Search results for 'Democracy and environmentalism' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Property-Owning Democracy (2012). Part One Property-Owning Democracy. In T. Williamson (ed.), Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond. Wiley-Blackwell. 15.score: 210.0
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  2. Property-Owning Democracy (2012). Toward a Practical Politics of Property-Owning Democracy: Program and Politics. In T. Williamson (ed.), Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond. Wiley-Blackwell. 223.score: 210.0
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  3. Does Globalization Threaten Democracy (2008). Philosophy and Democracy. Bioethics and New Epoch 46 (2).score: 180.0
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  4. M. L. J. Wissenburg & Yoram Levy (eds.) (2004). Liberal Democracy and Environmentalism: The End of Environmentalism? Routledge.score: 174.0
    This work provides a reflective assessment of recent developments, social relevance and future of environmental political theory, concluding that although the alleged pacification of environmentalism is more than skin deep, it is not yet quite deep enough. This book will appeal to students and researchers of social science and philosophers with an interest in environmental issues.
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  5. Mike Mills & Fraser King (2004). Democracy and Environmentalism : The End of Deep Ecology? - Not Quite. In M. L. J. Wissenburg & Yoram Levy (eds.), Liberal Democracy and Environmentalism: The End of Environmentalism? Routledge.score: 144.0
  6. Robert Paehlke (1988). Democracy, Bureaucracy, and Environmentalism. Environmental Ethics 10 (4):291-308.score: 126.0
    Several prominent analysts, including Heilbroner, Ophuls, and Passmore, have drawn bleak conclusions regarding the implications of contemporary environmental realities for the future of democracy. I establish, however, that the day-to-day practice of environmental politics has often had an opposite effect: democratic processes have been enhanced. I conclude that the resolution of environmental problems may weIl be more promising within a political context which is more rather than less democratic.
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  7. Andrew Biro (2002). The Land That Could Be: Environmentalism and Democracy in the Twenty-First Century. Environmental Ethics 24 (1):93-96.score: 120.0
  8. Freya Mathews (ed.) (1995/1996). Ecology and Democracy. Frank Cass.score: 102.0
    What is the optimal political framework for environmental reform reform on a scale commensurate with the global ecological crisis? In particular, how adequate are liberal forms of parliamentary democracy to the challenge posed by this crisis? These are the questions pondered by the contributors to this volume. Exploration of the possibilities of democracy gives rise to certain common themes. These are the relation between ecological morality and political structures or procedures and the question of the structure of decision-making (...)
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  9. Graham Smith (2003). Deliberative Democracy and the Environment. Routledge.score: 66.0
    One of the key questions to have exercised green political theorists in recent years concerns the relationship of the environment 'agenda' and democracy. Both environmentalists and democrats have a tendency to think of each other as natural bedfellows but in fact there is little theoretical or practical reason why they should be. Indeed some theorists have argued that the environmental movement has grown from fundamentally authoritarian roots and it is arguable that the only really effective way of implementing environmental (...)
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  10. Mathew Humphrey (2007). Ecological Politics and Democratic Theory: The Challenge to the Deliberative Ideal. Routledge.score: 54.0
    This book examines the relationship between environmental and democratic thought and the apparent compatibility of ecology and democracy. Although environmental politics is quite rightly seen as a progressive force, it has also featured a strand of extreme right "eco-authoritarianism" and its proponents have sometimes developed controversial positions on such issues as population policy. There have also been a number of situations where radical environmental activists have broken the laws of democratic societies in pursuit of ecological objectives and the book (...)
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  11. Roger J. H. King (2006). Playing with Boundaries: Critical Reflections on Strategies for an Environmental Culture and the Promise of Civic Environmentalism. Ethics, Place and Environment 9 (2):173 – 186.score: 54.0
    This essay reflects on three strategic visions of how society might develop in the direction of a more environmentally responsible culture. These strategies - green technology, ecocentrism, and civic environmentalism - offer promising elements of what we need. However, each fails in different ways to successfully explain how citizens, caught up in consumerist practices and their supporting belief systems, can be led to take the transformative steps needed to build a culture that engages responsibly and respectfully with the natural (...)
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  12. Catriona Sandilands (1995). From Natural Identity to Radical Democracy. Environmental Ethics 17 (1):75-91.score: 54.0
    Environmentalism is traversed by a dilemma between a movement toward identity politics and the impossibility of a speaking natural subject; this dilemma calls into question both the relevance of identity politics for ecological struggle and dominant classical constructions of the subject itself. Using Lacanianinspired insights on subjectivity, and the works of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe on radical democracy, I investigate the alternative versions of the subject implicit in ecological discourses and suggest that it is through these alternatives (...)
