Ce texte a déjà paru dans Thérapie familiale, Genève, 2002, Vol. 23, n° 1, p. 21-34. Nous remercions Anne Courtois de nous avoir autorisé à le reproduire ici. Résumé : Le temps familial, une question de rythmes ? Réflexions épistémologiques et cliniques. – La dimension temporelle a, pendant de longues années, été complètement évacuée par les différentes écoles de thérapie familiale. Aujourd'hui, l'histoire du groupe familial, l'évolution dans le temps de la relation thérapeutique est prise en compte. (...) - (...) Psychanalyse et psychothérapie – Nouvel article. (shrink)
In this paper, I seek to challenge two prevailing views about religious accommodation. The first maintains that religious practices deserve accommodation only if they are regarded as something unchosen on a par with the involuntary circumstances of life people must face. The other view maintains that religious practices are nothing more than preferences but questions the necessity of their accommodation. Against these views, I argue that religious conducts, even on the assumption that they represent voluntary behaviours, deserve in certain circumstances (...) certain kinds of accommodation. They must be understood as one possible expression, along with nonreligious or secular beliefs, of a person's convictions of conscience, which are strong ethical commitments upon which depends the moral integrity of those having such convictions. I demonstrate that the main ground for religious accommodation is the need to protect fairly, through such rights as religious freedom and freedom of conscience, the ethical commitments and conscientious beliefs of all citizens. Finally, against the objection that such a view risks leading to the proliferation of demands for accommodation, I maintain that a deliberative approach to religious accommodation is in a good position to put serious hurdles in the path of unreasonable demands. (shrink)
In this paper the author examines the main features of Jürgen Habermas's cosmopolitan view of the global political order. He specifically examines the importance Habermas accords respectively to individual rights and the nationstate in such an order. After demonstrating that a global political order founded on the defence of individual human rights rather than the nation-state is an assumption that should be taken seriously, the author maintains that it would be undesirable to attribute only a secondary role to the nation-sate. (...) In the second part of the paper, he demonstrates that the nation-state has a positive role to play in the global era, and that those who predict its imminent demise will have to revisit their positions. (shrink)
RÉSUMÉ: Cet article examine la thèse, soutenue récemment par Terry Nardin, Kok-Chor Tan et Carla Bagnoli, selon laquelle l'intervention humanitaire devrait être considérée, non plus comme un devoir imparfait (un devoir d'assistance aux victimes de crimes contre l'humanite laissé à la discrétion des membres de la communauté internationale), mais, les conditions de permissivité étant satisfaites, comme un devoir parfait, c'est-à-dire une obligation inconditionnelle réclamée par la justice. Après avoir exposé les raisons pour lesquelles il convient de supporter une teIle position, (...) il met néanmoins en évidence certaines des difficultés qui s'y rattachent et tente de leur apporter des éléments de réponse.ABSTRACT: This article examines the claim recently put forward by Terry Nardin, Kok-Chor Tan, and Carla Bagnoli that humanitarian intervention ought to be conceived, not as an imperfect duty (a duty of assistance to the victims of crimes against humanity left to the discretion of the members of the international community), but-assuming that the permissibility conditions have been satisfied-as a perject duty (an unconditional obligation demanded by justice). After explaining why such a position can be considered as legitimate, it underlines some of its difficulties and provides the elements of a response in order to overcome them. (shrink)
The general aim of this paper is to question the idea that hermeneutic and critical social sciences have to be conceived as specific embodiments of the scientific enterprise. This idea is rather implicit in Habermas's work, but has its grounds in his thesis about the argumentative unity of all sciences, upheld for the first time in 1973. Such a point of view turns out to be untenable for two reasons. First, the indiscriminating inclusion of the hermeneutic and critical social sciences (...) in scientific enterprise raises problems of consistency with regard to the systematic guidelines of The Theory of Communicative Action. Moreover, the thesis of argumentative unity of the sciences itself is incompatible with Habermas's methodological conception of the role of Verstehen in the social sciences developed in section 1.4 of the book. Finally, the author argues that this conception calls for another understanding of the status and role of the hermeneutic and critical disciplines, which is outlined in some detail. (shrink)
