Search results for 'Expletive pronouns' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Dolf Rami, Singular Truth-Ascriptions: Truth-Operator Vs. Truth-Predicate.score: 60.0
    In this paper I am concerned with the semantic analysis of sentences of the form 'It is true that p'. I will compare different proposals that have been made to analyse such sentences and will defend a view that treats these sentences as a mere syntactic variation of sentences of the form 'That p is true'.
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  2. Pauline Jacobson, Paycheck Pronouns, Bach-Peters Sentences, Inflectional Head, Thomas Ede Zimmermann, Free Choice Disjunction, Epistemic Possibility, Sigrid Beck & Uli Sauerland (2000). Lisa Green/Aspectual Be–Type Constructions and Coercion in African American English Yoad Winter/Distributivity and Dependency Instructions for Authors. Natural Language Semantics 8 (373).score: 30.0
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  3. Chuansheng He (2013). E-Type Interpretation Without E-Type Pronoun: How Peirce's Graphs Capture the Uniqueness Implication of Donkey Pronouns in Discourse Anaphora. Synthese:1-20.score: 24.0
    In this essay, we propose that Peirce’s Existential Graphs can derive the desired uniqueness implication (or in a weaker claim, the definite description readings) of donkey pronouns in conjunctive discourse (A man walks in the park. He whistles), without postulating a separate category of E-type pronouns.
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  4. H. Wind Cowles, Matthew Walenski & Robert Kluender (2007). Linguistic and Cognitive Prominence in Anaphor Resolution: Topic, Contrastive Focus and Pronouns. Topoi 26 (1):3-18.score: 24.0
    This paper examines the role that linguistic and cognitive prominence play in the resolution of anaphor–antecedent relationships. In two experiments, we found that pronouns are immediately sensitive to the cognitive prominence of potential antecedents when other antecedent selection cues are uninformative. In experiment 1, results suggest that despite their theoretical dissimilarities, topic and contrastive focus both serve to enhance cognitive prominence. Results from experiment 2 suggest that the contrastive prosody appropriate for focus constructions may also play an important role (...)
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  5. Karen S. Lewis (2013). Speaker's Reference and Anaphoric Pronouns. Philosophical Perspectives 27 (1):404-437.score: 21.0
  6. Jeffrey T. Runner, Rachel S. Sussman & Michael K. Tanenhaus (2006). Processing Reflexives and Pronouns in Picture Noun Phrase. Cognitive Science 30 (2):193-241.score: 21.0
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  7. Peter Walla, Katharina Greiner, Cornelia Duregger, Lüder Deecke & Stefan Thurner (2007). Self-Awareness and the Subconscious Effect of Personal Pronouns on Word Encoding: A Magnetoencephalography (MEG) Study. Neuropsychologia 45 (4):796-809.score: 21.0
     
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  8. Rick Nouwen (2007). On Dependent Pronouns and Dynamic Semantics. Journal of Philosophical Logic 36 (2):123 - 154.score: 20.0
    Within natural language semantics, pronouns are often thought to correspond to variables whose values are contributed by contextual assignment functions. This paper concerns the application of this idea to cases where the antecedent of a pronoun is a plural quantifiers. The paper discusses the modelling of accessibility patterns of quantifier antecedents in a dynamic theory of interpretation. The goal is to reach a semantics of quantificational dependency which yields a fully semantic notion of pronominal accessibility. I argue that certain (...)
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  9. Kumiko Fukumura & Roger P. G. van Gompel (2012). Producing Pronouns and Definite Noun Phrases: Do Speakers Use the Addressee's Discourse Model? Cognitive Science 36 (7):1289-1311.score: 20.0
    We report two experiments that investigated the widely held assumption that speakers use the addressee’s discourse model when choosing referring expressions (e.g., Ariel, 1990; Chafe, 1994; Givón, 1983; Prince, 1985), by manipulating whether the addressee could hear the immediately preceding linguistic context. Experiment 1 showed that speakers increased pronoun use (and decreased noun phrase use) when the referent was mentioned in the immediately preceding sentence compared to when it was not, even though the addressee did not hear the preceding sentence, (...)
