Search results for 'Anthropologists' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. John Lodewijks (1994). Anthropologists and Economists: Conflict or Cooperation? Journal of Economic Methodology 1 (1):81-104.score: 12.0
    Economists have sought little systematic help from economic anthropology. Some of the reasons for this neglect can be gleaned from a study of the history of economic anthropology and in monitoring the reaction of economists to these efforts. The substantivist-formalist methodological debate and the fieldwork of some modern development economists are examined. There are some indications that the interaction between economists and anthropologists might be moving in a more productive direction.
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  2. Annelie Rothe (2012). Cognitive Anthropologists: Who Needs Them? Topics in Cognitive Science 4 (3):387-395.score: 12.0
    During the last decades, the cognitive sciences and cognitive anthropology have increasingly veered away from each other. Cognitive anthropologists have become so rare within the cognitive sciences that Beller, Bender, and Medin (this issue) even propose a division of the cognitive sciences and cognitive anthropology. However, such a divorce might be premature. This commentary tries to illustrate the benefits that cognitive anthropologists have to offer, not despite, but because of their combination of humanistic and scientific elements. It argues (...)
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  3. Brad D. Hume (2008). Quantifying Characters: Polygenist Anthropologists and the Hardening of Heredity. [REVIEW] Journal of the History of Biology 41 (1):119 - 158.score: 12.0
    Scholars studying the history of heredity suggest that during the 19th-century biologists and anthropologists viewed characteristics as a collection of blended qualities passed on from the parents. Many argued that those characteristics could be very much affected by environmental circumstances, which scholars call the inheritance of acquired characteristics or "soft" heredity. According to these accounts, Gregor Mendel reconceived heredity - seeing distinct hereditary units that remain unchanged by the environment. This resulted in particular traits that breed true in succeeding (...)
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  4. V. A. Howard (1968). Do Anthropologists Become Moral Relativists by Mistake? Inquiry 11 (1-4):175 – 189.score: 12.0
    It is argued that anthropologists become moral relativists by mistake typically in two ways: (1) by confusing moral with factual discourse (dubbed the Normativist Fallacy) which derives in turn from a failure to distinguish adequately between direct and indirect discourse in the description of moral systems and preferences; or (2) by confusing definitive with hypothetical statements in descriptive ethics (the Definitivist Fallacy). Two representative arguments illustrating these errors are analyzed and some morals drawn from the results regarding the status (...)
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  5. Henry F. Lyle Iii & Eric A. Smith (2012). How Conservative Are Evolutionary Anthropologists? Human Nature 23 (3):306-322.score: 12.0
    The application of evolutionary theory to human behavior has elicited a variety of critiques, some of which charge that this approach expresses or encourages conservative or reactionary political agendas. In a survey of graduate students in psychology, Tybur, Miller, and Gangestad (Human Nature, 18, 313–328, 2007) found that the political attitudes of those who use an evolutionary approach did not differ from those of other psychology grad students. Here, we present results from a directed online survey of a broad sample (...)
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  6. Kerry Fosher (2010). Anthropologists in Arms: The Ethics of Military Anthropology. Journal of Military Ethics 9 (2):177-181.score: 9.0
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  7. Gregory Currie, Art and the Anthropologists.score: 9.0
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  8. Micaela Di Leonardo (1998). Exotics at Home: Anthropologies, Others, American Modernity. University of Chicago Press.score: 9.0
    In this pathbreaking study, Micaela di Leonardo reveals the face of power within the mask of cultural difference. From the 1893 World's Fair to Body Shop advertisements, di Leonardo focuses on the intimate and shifting relations between popular portrayals of exotic Others and the practice of anthropology. In so doing, she casts new light on gender, race, and the public sphere in America's past and present. "An impressive work of scholarship that is mordantly witty, passionately argued, and takes no prisoners."--Lesley (...)
