Search results for 'Comprehensive doctrines Overlapping consensus Political liberalism Rawls' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. John Rawls (2003). The Domain of the Political and Overlapping Consensus. In Derek Matravers & Jonathan E. Pike (eds.), Debates in Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Anthology. Routledge, in Association with the Open University.score: 895.7
  2. Vincent J. Samar & John Rawls (1995). Just Society: A Review of John Rawls, "Political Liberalism"Political Liberalism. [REVIEW] Business Ethics Quarterly 5 (3):629.score: 865.7
  3. T. O. J. Rawls (1994). Pp. 462-63. Susan Moller Okin Suggests That One Reasonable Interpretation of Rawls's PL is That It Requires That the Family Be Internally Subject to the Two Principles of Justice. So, Under This Interpretation, Patriarchal Family Forms Might Be Disallowed by Rawls's Theory. See Okin," Political Liberalism, Justice and Gender,". [REVIEW] In Peter Singer (ed.), Ethics. Oxford University Press. 105--23.score: 865.7
     
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  4. Enrico Zoffoli (2012). The Place of Comprehensive Doctrines in Political Liberalism: On Some Common Misgivings About the Subject and Function of the Overlapping Consensus. Res Publica 18 (4):351-366.score: 735.4
    In this paper I argue that Rawlsians have largely misunderstood the idea of an overlapping consensus of reasonable comprehensive doctrines, thereby failing to delineate in an appropriate way the place of comprehensive doctrines in political liberalism. My argument rests on two core claims. The first claim is that (i) political liberalism is committed to three theses about the overlapping consensus. The first thesis concerns the subject of the (...) consensus; the second thesis concerns the function of the overlapping consensus; the third thesis explains how the overlapping consensus can serve its function in accordance with political liberalism’s commitment to epistemic neutrality. The second claim on which my argument relies is empirical: (ii) Rawlsians typically deny at least one of the three theses to which political liberalism is committed. Based on (i) and (ii), I conclude that Rawlsians have hitherto provided unconvincing accounts of the place of comprehensive doctrines in political liberalism. (shrink)
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  5. John Rawls (1995). Political Liberalism: Reply to Habermas. Journal of Philosophy 92 (3):132-180.score: 415.7
  6. John Rawls (1993). Political Liberalism. Columbia University Press.score: 415.7
  7. John Rawls (1987). The Idea Of An Overlapping Consensus. Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 7 (1):1-25.score: 415.7
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  8. Andrews Reath, Barbara Herman, Christine M. Korsgaard & John Rawls (eds.) (1997). Reclaiming the History of Ethics: Essays for John Rawls. Cambridge University Press.score: 300.0
    The essays in this volume offer an approach to the history of moral and political philosophy that takes its inspiration from John Rawls. All the contributors are philosophers who have studied with Rawls and they offer this collection in his honor. The distinctive feature of this approach is to address substantive normative questions in moral and political philosophy through an analysis of the texts and theories of major figures in the history of the subject: Aristotle, Hobbes, (...)
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  9. Lenn E. Goodman (2012). Naked in the Public Square. Philosophia 40 (2):253-270.score: 299.6
    Responding to Rawls’ pleas in Political Liberalism against appeals to comprehensive doctrines, be they religious or metaphysical, I argue that such constraints are inherently illiberal—and unworkable. Rawls deems political proposals inherently coercive and judges everyone in a democracy a participant in governance—thus, in effect, complicit in state coercion. He seeks to limit the sweep of his exclusionary rule to core questions of rights. But in an individualistic and litigious society like ours it proves (...)
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  10. Enzo Rossi (forthcoming). Legitimacy and Consensus in Rawls' Political Liberalism. Iride: Filosofia E Discussione Pubblica.score: 293.6
    In this paper I analyze the theory of legitimacy at the core of John Rawlspolitical liberalism. Rawls argues that a political system is well grounded when it is stable. This notion of stability embodies both pragmatic and moral elements, each of which constitutes a key desideratum of Rawlsian liberal legitimacy. But those desiderata are in tension with each other. My main claim is that Rawls’ strategy to overcome that tension through his theory of (...)