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  13. John Barry (2004). From Environmental Politics to the Politics of the Environment : The Pacification and Normalization of Environmentalism? In M. L. J. Wissenburg & Yoram Levy (eds.), Liberal Democracy and Environmentalism: The End of Environmentalism? Routledge.score: 54.0
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  14. Mathew Humphrey (2004). The Good and Green Society : Ecology, Democracy and Autonomy : A Problem of Wishful Thinking. In M. L. J. Wissenburg & Yoram Levy (eds.), Liberal Democracy and Environmentalism: The End of Environmentalism? Routledge.score: 54.0
  15. Yoram Levy (2004). The End of Environmentalism (as We Know It). In M. L. J. Wissenburg & Yoram Levy (eds.), Liberal Democracy and Environmentalism: The End of Environmentalism? Routledge.score: 54.0
  16. Graham Smith (2004). Liberal Democracy and the Shaping of Environmentally Enlightened Citizens. In M. L. J. Wissenburg & Yoram Levy (eds.), Liberal Democracy and Environmentalism: The End of Environmentalism? Routledge.score: 54.0
     
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  17. Gayil Talshir (2004). The Role of Environmentalism : From the Silent Spring to the Silent Revolution. In M. L. J. Wissenburg & Yoram Levy (eds.), Liberal Democracy and Environmentalism: The End of Environmentalism? Routledge.score: 54.0
     
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  18. Dick Taverne (2005). The March of Unreason: Science, Democracy, and the New Fundamentalism. Oxford University Press.score: 48.0
    In The March of Unreason, Dick Taverne expresses his concern that irrationality is on the rise in Western society, and argues that public opinion is increasingly dominated by unreflecting prejudice and an unwillingness to engage with factual evidence. Discussing topics such as genetically modified crops and foods, organic farming, the MMR vaccine, environmentalism, the precautionary principle, and the new anti-capitalist and anti-globalization movements, he argues that the rejection of the evidence-based approach nurtures a culture of suspicion, distrust, and cynicism, (...)
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  19. Mathew Humphrey (2008). Environmentalism, Fairness, and Public Reasons. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11 (2):177-192.score: 36.0
    This paper examines the recent ?deliberative turn? in environmental political thought with particular regard to demands concerning the employment of public reason in democratic deliberation. Working from John Rawls? account of the three essential elements of deliberative democracy, the paper assesses the scope for bringing environmental claims within the remit of public reason, and revisits the ?unfairness to novel reasons? objection against public reason, as articulated by Jeremy Waldron and then criticised by Lawrence Solum. I argue for a contextual (...)
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  20. Alan Thomas (2012). Property Owning Democracy, Liberal Republicanism, and the Idea of an Egalitarian Ethos. In T. Williamson (ed.), Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond. Wiley-Blackwell.score: 27.0
    It is argued that only the embedding of Rawlsian political liberalism within a republican framework secures the content of his view against Cohen's critique of Rawlsian special incentives. That content is fully specified in the form of a property-owning democracy; only this background set of institutions (or one functionally equivalent to it) will secure the stability of Rawls's egalitarian principles. A liberal-republicanism, rather than political liberalism alone, offers deeper grounding for our commitment to a property-owning democracy as a (...)
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  21. Keqian Xu (2006). Early Confucian Principles: The Potential Theoretic Foundation of Democracy in Modern China. Asian Philosophy 16 (2):135 – 148.score: 24.0
    The subtle and complex relation between Confucianism and modern democracy has long been a controversial issue, and it is now again becoming a topical issue in the process of political modernization in contemporary China. This paper argues that there are some quite basic early Confucian values and principles that are not only compatible with democracy, but also may become the theoretic foundation of modern democracy in China. Early Confucianism considers 'the people's will' as the direct representative of (...)
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  22. Enzo Rossi (2008). Liberal Democracy and the Challenge of Ethical Diversity. Human Affairs 18 (1):10-22.score: 24.0
    What do we talk about when we talk about ethical diversity as a challenge to the normative justifiability of liberal democracy? Many theorists claim that liberal democracy ought to be reformed or rejected for not being sufficiently ‘inclusive’ towards diversity; others argue that, on the contrary, liberalism is desirable because it accommodates (some level of) diversity. Moreover, it has been argued that concern for diversity should lead us to favour (say) neutralistic over perfectionist, universalistic over particularistic, participative over (...)
