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  1. Anastasia Giannakidou, Metalinguistic Contrast in Greek: Para Comparatives and Metalinguistic Negation.
    In preparation. With Melita Stavrou, Aristole University of Thessaloniki.
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  2. Anastasia Giannakidou, N-Words and Negative Concord.
    In the Linguistics Companion, Blackwell, Oxford. Available in on-line encyclopedia.
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  3. Anastasia Giannakidou, Only and Even: Sanctioning, Compositionality, and Variation in Polarity. (Handout).
    This is my response as key discussant to papers presented at the workshop on Polarity at this year’s LSA meeting in Anaheim, CA.
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  4. Anastasia Giannakidou & Marcel den Dikken, From Hell to Polarity: Aggressively Non-D-Linked Wh-Phrases as Polarity Items.
    Pesetsky’s (1987) ‘‘aggressively non-D-linked’’ wh-phrases (like who the hell; hereinafter, wh-the-hell phrases) exhibit a variety of syntactic and semantic peculiarities, including the fact that they cannot occur in situ and do not support nonecho readings when occurring in root multiple questions. While these are familiar from the literature (albeit less than fully understood), our focus will be on a previously unnoted property of wh-the-hell phrases: the fact that their distribution (in single wh-questions) matches that of polarity items (PIs). We lay (...)
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  5. Anastasia Giannakidou, Giannakidou, Zwarts.
    We explore this question in three domains: subjunctive in Greek relative clauses, progressives, and nonveridical verbs like prospatho ‘try’. We find that: • Existence fully depends on (i.e. follows from) the truth of the proposition in the case of mood choice in the relative clause: if a sentence is true in a doxastic model (set of worlds), existence of the event participants will be guaranteed in the model . We call this existentiality.
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  6. Anastasia Giannakidou, Definiteness, Contextual Domain Restriction, and Quantifier Structure: A Crosslinguistic Perspective.
    In this paper, we present a theory of interaction between definiteness and quantifier structure, where the definite determiner (D) performs the function of contextually restricting the domain of quantificational determiners (Qs). Our motivating data come from Greek and Basque, where D appears to compose with the Q itself. Similar compositions are found in Hungarian and Bulgarian. Following earlier work (Giannakidou 2004, Etxeberria 2005, Etxeberria and Giannakidou 2009) we define a domain restricting function DDR, in which D modifies the Q and (...)
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  7. Anastasia Giannakidou, Negative . . . Concord?
    The main claim of this paper is that a general theory of negative concord (NC) should allow for the possibility of NC involving scoping of a universal quantifier above negation. I propose that Greek NC instantiates this option. Greek n-words will be analyzed as polarity sensitive universal quantifiers which need negation in order to be licensed, but must raise above negation in order to yield the scoping ∀¬. This gives the correct interpretation of NC structures as general negative statements. The (...)
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  8. Anastasia Giannakidou, The Non-Uniformity of Wh-Indeterminates with Free Choice in Chinese.
    It has already been discussed extensively in the literature that wh-elements in Chinese (as in Japanese and Korean) can have non-interrogative interpretations, i.e., they are the socalled “wh-indeterminates” à la Kuroda 1965 (see Huang 1982, Cheng 1991, Li 1992, Lin 1998 among others). (1a-c) illustrate the typical examples.
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  9. Anastasia Giannakidou & Jason Merchant, On the Interpretation of Null Indefinite Objects in Greek.
    In this paper, we examine the properties of a novel kind of nominal ellipsis in Greek, which we call indefinite argument drop (IAD), concentrating on its manifestation in object positions. We argue that syntactically these null objects are present as pro, and we show that semantically they are licensed only by weak DP antecedents (in the sense of Milsark 1974). We compare IAD with NP- internal ellipsis, as attested also in English among many other languages, and show that IAD has (...)
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  10. Anastasia Giannakidou & Suwon Yoon, No NPI Licensing in Comparatives.