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  9. Denis Dutton, Art, Behavior, and the Anthropologists.score: 9.0
    DO SOCIOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY STAND with the sciences or with the humanities? Most attempts to settle this question involve comparing these disciplines with the natural sciences on the one hand and with history on the other. If we take history as paradigmatic of the various forms of humanistic inquiry, we will certainly find many illuminating comparisons to be drawn between it and the social sciences, but history is not the only humanistic inquiry. In fact, there exists another whole realm of (...)
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  10. Michael Luntley (1982). Understanding Anthropologists. Inquiry 25 (2):199 – 216.score: 9.0
    In this paper I show how to treat problems in the philosophy of the social sciences, in particular anthropology, without the need to settle questions in the theory of meaning about realism and anti?realism. In doing this, I show how it is possible, contrary to received opinion, to ward off conceptual relativism without adoption of realist semantics. The argument involves sketching the feasibility of a viable non?realist concept of objectivity. Having distinguished the required notion of objectivity, I then bring this (...)
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  11. Rita Astuti & Maurice Bloch (2012). Anthropologists as Cognitive Scientists. Topics in Cognitive Science 4 (3):453-461.score: 9.0
    Anthropology combines two quite different enterprises: the ethnographic study of particular people in particular places and the theorizing about the human species. As such, anthropology is part of cognitive science in that it contributes to the unitary theoretical aim of understanding and explaining the behavior of the animal species Homo sapiens. This article draws on our own research experience to illustrate that cooperation between anthropology and the other sub-disciplines of cognitive science is possible and fruitful, but it must proceed from (...)
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  12. B. Baskar (1999). Anthropologists Facing the Collapse of Yugoslavia. Diogenes 47 (188):51-63.score: 9.0
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  13. I. C. Jarvie (1974). Book Reviews: Anthropologists and Anthropology. The British School I922-I972. By Adam Kuper. Toronto: Longman Canada Ltd., I973. Pp. 256. $I4.65. [REVIEW] Philosophy of the Social Sciences 4 (2):302-305.score: 9.0
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  14. Arthur Keith (1968). Galton's Place Among Anthropologists. The Eugenics Review 60 (1):12.score: 9.0
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  15. James McClenon & Jennifer Nooney (2002). Anomalous Experiences Reported by Field Anthropologists: Evaluating Theories Regarding Religion. Anthropology of Consciousness 13 (2):46-60.score: 9.0
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  16. Transforming Will (2010). Samoans Have a Word for “Will”—Loto—but Anthropologists Have Not Always Translated It Thusly, Which Puzzled Me When I First Began Doing Ethnography in American Sāmoa in the 1980s. I Was Taking a Language Class Kindly Offered to Stateside Teachers by a High-Ranking Member of the Government. He Decided to Teach Us a Love Song, Chanting the Language Into Our Heads. He Gave Us the Samoan Version and an English Translation with Every Word Glossed but One—Loto. After Class, I Asked Him to Translate It. He ... [REVIEW] In Keith M. Murphy & C. Jason Throop (eds.), Toward an Anthropology of the Will. Stanford University Press. 123.score: 9.0
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  17. Jacek Bielas & Rafał Abramciów (2009). Dimensions of Corporeality. A Metatheoretical Analysis of Anthropologists'Concern with the Human Body. Forum Philosophicum: International Journal for Philosophy 14 (1).score: 9.0
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  18. Gillian Cowlishaw (2010). Helping Anthropologists, Still. In Jon C. Altman & Melinda Hickson (eds.), Culture Crisis: Anthropology and Politics in Aboriginal Australia. University of New South Wales Press. 435--60.score: 9.0
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  19. J. P. DiMoia (2012). When Historians and Anthropologists Talk. Theory, Culture and Society 29 (2):124-134.score: 9.0
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  20. Mitra Emad (1997). Twirling the Needle: Pinning Down Anthropologists' Emergent Bodies in the Disclosive Field of American Acupuncture. Anthropology of Consciousness 8 (2‐3):88-96.score: 9.0