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  10. Yasutada Sudo (2014). Dependent Plural Pronouns with Skolemized Choice Functions. Natural Language Semantics 22 (3):265-297.score: 20.0
    The present paper discusses two interesting phenomena concerning phi-features on plural pronouns: (i) plural pronouns that denote atomic individuals (‘dependent plural pronouns’), and (ii) plural pronouns with more than one binder (‘partial binding’). A novel account of these two phenomena is proposed, according to which all occurrences of phi-features are both semantically and morphologically relevant. For such a ‘uniformly semantic account’ of phi-features, dependent plural pronouns constitute a theoretical challenge, while partial binding is more or (...)
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  11. Friederike Moltmann (2006). Unbound Anaphoric Pronouns: E-Type, Dynamic, and Structured-Propositions Approaches. Synthese 153 (2):199 - 260.score: 18.0
    Unbound anaphoric pronouns or ‘E-type pronouns’ have presented notorious problems for semantic theory, leading to the development of dynamic semantics, where the primary function of a sentence is not considered that of expressing a proposition that may act as the object of propositional attitudes, but rather that of changing the current information state. The older, ‘E-type’ account of unbound anaphora leaves the traditional notion of proposition intact and takes the unbound anaphor to be replaced by a full NP (...)
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  12. Eric Swanson, Pronouns and Complex Demonstratives.score: 18.0
    Until recently it was standard to think that all demonstratives are directly referential. This assumption has played important roles in work on perception, reference, mental content, and the nature of propositions. But Jeff King claims that demonstratives with a nominal complement (like ‘that dog’) are quantifiers, largely because there are cases in which the semantic value of such a “complex demonstrative” is not simply an object (2001). Although I agree with King that such cases preclude a directly referential, Kaplanian semantics (...)
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  13. Emma Borg (2002). Pointing at Jack, Talking About Jill: Understanding Deferred Uses of Demonstratives and Pronouns. Mind and Language 17 (5):489–512.score: 18.0
    The aim of this paper is to explore the proper content of a formal semantic theory in two respects: first, clarifying which uses of expressions a formal theory should seek to accommodate, and, second, how much information the theory should contain. I explore these two questions with respect to occurrences of demonstratives and pronouns – the so- called ‘deferred’ uses – which are often classified as non-standard or figurative. I argue that, contrary to initial impressions, they must be treated (...)
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  14. Kyle Johnson, Pronouns Vs. Definite Descriptions.score: 18.0
    This paper looks at an approach to Principle C in which the disjoint reference effect triggered by definite description arises because there is a preference for using bound pronouns in those cases. Philippe Schlenker has linked this approach to the idea that the NP part of a definite description should be the most minimal in content relative to a certain communicative goal. On a popular view about what the syntax and semantics of a personal pronoun is, that should have (...)
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  15. Eros Corazza (2002). `She' and `He': Politically Correct Pronouns. Philosophical Studies 111 (2):173 - 196.score: 18.0
    It is argued that the pronouns `she' and `he' are disguised complexdemonstratives of the form `that female/male'. Three theories ofcomplex demonstratives are examined and shown to be committed to theview that `s/he' turns out to be an empty term when used to refer toa hermaphrodite. A fourth theory of complex demonstratives, one thatis hermaphrodite friendly, is proposed. It maintains that complexdemonstratives such as `that female/male' and the pronoun `s/he' can succeed in referring to someone independently of his or her (...)
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  16. Barbara Hall Partee (1970). Opacity, Coreference, and Pronouns. Synthese 21 (3-4):359 - 385.score: 18.0
    The problem discussed here is to find a basis for a uniform treatment of the relation between pronouns and their antecedents, taking into account both linguists' and philosophers' approaches. The two main candidates would appear to be the linguists' notion of coreference and the philosophers' notion of pronouns as variables. The notion of coreference can be extended to many but not all cases where the antecedent is non-referential. The pronouns-as-variables approach appears to come closer to full generality, (...)
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  17. Luis Alonso-Ovalle, Null Vs. Overt Pronouns and the Topic-Focus Articulation in Spanish.score: 18.0
    Carminati (2002) shows that the existence of both phonetically full and phonetically null pronouns (pro) in Italian reflects a division of labor with respect to anaphora resolution. Pro prefers to link to prominent antecedents more than its phonetically overt counterpart does (where prominence is determined by syntactic position in intrasentential anaphora cases).