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  11. Jack Russell Weinstein (2012). Overlapping Consensus or Marketplace of Religions? Rawls and Smith. Philosophia 40 (2):223-236.score: 284.1
    In this paper, I examine the claim that Rawls’s overlapping consensus is too narrow to allow most mainstream religions’ participation in political discourse. I do so by asking whether religious exclusion is a consequence of belief or action, using conversion as a paradigm case. After concluding that this objection to Rawls is, in fact, defensible, and that the overlapping consensus excludes both religious belief and action, I examine an alternative approach to managing religious (...)
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  12. Political Liberalism Rawls (1997). Current Periodical Articles 483. Philosophical Review 106 (3).score: 278.6
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  13. Shaun Young (2007). Avoiding the Unavoidable? Judith Shklar's Unwilling Search for an Overlapping Consensus. Res Publica 13 (3):231-253.score: 267.9
    No less an authority than John Rawls identified Judith Shklar as a ‘political’ liberal. However, though their respective conceptions of political liberalism are similar in a number of important respects, Shklar emphasizes that her vision differs notably from that of Rawls. In particular, she explicitly eschews Rawls’s focus on establishing and sustaining an overlapping consensus, arguing that his belief in the possibility of securing such a consensus is naïve and, indeed, dangerous (...)
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  14. Stephen Wilmot (2009). Psychotherapy and Distributive Justice: A Rawlsian Analysis. [REVIEW] Medicine, Health Care and Philosophy 12 (1):67-75.score: 247.3
    In this paper I outline an approach to the distribution of resources between psychotherapy modalities in the context of the UK’s health care system, using recent discussions of Cognitive Behavioural Psychotherapy as a way of highlighting resourcing issues. My main goal is to offer an approach that is just, and that accommodates the diversity of different schools of psychotherapy. In order to do this I draw extensively on the theories of Justice and of Political Liberalism developed by the (...)
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  15. Ali Rizvi (2012). Testing the Limits of Liberalism: A Reverse Conjecture. Heythrop Journal 53 (3):382-404.score: 236.6
    In this paper, I propose to look closely at certain crucial aspects of the logic of Rawls' argument in Political Liberalism and related subsequent writings. Rawls' argument builds on the notion of comprehensiveness, whereby a doctrine encompasses the full spectrum of the life of its adherents. In order to show the mutual conflict and irreconcilability of comprehensive doctrines, Rawls needs to emphasise the comprehensiveness of doctrines, as their irreconcilability to a large extent (...)
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  16. Banu Kilan (2009). J. Rawls's Idea of an 'Overlapping Consensus' and the Complexity of 'Comprehensive Doctrines'. Ethical Perspectives 16 (1):21-60.score: 227.6
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  17. Gabriele Badano (2013). Political Liberalism and the Justice Claims of the Disabled: A Reconciliation. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (4):1-22.score: 221.1
    Unlike his theory of justice as fairness, John Rawls’s political liberalism has generally been spared from critiques regarding what is due to the disabled. This paper demonstrates that, due to the account of the basic ideas of society and persons provided by Rawls, political liberalism requires that the interests of numerous individuals with disabilities should be put aside when the most fundamental issues of justice are settled. My aim is to accommodate within public reason (...)
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  18. Matthew B. O'Brien (2012). Why Liberal Neutrality Prohibits Same-Sex Marriage: Rawls, Political Liberalism, and the Family. British Journal of American Legal Studies 1 (2):411-466.score: 215.1
    John Rawls’s political liberalism and its ideal of public reason are tremendously influential in contemporary political philosophy and in constitutional law as well. Many, perhaps even most, liberals are Rawlsians of one stripe or another. This is problematic, because most liberals also support the redefinition of civil marriage to include same-sex unions, and as I show, Rawls’s political liberalism actually prohibits same- sex marriage. Recently in Perry v. Schwarzenegger, however, California’s northern federal district (...)
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  19. Ali Rizvi, The Independence/Dependence Paradox Within John Rawls’s Political Liberalism.score: 215.1
    Rawls in his later philosophy claims that it is sufficient to accept political conception as true or right, depending on what one's worldview allows, on the basis of whatever reasons one can muster, given one's worldview (doctrine). What political liberalism is interested in is a practical agreement on the political conception and not in our reasons for accepting it. There are deep issues (regarding deep values, purpose of life, metaphysics etc.) which cannot be resolved through (...)
