Search results for 'Ethology' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Dale Jamieson & Marc Bekoff (1992). On Aims and Methods of Cognitive Ethology. Philosophy of Science Association 1992:110-124.score: 18.0
    In 1963 Niko Tinbergen published a paper, "On Aims and Methods of Ethology," dedicated to his friend Konrad Lorenz. Here Tinbergen defines ethology as "the biological study of behavior," and seeks to demonstrate "the close affinity between Ethology and the rest of Biology." Tinbergen identifies four major areas of ethology: causation, survival value, evolution, and ontogeny. Our goal is to attempt for cognitive ethology what Tinbergen succeeded in doing for ethology: to clarify its aims (...)
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  2. Marc Bekoff (1997). Deep Ethology, Animal Rights, and the Great Ape/Animal Project: Resisting Speciesism and Expanding the Community of Equals. [REVIEW] Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics 10 (3):269-296.score: 15.0
    In this essay I argue that the evolutionary and comparative study of nonhuman animal (hereafter animal) cognition in a wide range of taxa by cognitive ethologists can readily inform discussions about animal protection and animal rights. However, while it is clear that there is a link between animal cognitive abilities and animal pain and suffering, I agree with Jeremy Bentham who claimed long ago the real question does not deal with whether individuals can think or reason but rather with whether (...)
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  3. Marc Bekoff (2006). Animal Passions and Beastly Virtues: Cognitive Ethology as the Unifying Science for Understanding the Subjective, Emotional, Empathic, and Moral Lives of Animals. Zygon 41 (1):71-104.score: 15.0
  4. Colin Allen & Marc Bekoff (1995). Cognitive Ethology and the Intentionality of Animal Behavior. Mind and Language 10 (4):313-328.score: 15.0
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  5. Colin Allen & Marc Bekoff (1997). Species of Mind: The Philosophy and Biology of Cognitive Ethology. MIT Press.score: 15.0
    The heart of this book is the reciprocal relationship between philosophical theories of mind and empirical studies of animal cognition.
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  6. Richard W. Burkhardt (1999). Ethology, Natural History, the Life Sciences, and the Problem of Place. Journal of the History of Biology 32 (3):489 - 508.score: 15.0
    Investigators of animal behavior since the eighteenth century have sought to make their work integral to the enterprises of natural history and/or the life sciences. In their efforts to do so, they have frequently based their claims of authority on the advantages offered by the special places where they have conducted their research. The zoo, the laboratory, and the field have been major settings for animal behavior studies. The issue of the relative advantages of these different sites has been a (...)
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  7. Joseph J. Vitti (2013). Cephalopod Cognition in an Evolutionary Context: Implications for Ethology. [REVIEW] Biosemiotics 6 (3):393-401.score: 15.0
    What is the distribution of cognitive ability within the animal kingdom? It would be egalitarian to assume that variation in intelligence is everywhere clinal, but examining trends among major phylogenetic groups, it becomes easy to distinguish high-performing ‘generalists’ – whose behavior exhibits domain-flexibility – from ‘specialists’ whose range of behavior is limited and ecologically specific. These generalists include mammals, birds, and, intriguingly, cephalopods. The apparent intelligence of coleoid cephalopods (squids, octopuses, and cuttlefish) is surprising – and philosophically relevant – because (...)
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  8. Daniel C. Dennett (1983). Intentional Systems in Cognitive Ethology: The 'Panglossian Paradigm' Defended. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 6 (3):343-90.score: 15.0
    Ethologists and others studying animal behavior in a spirit are in need of a descriptive language and method that are neither anachronistically bound by behaviorist scruples nor prematurely committed to particular Just such an interim descriptive method can be found in intentional system theory. The use of intentional system theory is illustrated with the case of the apparently communicative behavior of vervet monkeys. A way of using the theory to generate data - including usable, testable data - is sketched. The (...)
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  9. J. Bennett (1991). How Is Cognitive Ethology Possible. In C. Ristau (ed.), Cognitive Ethology. The Minds of Other Animals. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers. 35-49.score: 15.0
    Cognitive ethology cannot be done well unless its proximate philosophical underpinnings are got straight; this paper tries to help with that. Cognitive attributions are essentially explanatory—if they did not explain behavior, there would be no justification for them—but it doesn’t follow that they explain by providing causes for events that don’t have physical causes. To understand how mentalistic attributions do work, we need to focus on the quartet: sensory input, belief, desire, and behavioral output. We also need to be (...)