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  18. Terence Parsons (1994). Anaphoric Pronouns in Very Late Medieval Supposition Theory. Linguistics and Philosophy 17 (5):429 - 445.score: 18.0
    This paper arose from an attempt to determine how the very late medieval1 supposition theorists treated anaphoric pronouns, pronouns whose significance is derivative from their antecedents. Modern researches into pronouns were stimulated in part by the problem of "donkey sentences" discussed by Geach 1962 in a section explaining what is wrong with medieval supposition theory. So there is some interest in seeing exactly what the medieval account comes to, especially if it turns out, as I suspect, to (...)
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  19. Ash Asudeh (2005). Relational Nouns, Pronouns, and Resumption. Linguistics and Philosophy 28 (4):375 - 446.score: 18.0
    This paper presents a variable-free analysis of relational nouns in Glue Semantics, within a Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) architecture. Relational nouns and resumptive pronouns are bound using the usual binding mechanisms of LFG. Special attention is paid to the bound readings of relational nouns, how these interact with genitives and obliques, and their behaviour with respect to scope, crossover and reconstruction. I consider a puzzle that arises regarding relational nouns and resumptive pronouns, given that relational nouns can have (...)
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  20. Tze-wan Kwan (2007). Towards a Phenomenology of Pronouns. International Journal of Philosophical Studies 15 (2):247 – 268.score: 18.0
    For most people, pronouns are just a matter for linguists. In linguistics, pronouns are classified according to the various linguistic functions they perform: for instance, deictic or anaphoric, definite or indefinite, personal or demonstrative, etc. But a closer look at the issue reveals that pronouns have a great deal to do with philosophy as well. This paper presents a brief sketch of some classical philosophical problems to show how dealing with pronouns has played a part in (...)
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  21. Robert Van Rooy (2001). Exhaustivity in Dynamic Semantics; Referential and Descriptive Pronouns. Linguistics and Philosophy 24 (5):621-657.score: 18.0
    In this paper I argue that anaphoric pronouns should always be interpreted exhaustively. I propose that pronouns are either used referentially and refer to the speaker's referents of their antecedent indefinites, or descriptively and go proxy for the description recoverable from its antecedent clause. I show how this view can be implemented within a dynamic semantics, and how it can account for various examples that seemed to be problematic for the view that for all unbound pronouns there (...)
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  22. P. Jacobson (2012). Direct Compositionality and 'Uninterpretability': The Case of (Sometimes) 'Uninterpretable' Features on Pronouns. Journal of Semantics 29 (3):305-343.score: 18.0
    The goal of this paper is to investigate a case in which certain features have been argued to sometimes play a role in the interpretation of an expression and sometimes not—in particular, the case of gender and person features on pronouns.1 That these are in certain configurations only agreement features which have no semantic content has been explored in numerous places; for an especially detailed study, see Kratzer (1998, 2008); see also Heim (2008), von Stechow (2003) and others. I (...)
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  23. Francis Cornish (1986). Anaphoric Pronouns: Under Linguistic Control or Signalling Particular Discourse Representations? Journal of Semantics 5 (3):233-260.score: 18.0
    The article is a contribution to the debate between Tasmowski & Verluyten (1982, 1985) and Bosch (1983, 1984, 1987) as to how the form as well as the interpretation of anaphoric pronouns is determined. TV rightly criticize B's tests as to whether a particular third-person pronoun is functioning semantico-syntactically or referential-anaphorically; however, their examples and arguments do not warrant the conclusion that there is no substantive distinction to be drawn between the two types of pronoun use. Many of TV's (...)
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  24. Francesco D'Introno, Full and Null Pronouns in Spanish: The Zero Pronoun Hypothesis.score: 18.0
    Montalbetti (1984) points out certain semantic differences between phonetically full and phonetically empty pronouns (henceforth full and n u l l pronouns) that challenge the traditional interpretive parallelism between empty and full categories (see Chomsky 1981, 1982). He shows that both in subject (1) and object position (2), while null pronouns can be interpreted as bound variables (as in (1a) and (2a) ), full pronouns cannot (as in (1c) and (2c)).
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  25. Scott Soames (1989). Pronouns and Propositional Attitudes. Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 90:191 - 212.score: 18.0
    The main questions we have asked are 'What do these pronouns refer to?', 'What are they coreferential with (or intended to be coreferential with)?' and 'How is their reference determined?' In the case of (1 b) these questions have often been answered by noting an ambiguity. On one.