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  20. Ruth Abbey (2007). Back Toward a Comprehensive Liberalism? Justice as Fairness, Gender, and Families. Political Theory 35 (1):5 - 28.score: 194.6
    This article examines the attempts by John Rawls in the works published after "Political Liberalism" to engage with some of the feminist responses to his work. Rawls goes a long way toward addressing some of the major feminist-liberal concerns. Yet this has the unintended consequence of pushing justice as fairness in the direction of a more comprehensive, rather than a strictly political, form of liberalism. This does not seem to be a problem peculiar (...)
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  21. Alexander Kaufman (2006). Rawls's Practical Conception of Justice: Opinion, Tradition and Objectivity in Political Liberalism. Journal of Moral Philosophy 3 (1):23-43.score: 188.6
    In Political Liberalism, Rawls emphasizes the practical character and aims of his conception of justice. Justice as fairness is to provide the basis of a reasoned, informed and willing political agreement by locating grounds for consensus in the fundamental ideas and values of the political culture. Critics urge, however, that such a politically liberal conception of justice will be designed merely to ensure the stability of political institutions by appealing to the currently-held opinions (...)
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  22. John Halliday (2001). Reason, Education and Liberalism: Family Resemblance Within an Overlapping Consensus. Studies in Philosophy and Education 20 (3):225-234.score: 186.0
    This paper focuses on recent debates over the nature ofliberalism and its central feature of reason, both inside and outside ofeducational philosophy. Central ideas from Jonathan and Hirst contributeas do those from Rawls, Gadamer, Wittgenstein, Taylor, and Ackermantoward a less traditional contextualized and contingent view.
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  23. Matthew Clayton & David Stevens (2014). When God Commands Disobedience: Political Liberalism and Unreasonable Religions. Res Publica 20 (1):65-84.score: 170.1
    Some religiously devout individuals believe divine command can override an obligation to obey the law where the two are in conflict. At the extreme, some individuals believe that acts of violence that seek to change or punish a political community, or to prevent others from violating what they take to be God’s law, are morally justified. In the face of this apparent clash between religious and political commitments it might seem that modern versions of political morality—such as (...)
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  24. Alan Carter (2006). Political Liberalism and Political Compliance: Part 2 of the Problem of Political Compliance in Rawls’s Theories of Justice. Journal of Moral Philosophy 3 (2):135-157.score: 167.1
    Three interlocking features appear to underpin Rawls’s justification of political compliance within the context of political liberalism: namely, a specific territory; a specific society; and a specific conception of what it is to be reasonable. When any one feature is subject to critical examination, while presupposing that the other two are acceptable, Rawls’s argument for political compliance may seem persuasive. But when all three features are critically examined together, his justification of political compliance (...)
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  25. John Rawls, Incentives and Principles for Individuals in Rawls's Theory of Justice.score: 165.7
    Philippe van Parijs (2003) has argued that an egalitarian ethos cannot be part of a post- Political Liberalism Rawlsian view of justice, because the demands of political justice are confined to principles for institutions of the basic structure alone. This paper argues, by contrast, that certain principles for individual conduct—including a principle requiring relatively advantaged individuals to sometimes make their economic choices with the aim of maximising the prospects of the least advantaged—are an integral part of a (...)
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  26. Hun Chung (2008). Can Classical Utilitarianism Participate in Overlapping Consensus? Why Not? Proceedings of the Xxii World Congress of Philosophy 10:53-60.score: 160.4
    The main objective of RawlsPolitical Liberalism was to explain how a workable theory of justice can be established and sustained within a society that is marked by reasonable pluralism. In order to meet this end, Rawls introduces the following three concepts: political conception of justice, public reason, andoverlapping consensus. By relying on these three concepts, Rawls presents his two principles of justice as a two stage process. In the first stage, the two (...)