    Abstract In this paper, we caution that the comparative is, in fact, not, a licensing environment for NPIs. We show that the appearance of NPIs is much more restricted than previously assumed: strong NPIs do not appear in comparatives, and often NPI- any is confused with free choice any . Strong NPIs are licensed only if an antiveridical function is introduced, such as the negative metalinguistic comparative charari (Giannakidou and Yoon 2009)—but the comparative itself does not contain an antiveridical or (...)
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  11. Eleni Staraki & Anastasia Giannakidou, Ability, Action, and Causation: From Pure Ability to Force.
    Abstract In this paper, we show that Greek distinguishes empirically ability as a precondition for action, and ability as initiating and sustaining force for action. In this latter case, the ability verb behaves like an action verb, and the sentence has the logical form of a causative structure φ CAUSE [BECOME ψ] (Dowty 1979). The distinction between ability as potential for action and ability as action itself has a venerable tradition that goes back to Aristotle, and is recently implied in (...)
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  12. Anastasia Giannakidou, Domain Restriction and the Arguments of Quantificational Determiners.
    Classical generalized quantifier (GQ) theory posits that quantificational determiners (Q-dets) combine with a nominal argument of type et, a first order predicate, to form a GQ. In a recent paper, Matthewson (2001) challenges this position by arguing that the domain of a Q-det is not of type et, but e, an entity. In this paper, I defend the classical GQ view, and argue that the data that motivated Matthewson’s revision actually suggest that the domain set can, and indeed in certain (...)
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  13. Anastasia Giannakidou, Giannakidou and Rathert, Eds. Quantification, Definiteness, and Nominalization.
    The papers in this volume are updated versions of talks that were presented at the workshop QP structure, Nominalizations, and the role of DP that we organized at Saarland University, Germany, in December 2005. Although the connection between QP structure and definiteness, on the one hand, and nominalizations and definiteness on the other, were long observed in the literature, there has never been an attempt to bring the three together, and our aim at the workshop was to do exactly this: (...)
     
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  14. Anastasia Giannakidou, Licensing and Sensitivity in Polarity Items: From Downward Entailment to (Non)Veridicality.
    Polarity phenomena in language are pervasive and quite diverse. A quite familiar polarity item (PI) is any. Any a PI because it exhibits limited distribution: it is ungrammatical in positive sentences, but becomes fine with negation, in questions, with modal verbs, and in the scope of downward entailing quantifiers like few.
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  15. Anastasia Giannakidou, Myths and Realities About Bilingualism.
    White Thunder, a man around 40, speaks less English than Menomini, and that is a strong indictment, for his Menomini is atrocious. His vocabulary is small, his inflections are barbarous, he constructs sentences of a few threadbare models. He may be said to speak no language tolerably.
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  16. Anastasia Giannakidou, Metalinguistic Comparatives in Greek and Korean: Attitude Semantics, Expressive Content, and Negative Polarity Items.
    In this paper, we propose an analysis of metalinguistic comparatives (MCs) in Greek and Korean which combines an attitudinal semantics (Giannakidou and Stavrou 2008) with an expressive component. The comparative morpheme supplies the former, and the than-particle supplies the latter. Following Giannakidou and Stavrou, we assume that the MC involves the speaker’s attitude towards the than-proposition— which is deemed less appropriate or preferable— and we discuss novel data from Korean showing a two way distinction between “regular” MCs (signaled by the (...)
     
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  17. Anastasia Giannakidou, Negative and Positive Polarity Items: Variation, Licensing, and Compositionality.
    In this chapter, we discuss the distribution and lexical properties of common varieties of negative polarity items (NPIs) and positive polarity items (PPIs). We establish first that NPIs can be licensed in negative, downward entailing, and nonveridical environments. Then we examine if the scalarity approach (originating in Kadmon and Landman 1993) can handle the attested NPI distribution and empirical variation. By positing a unitary lexical source for NPIs—widening, plus EVEN— scalarity fails to capture the fact that a significant number of (...)
     
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  18. Anastasia Giannakidou, Only, Emotive Factive Verbs, and the Dual Nature of Polarity Dependency.