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  10. Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeldt (1979). Human Ethology: Concepts and Implications for the Sciences of Man. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 2 (1):1-26.score: 15.0
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  11. Donald R. Griffin (1978). Prospects for a Cognitive Ethology. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (4):527.score: 15.0
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  12. Jes Harfeld (2011). Philosophical Ethology: On the Extents of What It Is to Be a Pig. Society and Animals 19 (1):83-101.score: 15.0
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  13. Colin Allen & Marc Bekoff (2007). Animal Minds, Cognitive Ethology, and Ethics. Journal of Ethics 11 (3):299-317.score: 12.0
    Our goal in this paper is to provide enough of an account of the origins of cognitive ethology and the controversy surrounding it to help ethicists to gauge for themselves how to balance skepticism and credulity about animal minds when communicating with scientists. We believe that ethicists’ arguments would benefit from better understanding of the historical roots of ongoing controversies. It is not appropriate to treat some widely reported results in animal cognition as if their interpretations are a matter (...)
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  14. Paul Edmund Griffiths, Ethology, Sociobiology and Evolutionary Psychology.score: 12.0
    In the years leading up to the Second World War the ethologists Konrad Lorenz and Nikolaas Tinbergen, created the tradition of rigorous, Darwinian research on animal behavior that developed into modern behavioral ecology. At first glance, research on specifically human behavior seems to exhibit greater discontinuity that research on animal behavior in general. The 'human ethology' of the 1960s appears to have been replaced in the early 1970s by a new approach called ‘sociobiology’. Sociobiology in its turn appears to (...)
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  15. Ingo Brigandt (2003). Gestalt Experiments and Inductive Observations: Konrad Lorenz's Early Epistemological Writings and the Methods of Classical Ethology. Evolution and Cognition 9:157–170.score: 12.0
    Ethology brought some crucial insights and perspectives to the study of behavior, in particular the idea that behavior can be studied within a comparative-evolutionary framework by means of homologizing components of behavioral patterns and by causal analysis of behavior components and their integration. Early ethology is well-known for its extensive use of qualitative observations of animals under their natural conditions. These observations are combined with experiments that try to analyze behavioral patterns and establish specific claims about animal behavior. (...)
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  16. Jean-Sébastien Bolduc (2012). Behavioural Ecology's Ethological Roots. Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C 43 (3):674-683.score: 12.0
    Since Krebs and Davies’s (1978) landmark publication, it is acknowledged that behavioural ecology owes much to the ethological tradition in the study of animal behaviour. Although this assumption seems to be right—many of the first behavioural ecologists were trained in departments where ethology developed and matured—it still to be properly assessed. In this paper, I undertake to identify the approaches used by ethologists that contributed to behavioural ecology’s constitution as a field of inquiry. It is my contention that the (...)
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  17. G. Thines & R. Zayan (1975). F. J. J. Buytendijk's Contribution to Animal Behaviour: Animal Psychology or Ethology? Acta Biotheoretica 24 (3-4).score: 12.0
    F. J. J.Buytendijk died on October 21st 1974 at the age of 87. His important contribution to the study of animal behaviour is analyzed here in relation to the historical development of animal psychology and ethology. The detailed study of his scientific production suggests, according to the authors, that some important findings, although largely not paid attention to in present-day literature, are akin to the conceptual and methodological evolution of comparative ethology.
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  18. Fabienne Lenoble & Pascal Carlier (1996). A Possible Contribution of Phenomenology to Ethology: Application to a Behaviour Pattern in the Mouse. Acta Biotheoretica 44 (1).score: 12.0
    Classical ethology encourages a causal approach to animal behaviour, using Tinbergen's four questions concerning evolution, function, mechanism and development of behaviour. It sets aside the study of mental processes, which could otherwise help to unify our picture of the relationships between animal and environment. Here the steps in research focused on the psychological meaning of a peculiar behaviour in the mouse — carrying its tail — and what this implies regarding the mouse's cognitive world are given. Initial empirical observations (...)