In this paper, I examine the scope and limits of Brian Barry’s uniform treatment approach to cultural differences through a critical assessment of its two main arguments. The first maintains that under a regime of institutions serving legitimate public purposes, equal opportunity is an objective state of affairs, and religious or cultural maladjustments to laws and public policies are morally irrelevant to the issue of equal opportunity. The other maintains that unlike physical disabilities, religious and cultural affiliations are the result (...) not of morally arbitrary factors over which one has no control but of life choices for which people must assume responsibility. To the first argument, I respond that equal opportunity is best viewed as an interactive phenomenon encompassing subjective and objective components and that a deliberative approach to cultural claims is more likely than Barry’s uniform approach does to grant religious and cultural minorities equal opportunities and equal treatment. To the second argument, I respond that, even if they arise out of the life choices made by people, religious conducts and cultural practices deserve to be accommodated through law exemption because it is sometimes the only way our liberal democracies can show respect for citizens as ethical subjects. (shrink)
The literature on multiculturalism currently splits parties into two camps : those favorable to the uniform treatment of cultural differences and those favorable to their differential treatment. Brian Barry, perhaps of the most influential present supporters of the first camp, has recently developed a severe criticism of the second approach. I intend in this paper to examine the scope and limits of Barry’s own uniform treatment approach. First, I will present the grounds Barry has for supporting it. Second, I will (...) examine one of its most important difficulties, that of excluding the particular treatment of cultural differences on the grounds that they are a matter of choice. (shrink)
The article aims at assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the objections to Habermas’s epistemic conception of democracy raised by Thomas McCarthy in some of his essays. The author defends two ideas. First, he contends that McCarthy is mistaken in believing that democratic debates would not be a matter of consensus. In this regard, two arguments are raised, showing that the search for agreement and consensus by citizens in public forums can hardly be dismissed and that consensus can be invested (...) with many meanings in democratic life. Secondly, however, the author approves McCarthy when challenging Habermas’s epistemic claims regarding his theory of democracy. Not all democratic deliberations can be analysed in epistemic terms, in particular, debates on values. The pitfalls of any epistemic account of this form of deliberation are pointed out in the end of the essay. (shrink)
Rau, D. Die Ethik R. Saadjas.--Neumark, D. Saadya's philosophy.--Vajda, G. Saadia Gaon et l'amour courtois.--Diesendruck, Z. Saadya's formulation of the time-argument for creation.--Altmann, A. Saadya's conception of the law.--Vajda, G. Saʻadyā commentateur du "Livre of la création."--Vajda, G. Études sur Saadia.--Harkavy, A. Fragments of anti-Karaite writings of Saadiah in the Imperial Public Library at St. Petersburg.--Eisler, M. Vorlesungen über die jüdischen Philosophen des Mittelalters.
The publication of this Black Book by a group of historians to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the October Revolution has opened a heated debate, first in France and then abroad. Edited by Stéphane Courtois, who also wrote the preface (instead of François Furet, who died a few months before its publication), this work attempts to provide an accurate account of the human cost of communism in view of the documentary evidence available today. The estimate is around 100 million (...) dead—four times the body-count of Nazism. These figures are not really a revelation. From Boris Souvarine to Robert Conquest and…. (shrink)
Il a fallu deux ans pour la parution de l’édition française de ce court mais très dense ouvrage concernant le partage eucharistique entre les Églises de la Réforme et l’Église catholique. Et on ne peut que déplorer l’absence des Églises orthodoxes dans ce débat si central pour l’œcuménisme. L’originalité de la recherche est tout d’abord dans la méthode adoptée : partir des pratiques de partage eucharistique déjà officiellement en vigueur dans plusieurs contextes pour en déduire des positions ..
Presents a commentary on the crimes of communism theme of the book `The Black Book of Communism,' by Stephane Courtois. Impact made by the book in France; Factor that made the book controversial in Europe; Assertions made by Courtois about genocide; Aim of the book. Presents a commentary on the crimes of communism theme of the book `The Black Book of Communism,' by Stephane Courtois. Impact made by the book in France; Factor that made the book controversial (...) in Europe; Assertions made by Courtois about genocide; Aim of the book. (shrink)