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  21. C. Gatt (2010). Serial Closure: Generative Reflexivity and Restoring Confidence in/of Anthropologists. In Stephanie Koerner & Ian Russell (eds.), Unquiet Pasts: Risk Society, Lived Cultural Heritage, Re-Designing Reflexivity. Ashgate.score: 9.0
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  22. David Goddard (forthcoming). Levi-Strauss and the Anthropologists. Social Research.score: 9.0
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  23. Felicia Hughes-Freeland (2007). Tradition and the Individual Talent”: TS Eliot for Anthropologists. In Elizabeth Hallam & Tim Ingold (eds.), Creativity and Cultural Improvisation. Berg. 207--235.score: 9.0
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  24. Benjamin Kilborne (1992). Fields of Shame: Anthropologists Abroad. Ethos 20 (2):230-253.score: 9.0
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  25. George R. Lucas (2009). Anthropologists in Arms: The Ethics of Military Anthropology. Altamira Press.score: 9.0
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  26. Henry F. Lyle Iii & Eric A. Smith (2012). How Conservative Are Evolutionary Anthropologists? Human Nature 23 (3):306-322.score: 9.0
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  27. Jok Memba (1995). Asceticism 152–7 Association of Social Anthropologists (ASA) Decennial Conference (Oxford, 1993) 1–9 Athens 287–9. In Wendy James (ed.), The Pursuit of Certainty: Religious and Cultural Formulations. Routledge. 48--313.score: 9.0
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  28. Merrilee H. Salmon (1977). Philosophy of Science for Anthropologists. Teaching Philosophy 2 (2):135-138.score: 9.0
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  29. Philip Carl Salzman (2008). What Anthropologists Look for : Patterns. In Philip Carl Salzman & Patricia C. Rice (eds.), Thinking Anthropologically: A Practical Guide for Students. Pearson Prentice Hall.score: 9.0
     
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  30. Terry Turner, Laura R. Graham, Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban & Jane K. Cowan (2009). Anthropology and Human Rights: Do Anthropologists Have an Ethical Obligation to Promote Human Rights. In Mark Goodale (ed.), Human Rights: An Anthropological Reader. Wiley-Blackwell.score: 9.0
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  31. Terence Turner, Laura R. Graham, Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban & Jane K. Cowan (2009). Do Anthropologists Have an Ethical Obligation to Promote Human Rights? : An Open Exchange. In Mark Goodale (ed.), Human Rights: An Anthropological Reader. Wiley-Blackwell.score: 9.0
     
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  32. Terry Turner, Laura R. Graham, Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban & Jane K. Cowan (2009). Rights: Do Anthropologists Have an Ethical Obligation to Promote Human Rights? An Open Exchange. In Mark Goodale (ed.), Human Rights: An Anthropological Reader. Wiley-Blackwell. 198.score: 9.0
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  33. Kirsten Hastrup (1995). A Passage to Anthropology: Between Experience and Theory. Routledge.score: 6.0
    The postmodern critique of Objectivism, Realism and Essentialism has somewhat shattered the foundations of anthropology, seriously questioning the legitimacy of studying others. By confronting the critique and turning it into a vital part of the anthropological debate, A Passage To Anthropology provides a rigorous discussion of central theoretical problems in anthropology that will find a readership in the social sciences and the humanities. It makes the case for a renewed and invigorated scholarly anthropology with extensive reference to recent anthropological debates (...)
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  34. Stefano Montes (2006). Just a Foreword? Malinowski, Geertz and the Anthropologist as Native. Sign Systems Studies 34 (2):357-385.score: 6.0
    Read through semiotic analysis, the narrative intrigue of (the evenemential and cognitive dimension of) the anthropologist’s work reveals the epistemological configuration encasing some central and interrelated questions in anthropology: the communication-interaction between anthropologists and other inter-actants, their invention-application of some metalanguages and the subsequent intercultural translations of concepts and processes. To explore this configuration, I compare a foreword written by Malinowski and another one written by Geertz. In these forewords, they resort to refined stories to frame complex argumentations. In (...)