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  19. Lester Embree (2008). A Beginning for the Phenomenological Theory of Primate Ethology. Environmental Philosophy 5 (1):61-74.score: 12.0
    To establish a starting point for a phenomenological theory of the science of primate ethology, this essay first reviews how the phenomenological philosophers Aron Gurwitsch and Maurice Merleau-Ponty made use of the Gestalt psychologist Wolfgang Köhler’s description of chimpanzee consciousness and its objects and then considers primate ethology in light of the theory of the cultural sciences in the work of Gurwitsch in addition to that of Alfred Schutz.
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  20. Daniel A. Dombrowski (1994). The Politics of Ethology. Critical Review 8 (3):359-369.score: 12.0
    While the academic discussion of gender and family issues often adopts the contractarian and consensual approach of liberalism, the work of Stephen R. L. Clark provides an interesting contrast. Clark turns to ethology as a guide to modes of social existence congruent with our evolutionary nature. Although an Aristotelian, Clark is not a sexist in arguing that household life is more important than what moderns call ?political? life. Clark is premature, however, in accusing liberals who defend the rights of (...)
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  21. V. Csanyi (1990). Ethology, Power, Possession: A System Theoretical Study of the Hungarian Transition. World Futures 29 (1):107-122.score: 12.0
    (1990). Ethology, power, possession: A system theoretical study of the Hungarian transition. World Futures: Vol. 29, Transition in Eastern Europe, pp. 107-122.
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  22. David Loye, Peter Saunders, Eric Chaisson, Rod Swenson & Michael Ghiselin (1991). Evolutionary Systems and Society, Vilmos Csanyi, Professor of Ethology and Behavior Genetics, Lorand Eotvos University, Budapest, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1989. 304 Pp. $49.50 (Cloth). [REVIEW] World Futures 30 (3):191-206.score: 12.0
    (1991). Evolutionary Systems and Society, Vilmos Csányi, Professor of Ethology and Behavior Genetics, Lorand Eotvos University, Budapest, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1989. 304 pp. $49.50 (cloth). World Futures: Vol. 30, No. 3, pp. 191-206.
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  23. Carolyn A. Ristau (2011). Cognitive Ethology, Over-Attribution of Agency and Focusing Abilities as They Relate to the Origin of Concepts. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 34 (3):146-147.score: 12.0
    Carey's superb discussion of the origin of concepts is extended into the field of cognitive ethology. I also suggest that agency may be a default mechanism, often leading to over-attribution. The problem therefore becomes one of specifying the conditions in which agency is not attributed. The significance of attentional/focusing abilities on conceptual development is also emphasized.
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  24. Sonja I. Yoerg & Alan C. Kamil (1991). Integrating Cognitive Ethology with Cognitive Psychology. In C. A. Ristau (ed.), Cognitive Ethology: The Minds of Other Animals. Lawrence Erlbaum. 273--289.score: 12.0
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  25. S. I. Yoerg & A. C. Kamil (1991). Prospects for a More Cognitive Ethology. In C. A. Ristau (ed.), Cognitive Ethology: The Minds of Other Animals. Lawrence Erlbaum. 273--289.score: 12.0
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  26. Popko P. Molen (1979). The Ethology of Inter-Individual Differences. Acta Biotheoretica 28 (2).score: 10.0
    In recent times psychologists have shown a growing interest in ethological methods of data collection. At the same time ethologists are showing a growing interest in the methods of data processing as developed in personality psychology. These methods of data processing appear to be most useful to ethological research when investigating differences between individuals. Using factor analysis of aggressive behaviour as an example, it is argued that an ethological approach which focusses on individual differences may add substantial information to the (...)
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  27. Colin Allen (1992). Mental Content and Evolutionary Explanation. Biology and Philosophy 7 (1):1-12.score: 9.0
    Cognitive ethology is the comparative study of animal cognition from an evolutionary perspective. As a sub-discipline of biology it shares interest in questions concerning the immediate causes and development of behavior. As a part of ethology it is also concerned with questions about the function and evolution of behavior. I examine some recent work in cognitive ethology, and I argue that the notions of mental content and representation are important to enable researchers to answer questions and state (...)