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  26. Tullio Viola (2011). Philosophy and the Second Person: Peirce, Humboldt, Benveniste, and Personal Pronouns as Universals of Communication. Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society 47 (4):389-420.score: 18.0
    It is well known that Charles S. Peirce's first attempt to construct a theory of metaphysical categories, already displaying the triadic pattern that would later become the keystone of his philosophy, directed itself towards the three English personal pronouns: I, IT, THOU.2 As many scholars have already noted, these three spheres of the phenomenal world identified by the young Peirce prelude to the 1867 "New List" (Quality, Relation and Representation) as well as to the later categories of Firstness, Secondness (...)
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  27. Lyn Frazier, Null Vs. Overt Pronouns and the Topic-Focus Articulation in Spanish.score: 18.0
    Carminati (2002) shows that the existence of both phonetically full and phonetically null pronouns (pro) in Italian reflects a division of labor with respect to anaphora resolution. Pro prefers to link to prominent antecedents more than its phonetically overt counterpart does (where prominence is determined by syntactic position in intrasentential anaphora cases).
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  28. Mika Oksanen, Doxastic Logic of Demonstratives; Indexical and Reflexive Pronouns in Ascriptions of Propositional Attitudes.score: 18.0
    In this article I will develop the first steps of a wholly general theory of how indexical and reflexive pronouns function in propositional attitude ascriptions. This will involve a theory of ascriptions of de se beliefs and de se utterances, which can probably be also generalized so as to apply to ascriptions of other attitudes. It will also involve a theory about the ascriptions of beliefs or other attitudes a person has at a time about what happens then (attitudes (...)
     
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  29. Florian Schwarz (2012). Situation Pronouns in Determiner Phrases. Natural Language Semantics 20 (4):431-475.score: 18.0
    It is commonly argued that natural language has the expressive power of quantifying over intensional entities, such as times, worlds, or situations. A standard way of modelling this assumes that there are unpronounced but syntactically represented variables of the corresponding type. Not all that much as has been said, however, about the exact syntactic location of these variables. Meanwhile, recent work has highlighted a number of problems that arise because the interpretive options for situation pronouns seem to be subject (...)
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  30. Clemens Mayr (2012). Focusing Bound Pronouns. Natural Language Semantics 20 (3):299-348.score: 18.0
    The presence of contrastive focus on pronouns interpreted as bound variables is puzzling. Bound variables do not refer, and it is therefore unclear how two of them can be made to contrast with each other. It is argued that this is a problem for both alternative-based accounts such as Rooth’s (Nat Lang Semantics 1:75–116, 1992) and givenness-based ones such as Schwarzschild’s (Nat Lang Semantics 7:141–177, 1999). The present paper shows that previous approaches to this puzzle face an empirical problem, (...)
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  31. Liliane Tasmowski-De Ryck & S. Paul Verluyten (1982). Linguistic Control of Pronouns. Journal of Semantics 1 (3-4):323-346.score: 18.0
    We argue against the claim put forward by Lasnik (1976) that pronouns are, in all cases, pragmatically controlled, i.e. that they directly refer to objects or situations in the world. In fact, the generalization we defend is exactly the opposite: all pronouns are linguistically controlled, i.e. they have a linguistic antecedent in all cases. Even in those instances where no antecedent is present in uttered discourse, the necessity of postulating such an antecedent, and the possibility of identifying it, (...)
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  32. Peter Bosch (1986). Pronouns Under Control? Journal of Semantics 5 (1):65-78.score: 18.0
    Liliane Tasmowski and Paul Verluyten have recently expressed their misgivings about a proposal for a distinction between syntactically and referentially functioning anaphoric pronouns that was put forth in Bosch (1980, 1983) and have re-emphasized their ideas towards a uniform treatment of anaphoric pronouns, as originally published in Tasmowski and Verluyten (1982). In the following pages I shall point out some limitations of the uniform pronoun treatment Tasmowski and Verluyten have in mind and I shall propose some amendments and (...)
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  33. Pauline Jacobson (2000). Paycheck Pronouns, Bach-Peters Sentences, and Variable-Free Semantics. Natural Language Semantics 8 (2):77-155.score: 18.0
    This paper argues for the hypothesis of direct compositionality (as in, e.g., Montague 1974), according to which the combinatory syntactic rules specify a set of well-formed expressions while the semantic combinatory rules work in tandem to directly supply a model-theoretic interpretation to each expression as it is "built" in the syntax. (This thus obviates the need for any level like LF and, concomitantly, for any rules mapping surface structures to such a level.) I focus here on one related group of (...)