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  35. Lynn Meskell & Peter Pels (eds.) (2005). Embedding Ethics. Berg.score: 6.0
    Embedding Ethics questions why ethics have been divorced from scientific expertise. Invoking different disciplinary practices from biological, archaeological, cultural, and linguistic anthropology, contributors show how ethics should be resituated at the heart of, rather than exterior to, scientific activity. Positioning the researcher as a negotiator of significant truths rather than an adjudicator of a priori precepts enables contributors to relocate ethics in new sets of social and scientific relationships triggered by recent globalization processes--from new forms of intellectual and cultural ownership (...)
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  36. E. Paul Durrenberger & Suzan Erem (eds.) (2010). Paradigm for Anthropology: An Ethnographic Reader. Paradigm Publishers.score: 6.0
  37. Rik Pinxten (ed.) (1979). On Going Beyond Kinship, Sex and the Tribe: Interviews on Contemporary Anthropology, its Philosophical Stands and its Applicability in the U.S.A. E. Story-Scientia.score: 6.0
  38. Barbara J. King (2008). Primates and Religion: A Biological Anthropologist's Response to J. Wentzel Van Huyssteen's Alone in the World? Zygon 43 (2):451-466.score: 4.0
    For a biological anthropologist interested in the prehistory of religion, J. Wentzel van Huyssteen's book is welcome and resonant. Van Huyssteen's central thesis is that humans' capacity for spirituality emerges from a transformation of cognition and emotions that takes place in the symbolic realm, within Homo sapiens and apart from biology. To his thesis I bring to bear three areas of response: the abundant cognitive and emotional capacities of living apes and extinct hominids; the role of symbolic ritual in the (...)
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  39. Joel Krueger & Søren Overgaard (forthcoming). Seeing Subjectivity: Defending a Perceptual Account of Other Minds. ProtoSociology.score: 3.0
    The problem of other minds has a distinguished philosophical history stretching back more than two hundred years. Taken at face value, it is an epistemological question: it concerns how we can have knowledge of, or at least justified belief in, the existence of minds other than our own. In recent decades, philosophers, psychologists, neuroscientists, anthropologists and primatologists have debated a related question: how we actually go about attributing mental states to others (regardless of whether we ever achieve knowledge or (...)
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  40. Søren Overgaard & Joel Krueger, Seeing Subjectivity: Defending a Perceptual Account of Other Minds.score: 3.0
    The problem of other minds has a distinguished philosophical history stretching back more than two hundred years. Taken at face value, it is an epistemological question: it concerns how we can have knowledge of, or at least justified belief in, the existence of minds other than our own. In recent decades, philosophers, psychologists, neuroscientists, anthropologists and primatologists have debated a related question: how we actually go about attributing mental states to others (regardless of whether we ever achieve knowledge or (...)
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  41. Jesse Prinz, Is Morality Innate?score: 3.0
    Thus declares Francis Hutcheson, expressing a view widespread during the Enlightenment, and throughout the history of philosophy. According to this tradition, we are by nature moral, and ourS concern for good and evil is as natural to us as our capacity to feel pleasure and pain. The link between morality and human nature has been a common theme since ancient times, and, with the rise of modern empirical moral psychology, it remains equally popular today. Evolutionary ethicists, ethologists, developmental psychologists, social (...)
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  42. John W. Cook (1999). Morality and Cultural Differences. Oxford University Press.score: 3.0
    The scholars who defend or dispute moral relativism, the idea that a moral principle cannot be applied to people whose culture does not accept it, have concerned themselves with either the philosophical or anthropological aspects of relativism. This study, shows that in order to arrive at a definitive appraisal of moral relativism, it is necessary to understand and investigate both its anthropological and philosophical aspects. Carefully examining the arguments for and against moral relativism, Cook exposes not only that anthropologists (...)
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  43. Daniel C. Dennett (1991). Two Contrasts: Folk Craft Vs Folk Science and Belief Vs Opinion. In John D. Greenwood (ed.), The Future of Folk Psychology. Cambridge University Press. 135--148.score: 3.0
    Let us begin with what all of us here agree on: folk psychology is not immune to revision. It has a certain vulnerability in principle. Any particular part of it might be overthrown and replaced by some other doctrine. Yet we disagree about how likely it is that that vulnerability in principle will turn into the actual demise of large portions--or all--of folk psychology. I am of the view that folk psychology is here for the long haul, and for some (...)