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  23. Nicholas Southwood (2013). Democracy as a Modally Demanding Value. Noûs 47 (2):n/a-n/a.score: 24.0
    Imperialism seems to be deeply antithetical to democracy. Yet, at least one form of imperialism – what I call “hands-off imperialism" – seems to be perfectly compatible with the kind of self-governance commonly thought to be the hallmark of democracy. The solution to this puzzle is to recognize that democracy involves more than self-governance. Rather, it involves what I call self-rule. Self-rule is an example of what Philip Pettit has called a modally demanding value. Modally demanding values (...)
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  24. Joshua Cohen (2009). Philosophy, Politics, Democracy: Selected Essays. Harvard University Press.score: 24.0
    Deliberation and democratic legitimacy -- Moral pluralism and political consensus -- Associations and democracy (with Joel Rogers) -- Freedom of expression -- Procedure and substance in deliberative democracy -- Directly-deliberative polyarchy (with Charles Sabel) -- Democracy and liberty -- Money, politics, political equality -- Privacy, pluralism, and democracy -- Reflections on deliberative democracy -- Truth and public reason.
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  25. Jeroen Van Bouwel (ed.) (2009). The Social Sciences and Democracy. Palgrave Macmillan.score: 24.0
  26. Thom Brooks (2007). Equality and Democracy. Ethical Perspectives 14 (1):3-12.score: 24.0
    In a recent article, Thomas Christiano defends the intrinsic justice of democracy grounded in the principle of equal consideration of interests. Each citizen is entitled to a single vote, equal in weight to all other citizens. The problem with this picture is that all citizens must meet a threshold of minimal competence. My argument is that Christiano is wrong to claim a minimum threshold of competency is fully consistent with the principle of equality. While standards of minimal competency may (...)
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  27. Sandra Field (2012). A Democracy of the Multitude: Spinoza Against Negri. Theoria 59 (131):21-40.score: 24.0
    Negri celebrates a conception of democracy in which the concrete powers of individual humans are not alienated away, but rather are added together: this is a democracy of the multitude. But how can the multitude act without alienating anyone’s power? To answer this difficulty, Negri explicitly appeals to Spinoza. Nonetheless, in this paper, I argue that Spinoza’s philosophy does not support Negri’s project. I argue that the Spinozist multitude avoids internal hierarchy through the mediation of political institutions and (...)
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  28. John Dewey (1916/2004). Democracy and Education : An Introduction to the Philosophy of Education. Macmillan.score: 24.0
    Dewey's book on Democracy and Education established his credentials in the field of education and once counted as his most important book. It has been re-published in many editions and continuously in print ever since the original publication in 1916.
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  29. Thom Brooks (2006). Plato, Hegel, and Democracy. Bulletin of the Hegel Society of Great Britain 53:24-50.score: 24.0
    Nearly every major philosophy, from Plato to Hegel and beyond, has argued that democracy is an inferior form of government, at best. Yet, virtually every contemporary political philosophy working today - whether in an analytic or postmodern tradition - endorses democracy in one variety or another. Should we conclude then that the traditional canon is meaningless for helping us theorize about a just state? In this paper, I will take up the criticisms and positive proposals of two such (...)
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  30. Amy Gutmann & Dennis Thompson (2000). Why Deliberative Democracy is Different. Social Philosophy and Policy 17 (01):161-.score: 24.0
    In modern pluralist societies, political disagreement often reflects moral disagreement, as citizens with conflicting perspectives on fundamental values debate the laws that govern their public life. Any satisfactory theory of democracy must provide a way of dealing with this moral disagreement. A fundamental problem confronting all democratic theorists is to find a morally justifiable way of making binding collective decisions in the face of continuing moral conflict.
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  31. John Dewey (1939). Creative Democracy: The Task Before Us. In John Dewey and the Promise of America, Progressive Education Booklet, No. 14, American Education Press.score: 24.0
    Late Dewey on democracy and its social and political roles in American society. Republished in John Dewey, The Later Works, 1925-1953, Vol. 14.
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  32. Carol C. Gould (2009). Structuring Global Democracy: Political Communities, Universal Human Rights, and Transnational Representation. Metaphilosophy 40 (1):24-41.score: 24.0
    Abstract: The emergence of cross-border communities and transnational associations requires new ways of thinking about the norms involved in democracy in a globalized world. Given the significance of human rights fulfillment, including social and economic rights, I argue here for giving weight to the claims of political communities while also recognizing the need for input by distant others into the decisions of global governance institutions that affect them. I develop two criteria for addressing the scope of democratization in transnational (...)
