 27.0
    How should politicians act? When should they try to lead public opinion and when should they follow it? Should politicians see themselves as experts, whose opinions have greater authority than other people's, or as participants in a common dialogue with ordinary citizens? When do virtues like toleration and willingness to compromise deteriorate into moral weakness? In this innovative work, Andrew Sabl answers these questions by exploring what a democratic polity needs from its leaders. He concludes that there are systematic, principled (...)
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  37. Machiel Keestra (2012). Bounded Mirroring. Joint Action and Group Membership in Political Theory and Cognitive Neuroscience. In Frank Vandervalk (ed.), Thinking about the Body Politic: Essays on Neuroscience and Political Theory. Routledge. 222--249.score: 27.0
    A crucial socio-political challenge for our age is how to rede!ne or extend group membership in such a way that it adequately responds to phenomena related to globalization like the prevalence of migration, the transformation of family and social networks, and changes in the position of the nation state. Two centuries ago Immanuel Kant assumed that international connectedness between humans would inevitably lead to the realization of world citizen rights (Kant 1968). Nonetheless, globalization does not just foster cosmopolitanism but (...)
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  38. Shannon Brincat (2008). `Death to Tyrants': The Political Philosophy of Tyrannicide - Part I. Journal of International Political Theory 4 (2):212-240.score: 27.0
    This paper examines the conceptual development of the philosophical justifications for tyrannicide. It posits that the political philosophy of tyrannicide can be categorised into three distinct periods or models, the classical, medieval, and liberal, respectively. It argues that each model contained unique themes and principles that justified tyrannicide in that period; the classical, through the importance attached to public life and the functional role of leadership; the medieval, through natural law doctrine; and the liberal, through the postulates of social (...)
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  39. Vicente Medina (2010). Militant Intolerant People: A Challenge to John Rawls' Political Liberalism. Political Studies 58 (3):556-571.score: 27.0
    In this article, it is argued that a significant internal tension exists in John Rawls' political liberalism. He holds the following positions that might plausibly be considered incongruous: (1) a commitment to tolerating a broad right of freedom of political speech, including a right of subversive advocacy; (2) a commitment to restricting this broad right if it is intended to incite and likely to bring about imminent violence; and (3) a commitment to curbing this broad right only if (...)
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  40. Leo Strauss & Joseph Cropsey (eds.) (1987/1981). History of Political Philosophy. University of Chicago Press.score: 27.0
    This volume provides an unequaled introduction to the thought of chief contributors to the Western tradition of political philosophy from classical Greek antiquity to the twentieth century. Written by specialists on the various philosophers, this third edition has been expanded significantly to include both new and revised essays.
     
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  41. Thomas Fossen (2013). The Grammar of Political Obligation. Politics, Philosophy and Economics (3):1470594-13496072.score: 25.0
    This essay presents a new way of conceptualizing the problem of political obligation. On the traditional ‘normativist’ framing of the issue, the primary task for theory is to secure the content and justification of political obligations, providing practically applicable moral knowledge. This paper develops an alternative, ‘pragmatist’ framing of the issue, by rehabilitating a frequently misunderstood essay by Hanna Pitkin and by recasting her argument in terms of the ‘pragmatic turn’ in recent philosophy, as articulated by Robert Brandom. (...)
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  42. Robert S. Taylor (2010). Kant's Political Religion: The Transparency of Perpetual Peace and the Highest Good. Review of Politics 72 (1):1-24.score: 25.0
    Scholars have long debated the relationship between Kant’s doctrine of right and his doctrine of virtue (including his moral religion or ethico-theology), which are the two branches of his moral philosophy. This article will examine the intimate connection in his practical philosophy between perpetual peace and the highest good, between political and ethico-religious communities, and between the types of transparency peculiar to each. It will show how domestic and international right provides a framework for the development of ethical communities, (...)
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  43. Aaron Maltais (2008). Global Warming and the Cosmopolitan Political Conception of Justice. Environmental Politics 17 (4):592-609.score: 25.0
    Within the literature in green political theory on global environmental threats one can often find dissatisfaction with liberal theories of justice. This is true even though liberal cosmopolitans regularly point to global environmental problems as one reason for expanding the scope of justice beyond the territorial limits of the state. One of the causes for scepticism towards liberal approaches is that many of the most notable anti-cosmopolitan theories are also advanced by liberals. In this paper, I first explain why (...)
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  44. Hans Lindahl (2008). The Anomos of the Earth: Political Indexicality, Immigration, and Distributive Justice. Ethics and Global Politics 1 (4).score: 25.0
    Polities appeal to the principle of distributive justice when justifying the right to inclusion and exclusion they claim for themselves with respect to immigrants: to each their own place. This paper attempts, in a first stage, to explain the nature of the link between distributive justice and an alleged right to inclusion and exclusion, as manifested in the political use of indexicals such as ‘we’, ‘here’, and ‘now’. Drawing on an analysis of the European Union, it subsequently shows why (...)
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  45. Heikki Patomäki (2011). Towards Global Political Parties. Ethics and Global Politics 4 (2).score: 25.0
    While the transnational public sphere has existed in the Arendtian sense at least since the mid-19th century, a new kind of reflexively political global civil society emerged in the late 20th century. However, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), advocacy groups, and networks have limited agendas and legitimacy and, without the support of at least one state, limited means to realise changes. Since 2001, theWorld Social Forum (WSF) has formed a key attempt in forging links and ties of solidarity among diverse actors. (...)
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  46. Fabian Wendt (forthcoming). Justice and Political Authority in Left-Libertarianism. Politics, Philosophy and Economics:1470594-14539698.score: 25.0
    From a left-libertarian perspective, it seems almost impossible for states to acquire political authority. For that reason, left-libertarians like Peter Vallentyne understandably hope that states without political authority could nonetheless implement left-libertarian justice. Vallentyne has argued that one can indeed assess a state’s justness without assessing its political authority. Against Vallentyne, I try to show that states without political authority have to be judged unjust even if they successfully promote justice. The reason is that institutions can (...)
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  47. Thomas M. Besch (2013). On Political Legitimacy, Reasonableness, and Perfectionism. Public Reason 5 (1):58-74.score: 24.0
    The paper advances a non-orthodox reading of political liberalism’s view of political legitimacy, the view of public political justification that comes with it, and the idea of the reasonable at the heart of these views. Political liberalism entails that full discursive standing should be accorded only to people who are reasonable in a substantive sense. As the paper argues, this renders political liberalism dogmatic and exclusivist at the level of arguments for or against normative theories (...)
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  48. Pablo Gilabert & Holly Lawford-Smith (2012). Political Feasibility. A Conceptual Exploration. Political Studies 60 (4):809-825.score: 24.0
  49. Holly Lawford-Smith (2013). Understanding Political Feasibility. Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (3):243-259.score: 24.0
  50. Matthew B. O'Brien (2012). Why Liberal Neutrality Prohibits Same-Sex Marriage: Rawls, Political Liberalism, and the Family. British Journal of American Legal Studies 1 (2):411-466.score: 24.0
    John Rawls’s political liberalism and its ideal of public reason are tremendously influential in contemporary political philosophy and in constitutional law as well. Many, perhaps even most, liberals are Rawlsians of one stripe or another. This is problematic, because most liberals also support the redefinition of civil marriage to include same-sex unions, and as I show, Rawls’s political liberalism actually prohibits same- sex marriage. Recently in Perry v. Schwarzenegger, however, California’s northern federal district court reinterpreted the traditional (...)
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