Search results for 'B. Spector' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. E. Chemla & B. Spector (2011). Experimental Evidence for Embedded Scalar Implicatures. Journal of Semantics 28 (3):359-400.score: 120.0
    Scalar implicatures are traditionally viewed as pragmatic inferences that result from a reasoning about speakers' communicative intentions (Grice 1989). This view has been challenged in recent years by theories that propose that scalar implicatures are a grammatical phenomenon. Such theories claim that scalar implicatures can be computed in embedded positions and enter into the recursive computation of meaning—something that is not expected under the traditional pragmatic view. Recently, Geurts and Pouscoulous (2009) presented an experimental study in which embedded scalar implicatures (...)
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  2. M. Abrusan & B. Spector (2011). A Semantics for Degree Questions Based on Intervals: Negative Islands and Their Obviation. Journal of Semantics 28 (1):107-147.score: 120.0
    According to the standard analysis of degree questions (see, among others, Rullmann 1995; Beck & Rullmann 1996), the logical form of a degree question contains a variable that ranges over individual degrees and is bound by the degree question operator how. In contrast with this, we claim that the variable bound by the degree question operator how does not range over individual degrees but over intervals of degrees, by analogy with Schwarzschild and Wilkinson's (2002) proposal regarding the semantics of comparative (...)
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  3. John D. Sommer, Ed Casey, Mary C. Rawlinson, Eva Kittay, Michael A. Simon, Patrick Grim, Clyde Lee Miller, Rita Nolan, Marshall Spector, Don Ihde, Peter Williams, Anthony Weston, Donn Welton, Dick Howard, David A. Dilworth, Tom Foster Digby 3d, Anthony Appiah, David Auerbach, Annette Baier, Seyla Benhabib, Akeel Bilgrami, Richard Boyd, Robert Brandon, Joshua Cohen, Arnold Davidson, Owen Flanagan, Nancy Fraser, Marcia Lind, Alexander Nehamas, Linda Nicholson, Adrian Piper, Lynne Tirrell, Lawrence Blum, Lawrence Foster, Roma Farion, Mitchel Silver, Jenifer Radden, Jack Bayne, Robert K. Shope, Jane Roland Martin, Arthur B. Millman, Beebe Nelson, Robert Rosenfeld, Janet Farrell-Smith, David E. Flesche, Daniel E. Anderson, J. R. Brown, F. Cunningham, D. Goldstick, I. Hacking, C. Normore, A. Ripstein, W. Sumner, Alison M. Jaggar, Harry Deutsch, Irving Stein, John Hund, George Englebretsen, Fred Strohm, D. L. Ouren, P. Bilimoria, F. B. D. & Nora Nevin (1993). Letters to the Editor. Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical Association 66 (5):97 - 112.score: 120.0
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  4. Clifford Spector (1960). Review: I. L. Gal, J. B. Rosser, D. Scott, Generalization of a Lemma of G. F. Rose. [REVIEW] Journal of Symbolic Logic 25 (2):179-179.score: 120.0
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  5. Mitia Rioux-Beaulne (2010). Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Principes du droit de la guerre. Écrits sur la paix perpétuelle (sous la direction de B. Bachofen et C. Spector), Paris, Vrin, 2008, 340 pagesJean-Jacques Rousseau, Principes du droit de la guerre. Écrits sur la paix perpétuelle (sous la direction de B. Bachofen et C. Spector), Paris, Vrin, 2008, 340 pages. [REVIEW] Philosophiques 37 (2):562-566.score: 36.0
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  6. Raj Singh (2008). On the Interpretation of Disjunction: Asymmetric, Incremental, and Eager for Inconsistency. [REVIEW] Linguistics and Philosophy 31 (2):245-260.score: 12.0
    Hurford’s Constraint (Hurford, Foundations of Language, 11, 409–411, 1974) states that a disjunction is infelicitous if its disjuncts stand in an entailment relation: #John was born in Paris or in France. Gazdar (Pragmatics, Academic Press, NY, 1979) observed that scalar implicatures can obviate the constraint. For instance, sentences of the form (A or B) or (Both Aand B) are felicitous due to the exclusivity implicature of the first disjunct: A or B implicates ‘not (A and B)’. Chierchia, Fox, and (...) (Handbook of semantics, 2008) use the obviation of Hurford’s Constraint in these cases to argue for a theory of local implicature. I present evidence indicating that the constraint needs to be modified in two ways. First, implicatures can obviate Hurford’s Constraint only in earlier disjuncts, not later ones: #(Both A and B) or (A or B). Second, the constraint rules out not only disjuncts that stand in an entailment relation, but also disjuncts that are even mutually consistent: #John is from Russia or Asia. I propose to make sense of these facts by providing an incremental evaluation procedure which checks that each new disjunct to the right is inconsistent with the information to its left, before the disjunct can be strengthened by local implicature. (shrink)
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  7. E. Chemla (2007). An Epistemic Step for Anti-Presuppositions. Journal of Semantics 25 (2):141-173.score: 12.0
    Sentence (1) strongly suggests that the speaker does not have a sister:(1)John believes that I have a sister.a.Alternative:John knows that I have a sister.b.Actual inference:The speaker does not have a sister.c.Predicted inference:It is not common belief that the speaker has a sister.According to Heim (1991), Percus (2006), and Sauerland (2006), this inference should follow from the comparison of (1) to (1a). However, such an analysis would only predict a very weak implicature: it is not common belief that the speaker has (...)
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