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  33. Stephen Macedo (ed.) (1999). Deliberative Politics: Essays on Democracy and Disagreement. Oxford University Press.score: 24.0
    The banner of deliberative democracy is attracting increasing numbers of supporters, in both the world's older and newer democracies. This effort to renew democratic politics is widely seen as a reaction to the dominance of liberal constitutionalism. But many questions surround this new project. What does deliberative democracy stand for? What difference would deliberative practices make in the real world of political conflict and public policy design? What is the relationship between deliberative politics and liberal constitutional arrangements? The (...)
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  34. William Smith (2004). Democracy, Deliberation and Disobedience. Res Publica 10 (4):353-377.score: 24.0
    This paper develops a theory of civil disobedience informed by a deliberative conception of democracy. In particular, it explores the justification of illegal, public and political acts of protest in constitutional deliberative democracies. Civil disobedience becomes justifiable when processes of public deliberation fail to respect the principles of a deliberative democracy in the following three ways: when deliberation is insufficiently inclusive; when it is manipulated by powerful participants; and when it is insufficiently informed. As a contribution to ongoing (...)
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  35. Jeffrey E. Foss (2008). Beyond Environmentalism: A Philosophy of Nature. Wiley.score: 24.0
    Beyond Environmentalism is the first book of its kind to present a timely and relevant analysis of environmentalism.
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  36. Dean J. Machin (2009). The Irrelevance of Democracy to the Public Justification of Political Authority. Res Publica 15 (2):103-120.score: 24.0
    Democracy can be a means to independently valuable ends and/or it can be intrinsically (or non-instrumentally) valuable. One powerful non-instrumental defence of democracy is based on the idea that only it can publicly justify political authority. I contend that this is an argument about the reasonable acceptability of political authority and about the requirements of publicity and that satisfying these requirements has nothing to do with whether a society is democratic or not. Democracy, then, plays no role (...)
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  37. Anwar Tlili & Emily Dawson (2010). Mediating Science and Society in the EU and UK: From Information-Transmission to Deliberative Democracy? Minerva 48 (4):429-461.score: 24.0
    In this paper we critically review recent developments in policies, practices and philosophies pertaining to the mediation between science and the public within the EU and the UK, focusing in particular on the current paradigm of Public Understanding of Science and Technology (PEST) which seeks to depart from the science information-transmission associated with previous paradigms, and enact a deliberative democracy model. We first outline the features of the current crisis in democracy and discuss deliberative democracy as a (...)
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  38. Noam Chomsky (2003). Chomsky on Democracy & Education. Routledgefalmer.score: 24.0
    Education stands at the intersection of Noam Chomsky's two lives as scholar and social critic: As a linguist he is keenly interested in how children acquire language, and as a political activist he views the education system as an important lever of social change. Chomsky on Democracy and Education gathers for the first time his impressive range of writings on these subjects, some previously unpublished and not readily available to the general public. Raised in a progressive school where his (...)
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  39. Brice Laurent (2011). Technologies of Democracy: Experiments and Demonstrations. Science and Engineering Ethics 17 (4):649-666.score: 24.0
    Technologies of democracy are instruments based on material apparatus, social practices and expert knowledge that organize the participation of various publics in the definition and treatment of public problems. Using three examples related to the engagement of publics in nanotechnology in France (a citizen conference, a series of public meetings, and an industrial design process), the paper argues that Science and Technology Studies provide useful tools and methods for the analysis of technologies of democracy. Operations of experiments and (...)
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  40. Christian List & Robert E. Goodin (2001). Epistemic Democracy: Generalizing the Condorcet Jury Theorem. Journal of Political Philosophy 9 (3):277–306.score: 24.0
    This paper generalises the classical Condorcet jury theorem from majority voting over two options to plurality voting over multiple options. The paper further discusses the debate between epistemic and procedural democracy and situates its formal results in that debate. The paper finally compares a number of different social choice procedures for many-option choices in terms of their epistemic merits. An appendix explores the implications of some of the present mathematical results for the question of how probable majority cycles (as (...)
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  41. Deen Chatterjee (2009). The Conflicting Loyalties of Statism and Globalism: Can Global Democracy Resolve the Liberal Conundrum? Metaphilosophy 40 (1):65-76.score: 24.0
    Abstract: The cosmopolitan ideal of liberal universalism seems to be at odds with liberalism's insistence on national borders for liberal democratic communities, creating disparate standards of distributive justice for insiders and outsiders. The liberal's dilemma on the question of cosmopolitan justice would seem to be an extension of this broader conundrum of conflicting loyalties of statism and globalism. The challenge for liberalism, then, seems to be to show how the practices of exclusive membership embody the principle of moral equality. While (...)
