Insegnare la filosofia nelle scuole: e ancora utile? E quanto spazio va concesso alla materia? Il mondo accademico italiano si pose il problema agli inizi del XX secolo, e da piu parti fu proposta la cancellazione della materia dai programmi ministeriali. Giovanni Gentile, filosofo e pedagogista, non poteva restare inerme e in questo scritto giovanile si cimenta in una vibrante difesa della filosofia e della sua importanza per la formazione degli studenti.".

Pubblicata nel 1930 come summa delle lezioni universitarie del biennio precedente, "La filosofia dell'arte" il primo vero confronto di Giovanni Gentile con il tema dell'Estetica. Dopo decenni in cui il pensatore si era approcciato soltanto in parte o di sfuggita al problema dell'arte, in questo volume affronta esplicitamente l'argomento, per fornire il suo punto di vista - in polemica velata, fra gli altri, con Benedetto Croce - e inquadrarlo meglio all'interno della sua visione attualista, che tanto ha influenzato il pensiero (...) della prima met del XX secolo. (shrink)

"El título de este trabajo puede parecer pretencioso; sin embargo, mi intención ha sido muy modesta, puesto que he querido solamente resumir en capítulos sumarios un curso de lecciones dictadas este año en la Universidad de Pisa, a los estudiantes de la Facultad de Jurisprudencia. El curso estaba consagrado a las cuestiones fundamentales de la Filosofía del Derecho, es decir, a aquellas cuestiones que comúnmente pasan por alto los especialistas de esta disciplina, demasiado inclinados a enredarse en el empirismo de (...) la Enciclopedia Jurídica, y por la cual, merced a ellos, no se advierte cómo aquella Filosofía puede ser considerada de otra manera. La Filosofía del Derecho justificará su existencia mientras sea Filosofía, a la cual no se llega partiendo del Derecho, como tampoco se llega partiendo de ningún otro concepto empírico, puesto que todos los conceptos, cuando están rigurosamente determinados, son ya filosofía, y no pueden, por consiguiente, germinar en otro lugar que no sea su terreno". Giovanni Gentile. (shrink)

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Die Untersuchung des unbedingten Grundsatzes der Erkenntnis ist - in Verbindung mit den Begriffen des Bewusstseins, der Anschauung und des Unendlichen - der Kern des Deutschen Idealismus von Fichte, Schelling und Hegel. Nach Fichte muss man das absolut erste und unbedingte Prinzip des gesamten menschlichen Wissens aufsuchen, damit die Philosophie tatsachlich Wissenschaft der Wissenschaft oder Wissenschaftslehre sein kann. Daher rekonstruiert der Autor zunachst Fichtes kritisch gegen Kant gerichtete Radikalisierung des Konzepts der Subjektivitat und die Uberschreitung der Grenze zur intellektuellen Anschauung. (...) Im zweiten Teil werden dann neue Perspektiven in der Analyse von Schellings Idealismus vorgeschlagen: Vor dem Hintergrund einer Analyse der intellektuellen, der asthetischen und der produktiven Anschauung bei Schelling wird das Verhaltnis zwischen Naturphilosophie und Transzendentalphilosophie behandelt. Im dritten Teil des Buches werden Hegels Kritik an Fichte und Schelling sowie an Kant (in der Enzyklopadie) und schliesslich die Bedeutung der Begriffe des Selbstbewusstseins und des Unendlichen vom transzendentalen Idealismus bis hin zu Hegels absolutem Idealismus untersucht. Der Kulminationspunkt ist dabei die alle Bereiche der theoretischen Philosophie durchziehende Wechselbeziehung zwischen dem Endlichen und dem Unendlichen. (shrink)

Pubblicata per la prima volta nel 1916 come raccolta delle lezioni universitarie dell'anno accademico 1915-16, la "Teoria generale dello spirito come atto puro" andò incontro a diverse ristampe e traduzioni in lingue straniere, diventando uno dei saggi più importanti nella produzione filosofica di Giovanni Gentile. Partendo dal pensiero di Berkeley, Kant e Hegel, il filosofo elabora quello che chiama "idealismo attuale", spesso abbreviato in "attualismo", corrente che ha conosciuto grande fortuna nel periodo tra le due guerre.