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  27. Martha Nussbaum (2011). Rawls's Political Liberalism. A Reassessment. Ratio Juris 24 (1):1-24.score: 159.4
    Since Rawls's Political Liberalism is by now the subject of a wide and deep philosophical literature, much of it excellent in quality, it would be foolhardy to attempt to say something about each of the major issues of the work, or to sort through debates that can easily be located elsewhere. I have therefore decided to focus on a small number of issues where there is at least some chance that a fresh approach may yield some new (...)
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  28. Andrew F. March (2007). Reading Tariq Ramadan: Political Liberalism, Islam, and "Overlapping Consensus". Ethics and International Affairs 21 (4):399–413.score: 159.4
    In this paper I discuss the controversy over the career and thought of Tariq Ramadan. I offer an account of what Western liberals ought to hope for from the thought of such a figure and then show, pace Ramadan's critiques, that his views on European citizenship and social cooperation are largely "reasonable" from the standpoint of political liberalism. I also situate Ramadan's views in the context of Islamic law and contemporary Islamist thought on life in the West.
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  29. Karl-Otto Apel (2001). Is a Political Conception of “Overlapping Consensus” an Adequate Basis for Global Justice? The Proceedings of the Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy 11:1-15.score: 159.4
    This paper considers how the problem of justice is to be globalized in the political theory of John Rawls. I discuss first the conception of “overlapping consensus” as an innovation in Rawls’s Political Liberalism and point out the recurrence of the problem of a philosophical foundation in his pragmatico-political interpretation. I suggest an intensification of Rawls’s notion of the “priority of the right to the good” as a philosophical correction to his (...)
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  30. Ulf Zackariasson (2009). A Critique of Foundationalist Conceptions of Comprehensive Doctrines in the Religion in Politics-Debate. International Journal for Philosophy of Religion 65 (1):11 - 28.score: 158.4
    This paper comprises a critical examination of foundationalist conceptions of comprehensive doctrines in the religion in politics-debate. I argue that John Rawls, the towering figure of this debate, operates with a foundationalist conception of comprehensive doctrines that has shaped the debate’s view of relevant alternatives (often referred to as exclusivism and inclusivism). However, there are several problems with foundationalist conceptions, and the most serious is that they are empirically inadequate in relation to modern Western societies. (...)
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  31. Joseph Heath (2008). Political Egalitarianism. Social Theory and Practice 34 (4):485-516.score: 156.9
    The term “political” egalitarianism is used here, not to refer to equality within the political sphere, but rather in John Rawls’s sense, to refer to a conception of egalitarian distributive justice that is capable of serving as the object of an overlapping consensus in a pluralistic society.1 Thus “political” egalitarianism is political in the same way that Rawls’s “politicalliberalism is political. The central task when it comes to developing (...)
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  32. Robert S. Taylor (2011). Reconstructing Rawls: The Kantian Foundations of Justice as Fairness. Penn State University Press.score: 155.6
    With the publication of A Theory of Justice in 1971, John Rawls not only rejuvenated contemporary political philosophy but also defended a Kantian form of Enlightenment liberalism called “justice as fairness.” Enlightenment liberalism stresses the development and exercise of our capacity for autonomy, while Reformation liberalism emphasizes diversity and the toleration that encourages it. These two strands of liberalism are often mutually supporting, but they conflict in a surprising number of cases, whether over the (...)
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  33. Mitchell Avila (2007). Defending a Law of Peoples: Political Liberalism and Decent Peoples. [REVIEW] Journal of Ethics 11 (1):87 - 124.score: 152.7
    In this paper I reconstruct and defend John Rawls' The Law of Peoples, including the distinction between liberal and decent peoples. A “decent people” is defined as a people who possesses a comprehensive doctrine and uses that doctrine as the ground of political legitimacy, while liberal peoples do not possess a comprehensive doctrine. I argue that liberal and decent peoples are bound by the same normative requirements with the qualification that decent peoples accept the same normative (...)
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  34. Remi Odedoyin (2000). Overlapping Consensus. Journal of Philosophical Research 25:323-343.score: 147.4
    “Justice as fairness” understood as a political conception of justice is, according to Rawls, objective. It is claimed to be objective by being autonomous from any of the conflicting reasonable comprehensive doctrines held by the citizens, and by, at the same time, being consistent with all such doctrines. There is the need to look for an object of such overlapping consensus because, according to Rawls, reasonable disagreement is inevitable in modern democratic society. (...)
