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Profile: Chris Armstrong (University of Southampton)
  1. Chris Armstrong (forthcoming). Global Justice Between Egalitarianism and Minimalism. Political Theory.
  2. Chris Armstrong (2014). Against "Permanent Sovereignty" Over Natural Resources. Politics, Philosophy and Economics:1470594-14523080.
    The doctrine of permanent sovereignty over natural resources is a hugely consequential one in the contemporary world, appearing to grant nation-states both jurisdiction-type rights and rights of ownership over the resources to be found in their territories. But the normative justification for that doctrine is far from clear. This article elucidates the best arguments that might be made for permanent sovereignty, including claims from national improvement of or attachment to resources, as well as functionalist claims linking resource rights to key (...)
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  3. Chris Armstrong (2014). Global Justice Between Minimalism and Egalitarianism. Political Theory 42 (1):119-129.
  4. Chris Armstrong (2014). Justice and Attachment to Natural Resources. Journal of Political Philosophy 22 (1):48-65.
  5. Katy Abramson, Elizabeth S. Anderson, Erik A. Anderson, Chris Armstrong, Barbara Arneil, Richard Arneson, Gustaf Arrhenius, Marcus Arvan, Elizabeth Ashford & Michael Bacon (2013). Recognition of Reviewers. Journal of Social Philosophy 44 (4):309-312.
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  6. Chris Armstrong (2013). Global Justice, Positional Goods, and International Political Inequality. Ethics and Global Politics 6 (2).
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  7. Chris Armstrong (2013). Kok-Chor Tan, Justice, Institutions, and Luck: The Site, Ground, and Scope of Equality. Social Theory and Practice 39 (4):695-701.
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  8. Chris Armstrong (2013). Natural Resources: The Demands of Equality. Journal of Social Philosophy 44 (4):331-347.
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  9. Chris Armstrong (2013). Sovereign Wealth Funds and Global Justice. Ethics and International Affairs 27 (4):413-428.
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  10. Chris Armstrong (2011). Citizenship, Egalitarianism and Global Justice. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14 (5):603-621.
    Many of the foremost defenders of distributive egalitarianism hold that its scope should be limited to co-citizens. But this bracketing of distributive equality exclusively to citizens turns out to be very difficult to defend. Pressure is placed on it, for instance, when we recognize its vulnerability to ?extension arguments? which attempt to cast the net of egalitarian concern more widely. The paper rehearses those arguments and also examines some ? ultimately unsuccessful ? responses which ?citizenship egalitarians? might make. If it (...)
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  11. Chris Armstrong (2011). Shared Understandings, Collective Autonomy, and Global Equality. Ethics and Global Politics 4 (1).
  12. Chris Armstrong & Andrew Mason (2011). Introduction: Democratic Citizenship and its Futures. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14 (5):553-560.
  13. Chris Armstrong (2010). National Self-Determination, Global Equality and Moral Arbitrariness. Journal of Political Philosophy 18 (3):313-334.
  14. Chris Armstrong (2010). Review Article: Arguing About Justice Domestic and Global. European Journal of Political Theory 9 (3):367-375.
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  15. Chris Armstrong (2009). Basic Needs, Equality and Global Justice. Journal of Global Ethics 5 (3):245 – 251.
    A review essay of Gillian Brock Global Justice: A Cosmopolitan Account (Oxford University Press, 2009).
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  16. Chris Armstrong (2009). Coercion, Reciprocity, and Equality Beyond the State. Journal of Social Philosophy 40 (3):297-316.
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  17. Chris Armstrong (2009). Defending the Duty of Assistance? Social Theory and Practice 35 (3):461-482.
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  18. Chris Armstrong (2009). Global Egalitarianism. Philosophy Compass 4 (1):155-171.
    To whom is egalitarian justice owed? Our fellow citizens, or all of humankind? If the latter, what form might a global brand of egalitarianism take? This paper examines some recent debates about the justification, and content, of global egalitarian justice. It provides an account of some keenly argued controversies about the scope of egalitarian justice, between those who would restrict it to the level of the state and those who would extend it more widely. It also notes the cross-cutting distinction (...)
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  19. Chris Armstrong & Simon Thompson (2009). Parity of Participation and the Politics of Status. European Journal of Political Theory 8 (1):109-122.
    Over the past decade, Nancy Fraser has developed a sophisticated theory of social justice. At its heart lies the principle of parity of participation, according to which all adult members of society must be in a position to interact with one another as peers. This article examines some obstacles to the implementation of that principle. Concentrating on the contemporary status order, it asks two specific questions. Is it possible to produce a precise account of how the status order might need (...)
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  20. Chris Armstrong (2008). Collapsing Categories: Fraser on Economy, Culture and Justice. Philosophy and Social Criticism 34 (4):409-425.
    This article examines Nancy Fraser's attempt to repair the apparent schism between economic and cultural struggles for justice. Fraser has argued that the only analysis equipped to theorize the relationship between economic and cultural injustices is a `perspectival dualist' one, which treats the two forms of injustice as analytically separate and irreducible, at the same time as providing tools for theorizing potential harmonies between the claims of groups agitating for economic and cultural justice. Fraser's contribution has been hugely influential, but (...)
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  21. Chris Armstrong (2004). Equality, Community and the Production of Value. European Journal of Political Theory 3 (3):339-346.
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  22. Chris Armstrong (2003). Equality, Recognition and the Distributive Paradigm. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 6 (3):154-164.
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  23. Chris Armstrong & Judith Squires (2002). Beyond the Public/Private Dichotomy: Relational Space and Sexual Inequalities. Contemporary Political Theory 1 (3):261-283.
  24. Chris Armstrong, Philosophical Interpretation in the Work of Michael Walzer.
    Walzer's work has been criticised by liberal writers on the grounds of its interpretive underpinnings, which have been equated with communitarianism. Theorists working in branches of radical political theory (such as feminism, critical theory or post-structuralism) have generally accepted this criticism and considered Walzer's work excessively conservative. Its influence on radical political theory has therefore been abbreviated. But the contention of this article is that, properly understood, the grounds on which Walzer takes issue with objectivist liberalism closely resemble those advanced (...)
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