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  34. L. A. Petitto (1987). On the Autonomy of Language and Gesture: Evidence From the Acquisition of Personal Pronouns in American Sign Language. Cognition 27 (1):1-52.score: 18.0
    Two central assumptions of current models of language acquisition were addressed in this study: (1) knowledge of linguistic structure is "mapped onto" earlier forms of non-linguistic knowledge; and (2) acquiring a language involves a continuous learning sequence from early gestural communication to linguistic expression. The acquisition of the first and second person pronouns ME and YOU was investigated in a longitudinal study of two deaf children of deaf parents learning American Sign Language (ASL) as a first language. Personal (...) in ASL are formed by pointing directly to the addressee (YOU) or self (I or ME), rather than by arbitrary symbols. Thus, personal pronouns in ASL resemble paralinguistic gestures that commonly accompany speech and are used prelinguistically by both hearing and deaf children beginning around 9 months. This provides a means for investigating the transition from prelinguistic gestural to linguistic expression when both gesture and language reside in the same modality.\nThe results indicate that deaf children acquired knowledge of personal pronouns over a period of time, displaying errors similar to those of hearing children despite the transparency of the pointing gestures. The children initially (ages 10 and 12 months) pointed to persons, objects, and locations. Both children then exhibited a long avoidance period, during which one function of the pointing gesture (pointing to self and others) dropped out completely. During this period their language and cognitive development were otherwise entirely normal, and they continued to use other types of pointing (e.g., to objects). When pointing to self and others returned, it was marked with errors typical of hearing children; one child exhibited consistent pronoun reversal errors, thinking the YOU point referred to herself, while the other child exhibited reversal errors inconsistently. Evidence from experimental tasks conducted with the first child revealed that pronoun errors occurred in comprehension as well. Full control of the ME and YOU pronouns was not achieved until 25-27 months, around the same time when hearing children master these forms. Thus, the study provides evidence for a discontinuity in the child's transition from prelinguistic to linguistic communication. It is argued that aspects of linguistic structure and its acquisition appear to involve distinct, language-specific knowledge. (shrink)
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  35. Katrina Przyjemski (2008). Essentially Indexical Bound Anaphoric Pronouns. Proceedings of the Xxii World Congress of Philosophy 39:215-222.score: 18.0
    Certain anaphoric forms are widely supposed to give rise to ‘de se’ interpretations. Castanteda (1966a/b, 1967) argues that intensive reflexive anaphors such as ‘he himself’ and ‘she herself’ act as devices for the indirect report of essentially ‘first person’ contents when they occur with singular antecedents. In this paper, I argue that first and third person pronouns that occur as anaphors on c-commanding quantified antecedents (so-called ‘bound variable pronouns’) also give rise to de se interpretations. I draw out (...)
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  36. Robert Van Rooy (2001). Exhaustivity in Dynamic Semantics; Referential and Descriptive Pronouns. Linguistics and Philosophy 24 (5):621 - 657.score: 18.0
    In this paper I argue that anaphoric pronouns should always be interpreted exhaustively. I propose that pronouns are either used referentially and refer to the speaker's referents of their antecedent indefinites, or descriptively and go proxy for the description recoverable from its antecedent clause. I show how this view can be implemented within a dynamic semantics, and how it can account for various examples that seemed to be problematic for the view that for all unbound pronouns there (...)
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  37. Emmanuèle Auriac (2008). Variation in the Use of Pronouns as a Function of the Topic of Argumentation in Young Writers Aged 11 Years. Argumentation 22 (2):273-290.score: 18.0
    In our view, the ability to impose moral values which may be, to some extent, either shared or conflictual, influences the strategy adopted when writing argumentative texts. Our hypothesis is that the greater the socio-moral distance between the writers’ representations (the writers in this case being children) and those of the recipients (here the parents), the more likely it is that writing will be successful. Three topics derived from a preliminary experiment and corresponding to significant differences in opinion between children (...)
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  38. Martina Hielscher & Jochen Müsseler (1990). Anaphoric Resolution of Singular and Plural Pronouns: The Reference to Persons Being Introduced by Different Co-Ordinating Structures. Journal of Semantics 7 (4):347-364.score: 18.0
    For the resolution of plural pronouns referring to singularly introduced reference persons the plural antecedent has to be built up by the cognitive system itself (installing a plural complex, e. g. ‘John wanted to have a picnic with Mary. They had…’). For singular pronouns the antecedent is usually mentioned in the text explicitly. This contribution examined which aspects of the prepronominal sentence structure determine the installation of a plural antecedent and at which point of time this process is (...)