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  44. Paul Griffiths (2002). What is Innateness? The Monist 85 (1):70-85.score: 3.0
    In behavioral ecology some authors regard the innateness concept as irretrievably confused whilst others take it to refer to adaptations. In cognitive psychology, however, whether traits are 'innate' is regarded as a significant question and is often the subject of heated debate. Several philosophers have tried to define innateness with the intention of making sense of its use in cognitive psychology. In contrast, I argue that the concept is irretrievably confused. The vernacular innateness concept represents a key aspect of 'folkbiology', (...)
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  45. Akhil Gupta & James Ferguson (eds.) (1997). Culture, Power, Place: Explorations in Critical Anthropology. Duke University Press.score: 3.0
    Finally, this volume offers a self-reflective look at the social and political location of anthropologists in relation to the questions of culture, power, and ...
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  46. Mark W. Risjord (2000). The Politics of Explanation and the Origins of Ethnography. Perspectives on Science 8 (1):29-52.score: 3.0
    : At the turn of the twentieth century, comparative studies of human culture (ethnology) gave way to studies of the details of individual societies (ethnography). While many writers have noticed a political sub-text to this paradigm shift, they have regarded political interests as extrinsic to the change. The central historical issue is why anthropologists stopped asking global, comparative questions and started asking local questions about features of particular societies. The change in questions cannot be explained by empirical factors alone, (...)
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  47. Richard Samuels, Stephen Stich & Luc Faucher (2004). Reason and Rationality. In M. Sintonen, J. Wolenski & I. Niiniluoto (eds.), Handbook of Epistemology. Kluwer. 1-50.score: 3.0
    Over the past few decades, reasoning and rationality have been the focus of enormous interdisciplinary attention, attracting interest from philosophers, psychologists, economists, statisticians and anthropologists, among others. The widespread interest in the topic reflects the central status of reasoning in human affairs. But it also suggests that there are many different though related projects and tasks which need to be addressed if we are to attain a comprehensive understanding of reasoning.
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  48. I. C. Jarvie (1967). On Theories of Fieldwork and the Scientific Character of Social Anthropology. Philosophy of Science 34 (3):223-242.score: 3.0
    The following intellectual as opposed to practical reasons for all anthropologists doing fieldwork are examined: fieldwork: (1) records dying societies, (2) corrects ethnocentric bias, (3) helps put customs in their true context, (4) helps get the "feel" of a place, (5) helps to get to understand a society from the inside, (6) enables appreciation of what translating one culture into terms of another involves, (7) makes one a changed man, (8) provides the observational, factual basis for generalizations. None of (...)
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  49. Dan Sperber, Why a Deep Understanding of Cultural Evolution is Incompatible with Shallow Psychology.score: 3.0
    Human, cognition, interaction, and culture are thoroughly intertwined. Without cognition and interaction, there would be no culture. Without culture, cognition and interaction would be very different affairs, as they are among other social species. The effect of culture on mental life has always been a main concern of the social sciences and, after a long period of almost total neglect, it is more and more taken into consideration in cognitive psychology. The effect of cognition, and in particular of the ability (...)
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  50. Klaus Hoeyer, Lisa Dahlager & Niels Lynöe (2006). Ethical Conflicts During the Social Study of Clinical Practice: The Need to Reassess the Mutually Challenging Research Ethics Traditions of Social Scientists and Medical Researchers. Clinical Ethics 1 (1):41-45.score: 3.0
    When anthropologists and other social scientists study health services in medical institutions, tensions sometimes arise as a result of the social scientists and health care professionals having different ideas about the ethics of research. In order to resolve this type of conflict and to facilitate mutual learning, we describe two general categories of research ethics framing: those of anthropology and those of medicine. The latter focuses on protection of the individual through the preservation of autonomy expressed through the requirement (...)
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