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  42. David Elstein (2010). Why Early Confucianism Cannot Generate Democracy. Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 9 (4):427-443.score: 24.0
    A central issue in Chinese philosophy today is the relationship between Confucianism and democracy. While some political figures have argued that Confucian values justify non-democratic forms of government, many scholars have argued that Confucianism can provide justification for democracy, though this Confucian democracy will differ substantially from liberal democracy. These scholars believe it is important for Chinese culture to develop its own conception of democracy using Confucian values, drawn mainly from Kongzi (Confucius) and Mengzi (Mencius), (...)
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  43. Eric Shyman (2011). A Comparison of the Concepts of Democracy and Experience in a Sample of Major Works by Dewey and Freire. Educational Philosophy and Theory 43 (10):1035-1046.score: 24.0
    While theorizing in distinctly different times, distinctly different cultures, and under distinctly different circumstances, notable philosophical similarities can be drawn between John Dewey and Paulo Freire. This article focuses on two major themes evident in a sample of each philosopher's major works, democracy and experience, and draws theoretical comparisons between the way each philosopher approaches these concepts in terms of definition and application to educational and social practice. The author suggests that, despite some paradigmatic differences, the fundamental definitions and (...)
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  44. J. C. Berendzen (2008). Institutional Design and Public Space: Hegel, Architecture, and Democracy. Journal of Social Philosophy 39 (2):291–307.score: 24.0
    Habermas's conception of deliberative democracy could be fruitfully supplemented with a discussion of the "institutional design" of civil society; for example the architecture of public spaces should be considered. This paper argues that Hegel's discussion of architecture in his 'Aesthetics' can speak to this issue. For Hegel, architecture culminates in the gothic cathedral, because of how it fosters reflection on the part of the worshiper. This discussion suggests the possibility that architecture could foster a similar kind of intersubjective reflection. (...)
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  45. Martin O'Neill (2008). Three Rawlsian Routes Towards Economic Democracy. Revue de Philosophie Economique 9 (1):29-55.score: 24.0
    This paper addresses ways of arguing fors ome form of economic democracy from within a broadly Rawlsian framework. Firstly, one can argue that a right to participate in economic decision-making should be added to the Rawlsian list of basic liberties, protected by the first principle of justice. Secondly,I argue that a society which institutes forms of economic democracy will be more likely to preserve a stable and just basic structure over time, by virtue of the effects of economic (...)
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  46. Gillian Brock (2002). Cosmopolitan Democracy and Justice: Held Versus Kymlicka. Studies in East European Thought 54 (4):325-347.score: 24.0
    There has been much interest in cosmopolitan models of democracy in recent times. Arguably, the most developed of these is the model articulated by David Held, so it is not surprising that it has received the most attention and criticism. In this paper, I outline Held's model of cosmopolitan democracy and consider the objections Will Kymlicka raises to this account. I argue that Kymlicka's objections do not undermine Held's central claims and that Held's cosmopolitanism remains a very promising (...)
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  47. Mohamed Jaoua (2014). Science is a Gateway for Democracy. Science and Engineering Ethics 20 (2):313-316.score: 24.0
    The Arab Spring of 2011 has highlighted an unprecedent fact in the region: it was the young and educated population who established the spearheading of change, and led their countries to democracy. In this paper, we try to analyze how science has been a key factor in these moves, in Tunisia as well as in Egypt, and how it can help to anchor democracy in these countries.
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  48. John O'Neill (2002). The Rhetoric of Deliberation: Some Problems in Kantian Theories of Deliberative Democracy. Res Publica 8 (3):249-268.score: 24.0
    Deliberative or discursive models of democracy have recently enjoyed a revival in both political theory and policy practice. Against the picture of democracy as a procedure for aggregating and effectively meeting the given preference of individuals, deliberative theory offers a model of democracy as a forum through which judgements and preferences are formed and altered through reasoned dialogue between free and equal citizens. Much in the recent revival of deliberative democracy, especially that which comes through Habermas (...)
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  49. Tongdong Bai (2008). A Mencian Version of Limited Democracy. Res Publica 14 (1):19-34.score: 24.0
    The compatibility between Western democracy and other cultures, and the desirability of democracy, are two important problems in democratic theory. Following an insight from John Rawls’s later philosophy, and using some key passages in Mencius, I will show the compatibility between a ‘thin’ version of liberal democracy and Confucianism. Moreover, elaborating on Mencius’s ideas of the responsibility of government for the physical and moral well-being of the people, the respectability of the government and the ruling elite, and (...)
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