    The main focus of this article is the occurrence of some polarity items (PIs) in the complements of emotive factive verbs and only. This fact has been taken as a challenge to the semantic approach to PIs (Linebarger 1980), because only and factive verbs are not downward entailing (DE). A modification of the classical DE account is proposed by introducing the notion of nonveridicality (Zwarts 1995, Giannakidou 1998, 1999, 2001) as the one crucial for PI sanctioning. To motivate this move, (...)
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  19. Anastasia Giannakidou, On Metalinguistic Comparatives and Negation in Greek.
    In this paper, we identify a paradigm of metalinguistic comparatives in Greek headed by the preposition para. Para clauses are lexically distinct from other comparatives clauses in Greek (headed by apo, apoti). Building on earlier intuitions, we propose a semantics of metalinguistic MORE as a contrast between two propositions in terms of how appropriate of preferred they are by some individual. Syntactically, metalinguistic comparison appears to behave like a co-ordinate structure with ellipsis in the para-clause. Our account is extended to (...)
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  20. Anastasia Giannakidou, The Dependency of the Subjunctive Revisited: Temporal Semantics and Polarity.
    In this paper, I examine the syntax-semantics of subjunctive clauses in (Modern) Greek. These clauses are headed by the particle na and contain a dependent verbal form with no formal mood features: the perfective nonpast (PNP). I propose that the semantics of na is temporal: it introduces the variable now (n) into the syntax. This is necessary because the apparent present tense in the PNP cannot introduce n. The PNP, instead, contains a dependent time variable. This variable cannot be interpreted (...)
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  21. Anastasia Giannakidou, Polarity, Questions, and the Scalar Properties of Even.
    This paper discusses the behavior of three lexically distinct Greek expressions which appear to be the counterparts of English even: akomi ke, oute, and esto. The behavior of these three expressions is examined in positive and negative sentences, and it is demonstrated that they all are polarity sensitive. The distributional constraints of the three even-items, crucially, are shown to follow from their distinct scalar associations. In particular, the low-scalar likelihood of positive even (akomi ke) remains problematic with negation as well (...)
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  22. Anastasia Giannakidou, The Landscape of EVEN.
    This paper explores the role that the scalar properties and presuppositions of even play in creating polarity sensitive even meanings crosslinguistically (henceforth EVEN). I discuss the behavior of three lexically distinct Greek counterparts of even in positive, negative, subjunctive sentences, and polar questions. These items are shown to be polarity sensitive, and a three-way distinction is posited between a positive polarity (akomi ke), a negative polarity (oute), and a ‘flexible scale’even(esto) which does not introduce likelihood, but is associated with scales (...)
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  23. Anastasia Giannakidou, The Subjective Mode of Comparison: Metalinguistic Comparatives in Greek and Korean.
    In this paper, we present a striking parallel between Greek and Korean in the formation and interpretation of metalinguistic comparatives. The initial observation is that both languages show an empirical contrast between “regular” comparative and metalinguistic comparative realized in (a) the form of a designated metalinguistic comparative MORE; and (b) in the form of THAN employed. We propose (building on our earlier analyses in Giannakidou and Stavrou 2009, Giannakidou and Yoon 2009) that the metalinguistic comparative is perspectival, i.e. it introduces (...)
     
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  24. Anastasia Giannakidou, UNTIL, Aspect, and Negation: A Novel Argument for Two Untils.
    The puzzle of English until is well-known. Karttunen 1974 argues that until is ambiguous between a durative and a punctual negative polarity (NPI) meaning. Mittwoch 1977 claims that there is no ambiguity and that the two meanings are due to scope differences: NPI-until is in fact until above negation. Mittwoch’s account relies crucially on the assumption that negation is an aspectual operator that ‘stativizes’ verb meanings (a position recently argued for in de Swart 1996, and de Swart and Molendijk 1999; (...)
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  25. Anastasia Giannakidou, Why Giannis Can't Scrub His Plate Clean: On the Absence of Resultative Secondary Predication in Greek.
    In this paper, we contrast English and Greek resultative secondary predication, showing that Greek lacks the productive syntactic strategy which English employs. We propose that the difference in productivity should be attributed to properties of the morphology in the two languages (namely, to the differing productivity of certain verbal affixes). Finally, we give a compositional semantics for the complex event formation in the morphology/syntax that accounts for the contrasts between resultatives in English and Greek.