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  28. José Luis Bermúdez (2006). Knowledge, Naturalism, and Cognitive Ethology: Kornblith's Knowledge and its Place in Nature. Philosophical Studies 127 (2):299 - 316.score: 9.0
    This paper explores Kornblith’s proposal in Knowledge and its Place in Nature that knowledge is a natural kind that can be elucidated and understood in scientific terms. Central to Kornblith’s development of this proposal is the claim that there is a single category of unreflective knowledge that is studied by cognitive ethologists and is the proper province of epistemology. This claim is challenged on the grounds that even unreflective knowledge in language-using humans reflects forms of logical reasoning that are in (...)
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  29. Sean Allen-Hermanson (2005). Morgan's Canon Revisited. Philosophy of Science 72 (4):608-31.score: 9.0
    The famous ethological maxim known as “Morgan’s Canon” continues to be the subject of interpretive controversy. I reconsider Morgan’s canon in light of two questions: First, what did Morgan intend? Second, is this, or perhaps some re-interpretation of the canon, useful within cognitive ethology? As for the first issue, Morgan’s distinction between higher and lower faculties is suggestive of an early supervenience concept. As for the second, both the canon in its original form, and various recent re-readings, offer nothing (...)
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  30. Daniel C. Dennett (1989). Cognitive Ethology. In Goals, No-Goals and Own Goals. Unwin Hyman.score: 9.0
    The field of Artificial Intelligence has produced so many new concepts--or at least vivid and more structured versions of old concepts--that it would be surprising if none of them turned out to be of value to students of animal behavior. Which will be most valuable? I will resist the temptation to engage in either prophecy or salesmanship; instead of attempting to answer the question: "How might Artificial Intelligence inform the study of animal behavior?" I will concentrate on the obverse: "How (...)
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  31. Gary J. Purpura Jr (2006). In Search of Human Uniqueness. Philosophical Psychology 19 (4):443 – 461.score: 9.0
    Typically in the philosophical literature, kinds of minds are differentiated by the range of cognitive tasks animals accomplish as opposed to the means by which they accomplish the tasks. Drawing on progress in cognitive ethology (the study of animal cognition), I argue that such an approach provides bad directions for uncovering the mark of the human mind. If the goal is to determine what makes the human mind unique, philosophers should focus on the means by which animals interact with (...)
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  32. Jack Wilson (2002). The Accidental Altruist. Biology and Philosophy 17 (1):71-91.score: 9.0
    Operational definitions of biological altruism in terms of actual fitness exchanges will not work because they include accidental acts as altruistic and exclude altruistic acts that have gone awry. I argue that the definition of biological altruism should contain an analogue of the role intention plays in psychological altruism. I consider two possibilities for this analogue, selected effect functions and the proximate causes and effects of behavior. I argue that the selected-effect function account will not work because it confuses the (...)
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  33. Colin Allen & Marc Bekoff (1994). Intentionality, Social Play, and Definition. Biology and Philosophy 9 (1):63-74.score: 9.0
    Social play is naturally characterized in intentional terms. An evolutionary account of social play could help scientists to understand the evolution of cognition and intentionality. Alexander Rosenberg (1990) has argued that if play is characterized intentionally or functionally, it is not a behavioral phenotype suitable for evolutionary explanation. If he is right, his arguments would threaten many projects in cognitive ethology. We argue that Rosenberg's arguments are unsound and that intentionally and functionally characterized phenotypes are a proper domain for (...)
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  34. Elliott Sober (2001). The Principle of Conservatism in Cognitive Ethology. In D. Walsh (ed.), Evolution, Naturalism and Mind. Cambridge University Press. 225-238.score: 9.0
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  35. Letitia Meynell (2012). Evolutionary Psychology, Ethology, and Essentialism (Because What They Don't Know Can Hurt Us). Hypatia 27 (1):3-27.score: 9.0
    In 2002, Evolution and Human Behavior published a study purporting to show that the differences in toy preferences commonly attributed to girls and boys can also be found in male and female vervet monkeys, tracing the origin of these differing preferences back to a common ancestor. Despite some flaws in its design and the prima facie implausibility of some of its central claims, this research received considerable attention in both scientific circles and the popular media. In what follows, I survey (...)