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  35. Matt Sensat Waldren (2013). Why Liberal Neutralists Should Accept Educational Neutrality. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 16 (1):71-83.score: 146.6
    Educational neutrality states that decisions about school curricula and instruction should be made independently of particular comprehensive doctrines. Many political philosophers of education reject this view in favor of some non-neutral alternative. Contrary to what one might expect, some prominent liberal neutralists have also rejected this view in parts of their work. This paper has two purposes. The first part of the paper concerns the relationship between liberal neutrality and educational neutrality. I examine arguments by Rawls (...)
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  36. Mitch Avila (2004). Political Liberalism and Asymmetrical Rights for Minority Comprehensive Doctrines. Human Rights Review 5 (2):3-21.score: 146.6
  37. Eoin Daly (2011). Non-Domination as a Primary Good: Re-Thinking the Frontiers of the 'Political' in Rawls's Political Liberalism. Jurisprudence 2 (1):37-72.score: 141.4
    The republican project of freedom as non-domination commits the State to endowing citizens with the resources and attitudes necessary to both apprehend domination and abstain from dominating others. This, some have argued, renders it incompatible with political liberalism, which eschews the promotion of personal liberal virtues, being derived independently of any 'comprehensive doctrine'. Republican freedom is therefore depicted as penetrating deeper, in its application, into intimate and 'private' spheres. I argue, through a Rousseauist interpretation of Rawls's (...)
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  38. David Shaw (2011). Justice and the Fetus: Rawls, Children and Abortion. Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 20 (1):93-101.score: 140.6
    In a footnote to the first edition of Political Liberalism, John Rawls introduced an example of how public reason could deal with controversial issues. He intended this example to show that his system of political liberalism could deal with such problems by considering only political values, without the introduction of comprehensive moral doctrines. Unfortunately, Rawls chose “the troubled question of abortion” as the issue that would illustrate this. In the case of (...)
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  39. Jon Moran (2006). Religious Reasons and Political Argumentation. Journal of Religious Ethics 34 (3):421 - 437.score: 140.6
    In "Evangelium Vitae" Pope John Paul II calls for a renewal of culture to combat the culture of death. He criticizes various aspects of a pluralistic, liberal society--a type of society that he claims is based on moral relativism and a view of democracy that becomes a substitute for moral law. He maintains that such a view trivializes moral choice. In this essay I argue that John Rawls's notion of a liberal society as an overlapping consensus of (...)
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  40. Enzo Rossi (2013). Legitimacy, Democracy and Public Justification: Rawls' Political Liberalism Versus Gaus' Justificatory Liberalism. Res Publica (1):1-17.score: 135.4
    Public justification-based accounts of liberal legitimacy rely on the idea that a polity’s basic structure should, in some sense, be acceptable to its citizens. In this paper I discuss the prospects of that approach through the lens of Gerald Gaus’ critique of John Rawls’ paradigmatic account of democratic public justification. I argue that Gaus does succeed in pointing out some significant problems for Rawlspolitical liberalism; yet his alternative, justificatory liberalism, is not voluntaristic enough to (...)
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  41. Djordje Pavicevic (2007). Public Reason as a Political Ideal: John Rawls's Conception. Filozofija I Drustvo 18 (2):209-234.score: 133.7
  42. Gerald F. Gaus (1999). Reasonable Pluralism and the Domain of the Political: How the Weaknesses of John Rawls's Political Liberalism Can Be Overcome by a Justificatory Liberalism. Inquiry 42 (2):259 – 284.score: 132.4
    Under free institutions the exercise of human reason leads to a plurality of reasonable, yet irreconcilable doctrines. Rawls's political liberalism is intended as a response to this fundamental feature of modern democratic life. Justifying coercive political power by appeal to any one (or sample) of these doctrines is, Rawls believes, oppressive and illiberal. If we are to achieve unity without oppression, he tells us, we must all affirm a public political conception that (...)