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  26. Ming Xiang, Julian Grove & Anastasia Giannakidou (2013). Dependency-Dependent Interference: NPI Interference, Agreement Attraction, and Global Pragmatic Inferences. Frontiers in Psychology 4.
    Previous psycholinguistics studies have shown that when forming a long distance dependency in online processing, the parser sometimes accepts a sentence even though the required grammatical constraints are only partially met. A mechanistic account of how such errors arise sheds light on both the underlying linguistic representations involved and the processing mechanisms that put such representations together. In the current study, we contrast the NPI (negative polarity items) interference effect, as shown by the acceptance of an ungrammatical sentence like “The (...)
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  27. Amy Franklin & Anastasia Giannakidou (2011). Negation, Questions, and Structure Building in a Homesign System. Cognition 118 (3):398-416.
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  28. Anastasia Giannakidou (2011). Positive Polarity Items and Negative Polarity Items: Variation, Licensing, and Compositionality. In Claudia Maienborn, Klaus von Heusinger & Paul Portner (eds.), Semantics: An International Handbook of Natural Language Meaning. De Gruyter Mouton. 1660--1712.
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  29. Urtzi Etxeberria & Anastasia Giannakidou (2010). Contextual Domain Restriction, Familiarity and Definiteness: A Cross-Linguistic Perspective. In François Recanati, Isidora Stojanovic & Neftali Villanueva (eds.), Context-Dependence, Perspective and Relativity. Mouton de Gruyter.
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  30. Urtzi Etxeberria & Anastasia Giannakidou (2010). Contextual Domain Restriction and the Definite Determiner1. In François Recanati, Isidora Stojanovic & Neftali Villanueva (eds.), Context-Dependence, Perspective and Relativity. Mouton de Gruyter. 6--93.
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  31. Anastasia Giannakidou & Lisa Cheng (2006). (In)Definiteness, Polarity, and the Role of Wh-Morphology in Free Choice. Journal of Semantics 23 (2):135-183.
    In this paper we reconsider the issue of free choice and the role of the wh-morphology employed in it. We show that the property of being an interrogative wh-word alone is not sufficient for free choice, and that semantic and sometimes even morphological definiteness is a pre-requisite for some free choice items (FCIs) in certain languages, e.g. in Greek and Mandarin Chinese. We propose a theory that explains the polarity behaviour of FCIs cross-linguistically, and allows indefinite (Giannakidou 2001) as well (...)
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  32. Martina Faller, Hana Filip, Nissim Francez, Angela Friederici, Marc Gawron, Bart Geurts, Anastasia Giannakidou, Jonathan Ginzburg, Paul Gochet & D. Graff (2003). 782 ACKNOWLEDGMENT Veneeta Dayal Regine Eckardt Paul Elbourne. Linguistics and Philosophy 26:781-782.
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  33. Anastasia Giannakidou (2001). The Meaning of Free Choice. Linguistics and Philosophy 24 (6):659-735.
    In this paper, I discuss the distribution and interpretation of free choice items (FCIs) in Greek, a language exhibiting a lexical paradigm of such items distinct from that of negative polarity items. Greek differs in this respect from English, which uniformly employs any. FCIs are grammatical only in certain contexts that can be characterized as nonveridical (Giannakidou 1998, 1999), and although they yield universal-like interpretations in certain structures, they are not, I argue, universal quantifiers. Evidence will be provided that FCIsare (...)
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  34. Anastasia Giannakidou (1999). Affective Dependencies. Linguistics and Philosophy 22 (4):367-421.
    Limited distribution phenomena related to negation and negative polarity are usually thought of in terms of affectivity where affective is understood as negative or downward entailing. In this paper I propose an analysis of affective contexts as nonveridical and treat negative polarity as a manifestation of the more general phenomenon of sensitivity to (non)veridicality (which is, I argue, what affective dependencies boil down to). Empirical support for this analysis will be provided by a detailed examination of affective dependencies in Greek, (...)
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