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  36. Paul E. Griffiths (2008). History of Ethology Comes of Age. Biology and Philosophy 23 (1):129-134.score: 9.0
  37. Eric Dietrich (1994). AI and the Tyranny of Galen, or Why Evolutionary Psychology and Cognitive Ethology Are Important to Artificial Intelligence. Journal of Experimental And Theoretical Artificial Intelligence 6 (4):325-330.score: 9.0
    Concern over the nature of AI is, for the tastes many AI scientists, probably overdone. In this they are like all other scientists. Working scientists worry about experiments, data, and theories, not foundational issues such as what their work is really about or whether their discipline is methodologically healthy. However, most scientists aren’t in a field that is approximately fifty years old. Even relatively new fields such as nonlinear dynamics or branches of biochemistry are in fact advances in older established (...)
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  38. Mark Ereshefsky (2007). Psychological Categories as Homologies: Lessons From Ethology. Biology and Philosophy 22 (5):659-674.score: 9.0
    Biology and Philosophy, forthcoming 2007.
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  39. Eileen Crist (1998). The Ethological Constitution of Animals as Natural Objects: The Technical Writings of Konrad Lorenz and Nikolaas Tinbergen. [REVIEW] Biology and Philosophy 13 (1):61-102.score: 9.0
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  40. Lawrence A. Shapiro (2000). Colin Allen and Marc Bekoff, Species of Mind: The Philosophy and Biology of Cognitive Ethology. [REVIEW] Minds and Machines 10 (1):153-156.score: 9.0
  41. C. A. Ristau (ed.) (1991). Cognitive Ethology: The Minds of Other Animals. Lawrence Erlbaum.score: 9.0
  42. Nicholas Capaldi (1973). Mill's Forgotten Science of Ethology. Social Theory and Practice 2 (4):409-420.score: 9.0
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  43. Hugo Meynell (1970). Ethology and Ethics. Philosophy 45 (174):290 - 306.score: 9.0
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  44. H. A. (2002). Animal Psychology and Ethology in Britain and the Emergence of Professional Concern for the Concept of Ethical Cost. Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C 33 (2):235-262.score: 9.0
    It has been argued that if an animal is psychologically like us, there may be more scientific reason to experiment upon it, but less moral justification to do so. Some scientists deny the existence of this dilemma, claiming that although there are scientifically valuable similarities between humans and animals that make experimentation worthwhile, humans are at the same time unique and fundamentally different. This latter response is, ironically, typical of pre-Darwinian beliefs in the relationship between human and non-human animals. Another (...)
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  45. Klaus Petrus (2002). Colin Allen & Marc Bekoff: Species of Mind. The Philosophy and Biology of Cognitive Ethology. [REVIEW] Journal for General Philosophy of Science 33 (1):163-168.score: 9.0
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  46. H. A. (2003). Animal Psychology and Ethology in Britain and the Emergence of Professional Concern for the Concept of Ethical Cost [Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, 33c/2 (2002), 235-261]. [REVIEW] Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C 34 (1):201-201.score: 9.0
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  47. C. G. Beer (1992). Conceptual Issues in Cognitive Ethology. Advances in the Study of Behavior 21:69-109.score: 9.0
     
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  48. D. A. H. Wilson (2003). Animal Psychology and Ethology in Britain and the Emergence of Professional Concern for the Concept of Ethical Cost [Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, 33C/2 (2002), 235–261]. [REVIEW] Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C 34 (1):201-.score: 9.0
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  49. Jacques Gervet & Muriel Soleilhavoup (1997). Darwinism and Ethology the Role of Natural Selection in Animals and Humans. Acta Biotheoretica 45 (3-4).score: 9.0
    The role of behaviour in biological evolution is examined within the context of Darwinism. All Darwinian models are based on the distinction of two mechanisms: one that permits faithful transmission of a feature from one generation to another, and another that differentially regulates the degree of this transmission. Behaviour plays a minimal role as an agent of transmission in the greater part of the animal kingdom; by contrast, the forms it may assume strongly influence the mechanisms of selection regulating the (...)
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