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  43. Burleight T. Wilkins (1997). A Third Principle of Justice. Journal of Ethics 1 (4):355-374.score: 131.6
    In this paper I argue that in order to secure the commitment of believers in reasonable comprehensive doctrines to political liberalism a third principle of justice needs to be adopted in the Original Position. Rawls acknowledges that neutral legislation by the liberal state may negatively affect some reasonable comprehensive doctrines, and I offer a third principle of justice to help alleviate this problem. This principle, which I believe is in keeping with the United (...)
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  44. David Stevens (forthcoming). Creating Greener Citizens: Political Liberalism and a Robust Environmental Education. Studies in Philosophy and Education:1-18.score: 123.0
    Proponents of environmentalist views often urge the teaching of such views and the inculcation of ‘green’ values within the educational curriculum of schools as a key component of achieving their ends. It might seem that modern versions of political morality that refuse to take a stance on controversial questions—religious, ethical, philosophical—or eschew appeal to perfectionist doctrines, such as Rawlsian political liberalism, are beset by a particularly acute difficulty in this regard. To the extent that environmentalist views (...)
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  45. James Gregory (2013). The Culture of Liberalism and the Virtue of 'Balance'. European Journal of Political Theory 13 (1):1474885112473718.score: 120.9
    This article argues for a virtue-based account of the value and legitimacy of liberalism in increasingly multicultural societies. In contrast to the recent trend to seek consensus and stability through an overlappingpoliticalconsensus, this article argues for a more ‘comprehensive’ view of the attraction of liberalism in a culturally diverse world. This attraction resides in a particular view of the properly constituted ‘self’, able to appreciate and navigate a range of competing ethical (...)
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  46. Vicente Medina (2010). Militant Intolerant People: A Challenge to John Rawls' Political Liberalism. Political Studies 58 (3):556-571.score: 120.4
    In this article, it is argued that a significant internal tension exists in John Rawls' political liberalism. He holds the following positions that might plausibly be considered incongruous: (1) a commitment to tolerating a broad right of freedom of political speech, including a right of subversive advocacy; (2) a commitment to restricting this broad right if it is intended to incite and likely to bring about imminent violence; and (3) a commitment to curbing this broad right (...)
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  47. Alan Carter (2006). The Evolution of Rawls's Justification of Political Compliance: Part 1 of the Problem of Political Compliance in Rawls's Theories of Justice. Journal of Moral Philosophy 3 (1):7-21.score: 119.6
    As Rawls's thought evolved from his 1958 article ‘Justice as Fairness’ to the 1996 edition of his book Political Liberalism, his response to the problem of political compliance would seem to have undergone a number of changes. This article critically evaluates the development of Rawls's various explicit or implied arguments that serve to justify compliance to just social arrangements, and concludes that the problem of political compliance remains without any cogent solution within the vast (...)
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  48. Paul J. Weithman (2010). Why Political Liberalism?: On John Rawls's Political Turn. Oxford University Press.score: 119.6
    In this work, Paul Weithman offers a fresh, rigorous and compelling interpretation of John Rawls' reasons for taking his so-called 'political turn'.
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  49. Zandra Wagoner (2010). Deliberation, Reason, and Indigestion: Response to Daniel Dombrowski's Rawls and Religion: The Case for Political Liberalism. American Journal of Theology and Philosophy 31 (3):179-195.score: 117.9
    Democracy requires a rather large tolerance for confusion and a secret relish for dissent. I am delighted to respond to Daniel Dombrowski’s book Rawls and Religion. Dombrowski and I share a number of what he would call comprehensive doctrine, such as the ethical treatment of animals, the relational worldview of process thought, and the idiosyncratic love of pacifism. So, immediately I was drawn in and claimed Dombrowski as a kindred spirit. With so many commonalities, including an interest in (...)
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  50. Matteo Bonotti (forthcoming). Political Liberalism, Free Speech and Public Reason. European Journal of Political Theory:1474885114538257.score: 117.4
    In this paper, I critically assess John Rawls's repeated claim that the duty of civility is only a moral duty and should not be enforced by law. In the first part of the paper, I examine and reject the view that Rawls's position may be due to the practical difficulties that the legal enforcement of the duty of civility might entail. I thus claim that Rawls's position must be driven by deeper normative reasons grounded in a conception (...)
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