Writing about secession is not an easy task for a political philosopher. Yet, writing about secession in India raises further practical and theoretical problems. The incredible task of professor Chandhoke’s book, Contested Secessions, is thus to provide a restatement of a liberal theory of secession, understood as a remedial right theory, which is still compatible with situations of contested secessions, such as those occurring in post-colonial societies like India. This paper focuses on two distinct yet related aspects of Chandhoke’s theory: (...) her distinctive version of remedial right theory, and her emphasis on a form of comprehensive pluralist liberalism. I argue that this approach might result in inconsistency due to the conflicting demands of these two approaches. If we take seriously Chandhoke’s political claim in favour of the legitimacy of what she calls “formal” democracy, further clarifications are needed with respect to the account of pluralism she proposes. (shrink)

Following the book Algebraic Set Theory from André Joyal and leke Moerdijk [8], we give a characterization of the initial ZF-algebra, for Heyting pretoposes equipped with a class of small maps. Then, an application is considered (the effective topos) to show how to recover an already known model (McCarty [9]).

Teoria generale dello spirito come atto puro -- Sistema di logica come teoria del conoscere -- La filosofia dell'arte -- Genesi e struttura della società.

Giving Voice to Values, under the leadership of Mary Gentile, has fundamentally changed the way business ethics and values-driven leadership is taught and discussed in academic and corporate settings worldwide. This book shifts attention to the future of Giving Voice to Values (GVV) and provides thought-pieces from practitioners and leading experts in business ethics and the professions on the possibilities for sustaining its growth and success. These include the creation of new teaching materials, reaching different audiences, and expanding the ways (...) in which Giving Voice to Values is making a difference in classrooms and the workplace and acting as a catalyst for organizational and societal change. The book closes with a reflective chapter by Mary Gentile, looking back at where GVV has been and looking ahead to where GVV might go. (shrink)

John Rawls's influential theory of justice and public reason has often been thought to exclude religion from politics, out of fear of its illiberal and destabilizing potentials. It has therefore been criticized by defenders of religion for marginalizing and alienating the wealth of religious sensibilities, voices, and demands now present in contemporary liberal societies. In this anthology, established scholars of Rawls and the philosophy of religion reexamine and rearticulate the central tenets of Rawls's theory to show they in fact offer (...) sophisticated resources for accommodating and responding to religions in liberal political life. The chapters reassert the subtlety, openness, and flexibility of his sense of liberal "respect" and "consensus," revealing their inclusive implications for religious citizens. They also explore the means he proposes for accommodating nonliberal religions in liberal politics, developing his conception of "public reason" into a novel account of the possibilities for rational engagement between liberal and religious ideas. And they reevaluate Rawls's liberalism from the "transcendent" perspectives of religions themselves, critically considering its normative and political value, as well as its own "religious" character. _Rawls and Religion_ makes a unique and important contribution to contemporary debates over liberalism and its response to the proliferation of religions in contemporary political life. (shrink)

In this paper, I examine whether Wenar's Bloody Oil ( 2016) succeeds in providing a theory able to accommodate the statist commitment to peoples’ sovereignty without dismissing the cosmopolitan concern regarding a just global market. Contextualising Blood Oil within the broader debate on global justice and resource ownership, I focus on some specific aspects of Wenar’s Clean Trade scheme and explain why it comes to quite radical conclusions. Yet, if these conclusions are taken seriously, Clean Trade seems too demanding from (...) the point of view of a statist account of justice. For cosmopolitans, too, the lack of normative justification for any alleged national resource sovereignty might weaken this position, especially for those who might oppose arguments to justify different forms of resource ownership. I will therefore discuss two problems with Wenar’s theory. First, I will show that, in spite of its statist premises, Wenar’s radical conclusions hardly pass the test of anti-paternalism. Is the Clean Trade scheme able to accommodate the demand of pluralism emerging in the Society of Peoples? Second, I focus on an issue that is neglected in Wenar’s book and which refers directly to the normative basis of resources ownership. I argue that this is a crucial issue, especially in contexts where the traditional idea of national sovereignty is contested, which often occurs in resource-cursed societies. (shrink)