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  1. Duncan Ivison, Ethnicities.
    ABSTR ACT Are there any aboriginal rights? If there are, then what kind of rights are they? Are they human rights adapted and shaped to the circumstances of indigenous peoples? Or are they specific cultural rights, exclusive to members of aboriginal societies? In recent liberal political theory, aboriginal rights are often conceived of as cultural rights and thus as group rights. As a result, they are vulnerable to at least three kinds of objections: i) that culture is not a primary (...)
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  2. Duncan Ivison, Historical Injustice.
    Historical injustice is ubiquitous in human history. The origins of just about every institution relevant to human political life has a pedigree stained by injustices of various magnitudes. Slavery, genocide, mass expropriation of property, mass internment, indiscriminate killings of civilians and massive political repression are all depressingly familiar features of human history, both in the distant and more recent past. Should any of them be redressed? Can historical injustice be redressed? Should states be held accountable for their bloody origins, such (...)
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  3. Duncan Ivison, Consent, Contestation and the Subject of Rights.
    That consent could wholly explain – either descriptively or normatively – the legitimacy of the structure of political community and its most important and influential institutions and practices is deeply implausible. There are two general sorts of considerations adduced against such a proposition. First, history simply refutes it: force is an essential feature of the founding of any political society, and arguably, for its continued existence, and power relations, in all their complexity, are imperfectly tracked by consent. Moreover, there are (...)
     
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  4. Duncan Ivison, Can Liberalism Meet the Challenge of Cultural Pluralism?
    If you asked me a few years ago ‘what is postcolonial liberalism?’, I’d have said ‘an oxymoron’. As an undergraduate, I thought liberalism was a dirty word. The idea that it could accommodate the aspirations of those who would challenge colonial authority, authority that called itself liberal, seemed naïve. As I have begun researching indigenous political movements, and their responses to democratic theory, I have been surprised to discover that people who call themselves liberals have been some of those most (...)
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  5. Duncan Ivison, Consent or Contestation?
    That consent could wholly explain – either descriptively or normatively – the legitimacy of the structure of political community and it’s most important and influential institutions and practices is deeply implausible. There are two general sorts of considerations adduced against such a proposition. First, history simply refutes it: force is an essential feature of the founding of any political society, and arguably, for its continued existence, and power relations, in all their complexity, are imperfectly tracked by consent. Moreover, there are (...)
     
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  6. Duncan Ivison, Multiculturalism and Resentment.
    There are two kinds of resentment relevant to the politics of multiculturalism today. 1 The first, which is basically Nietzsche’s conception of ressentiment, occurs under conditions in which people are subject to systematic and structural deprivation of things they want (and need), combined with a sense of powerlessness about being able to do anything about it. It manifests itself in terms of a focused anger or hatred towards that group of people who seem to have everything they want, and yet (...)
     
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  7. Duncan Ivison, Pluralism and the Hobbesian Logic of Negative Constitutionalism.
    According to an essentially Hobbesian account of political order, the claims of cultural and national minorities within a state to some form of constitutional or institutional recognition are morally suspect and politically undesirable. Underlying this Hobbesian logic is a particular understanding of the relation between law and politics. `Negative constitutionalism' is focused primarily on limiting the damage government can do. However the pursuit of constitutional minimalism runs up against the challenges presented by deeply diverse political communities. By investigating the manner (...)
     
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  8. Duncan Ivison (2012). Transcending National Citizenship or Taming It? Ayelet Shachar’s Birthright Lottery. Les Ateliers de l'Éthique / the Ethics Forum 7 (2):9-17.
    Recent political theory has attempted to unbundle demos and ethnos, and thus citizenship from national identity. There are two possible ways to meet this challenge: by taming the relationship between citizenship and the nation, for example, by defending a form of liberal multicultural nationalism, or by transcending it with a postnational, cosmopolitan conception of citizenship. Both strategies run up against the boundedness of democratic authority. In this paper, I argue that Shachar adresses this issue in an innovative way, but remains (...)
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  9. Duncan Ivison (2011). "Another World Is Actual": Between Imperialism and Freedom. Political Theory 39 (1):131 - 137.
  10. Duncan Ivison (2010). Republican Human Rights? European Journal of Political Theory 9 (1):31-47.
    The very idea of republican human rights, seems paradoxical. My aim in this article is to explore this disjunctive conjunction. One of the distinctive features of republican discourse, both in its civic humanist and neo-Roman variants, is the secondary status that rights are supposed to play in politics. Although the language of rights is not incommensurable with republican political thought, it is supposed to know its place. What can republican categories of political understanding offer for grappling with the challenges of (...)
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  11. Duncan Ivison (ed.) (2010). The Ashgate Research Companion to Multiculturalism. Ashgate.
    It will show how multiculturalism has been discussed and debated within different disciplines and within different national and cultural contexts.The Companion ...
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  12. Duncan Ivison (2006). Review of Catriona McKinnon, Toleration: A Critical Introduction. [REVIEW] Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2006 (8).
  13. Duncan Ivison (2005). The Moralism of Multiculturalism. Journal of Applied Philosophy 22 (2):171–184.
  14. Duncan Ivison (2003). Locke, Liberalism and Empire. In Peter R. Anstey (ed.), The Philosophy of John Locke: New Perspectives. Routledge. 86--105.
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  15. Duncan Ivison (2003). Review of Ross Harrison, Hobbes, Locke, and Confusion's Masterpiece: An Examination of Seventeenth Century Philosophy. [REVIEW] Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2003 (5).
  16. Duncan Ivison (2000). Political Community and Historical Injustice. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 78 (3):360 – 373.
  17. Duncan Ivison (1997). Decolonizing the Rule of Law: Mabo's Case and Postcolonial Constitutionalism. Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 17 (2):253-280.
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  18. Duncan Ivison (1997). The Secret History of Public Reason: Hobbes to Rawls. History of Political Thought 18 (1):126-147.
  19. Duncan Ivison (1993). Liberal Conduct. History of the Human Sciences 6 (3):25-59.
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  20. Duncan Ivison (1991). Does The Spirit of Haidi Gwaii Fly Only at Dusk? Theory and Event 1 (1).
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  21. Duncan Ivison, Deliberative Democracy and the Politics of Reconciliation.
    The problem of historical injustice presents a deep challenge to the aspirations of deliberative democrats, especially to those “deliberative activists” who seek to advance deliberation in deeply unjust circumstances (Fung 2005, 399). But the debate over historical injustice can itself benefi t from taking a “democratic turn.” Much of the literature is dominated by arguments over historical entitlement theories of justice or by a legalistic focus on the possibilities for compensation and reparation.1 That much of it is deeply skeptical as (...)
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