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  39. D. McDaniel & W. Cowart (1999). Experimental Evidence for a Minimalist Account of English Resumptive Pronouns. Cognition 70 (2):15-24.score: 18.0
    In this article we provide evidence for a Minimalist account of English-type resumptive pronouns. Our findings provide empirical support for syntactic theories that, like Minimalist accounts, allow for competition among derivations. According to our account, resumptive pronouns are spell-outs of traces. For reasons of economy, the resumptive pronoun surfaces only when the derivation with the trace is precluded by syntactic principles. This account predicts that resumptive pronouns should only improve violations of constraints on representation, and not violations (...)
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  40. Mark C. Baker (1992). Unmatched Chains and the Representation of Plural Pronouns. Natural Language Semantics 1 (1):33-73.score: 18.0
    Plural pronouns create the possibility of overlapping reference, which does not not fit naturally into the classical GB theory of anaphora, where each NP has a single integer as its referential index. Thus, one must either complicate the indexing system used in syntax or complicate the semantic interpretation of indices. This paper argues for the former approach based on the properties of a particular comitative-like construction found in Mohawk and certain other languages. This construction is analyzed as a type (...)
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  41. A. J. Sanford, S. Garrod, A. Lucas & R. Henderson (1983). Pronouns Without Explicit Antecedents? Journal of Semantics 2 (3-4):303-318.score: 18.0
    Yule (1982) has argued that examples from speech show that pronouns may be interpreted nonreferentially. In the present paper, it is argued that pronouns elicit procedures for the identification of referents which are in explicit focus (Sanford and Garrod, 1981). Three experiments are offered in support of this view. The discussion centres on the need for carefully assessing the knowledge-states of listeners when pronouns are used in the absence of antecedents. It is proposed that felicitous use of (...)
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  42. H. M. Cartwright (2000). A Note on Plural Pronouns. Synthese 123 (2):227 - 246.score: 16.0
    Gareth Evans'' proposal, as amended by Steven Neale –that a definite pronoun with a quantifiedantecedent that does not bind it has the sense ofa definite description – has been challenged inthe singular case by appeal to counter-examplesinvolving failure of the uniqueness condition forthe legitimacy of a singular description. Thischallenge is here extended to the plural.Counter-examples are provided by cases in which aplural description `the Fs'' does not denote,despite the propriety of the use of `they'' or`them'' it is to replace, because (...)
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  43. Robert Sokolowski (2003). The Revelation of the Holy Trinity: A Study in Personal Pronouns. In Ethics and Theological Disclosures: The Thought of Robert Sokolowski. Catholic Univ of America Pr.score: 16.0
    Christ, the incarnate Second Person of the Trinity, uses the first-person pronoun in a "declarative" manner in speaking to the Father, and thus reveals the difference of persons within the Holy Trinity. A purely third-person revelation would not enjoy the same literalness and depth; the Trinity could not have been as clearly revealed by, say, a prophet. Christ makes it possible for the believer also to use the first person declaratively in addressing God. The declarative use of the first-person pronoun (...)
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  44. Irene Heim (1990). E-Type Pronouns and Donkey Anaphora. Linguistics and Philosophy 13 (2):137--77.score: 15.0
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  45. Barbara Hall Partee (1973). Some Structural Analogies Between Tenses and Pronouns in English. Journal of Philosophy 70 (18):601-609.score: 15.0
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  46. Stephen Neale (1990). Descriptive Pronouns and Donkey Anaphora. Journal of Philosophy 87 (3):113-150.score: 15.0
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  47. S. J. Barker (1997). E-Type Pronouns, DRT, Dynamic Semantics and the Quantifier/Variable-Binding Model. Linguistics and Philosophy 20 (2):195-228.score: 15.0
  48. Robert C. Stalnaker (1973). Tenses and Pronouns. Journal of Philosophy 70 (18):610-612.score: 15.0
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  49. Alan Berger (2002). A Formal Semantics for Plural Quantification, Intersentential Binding and Anaphoric Pronouns as Rigid Designators. Noûs 36 (1):50–74.score: 15.0
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