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  1. Jacob T. Levy, Multicultural Manners.
    The political theory literature on multiculturalism is dominated by approaches based on rights and recognition -- quintessentially 17th- and 19th-century concepts, respectively. In this paper I aim to complement those approaches with one drawing on the 18th-century concept of manners. A range of cases of cultural contact and conflict -- especially those in the up-close settings of city life, and especially those having to do with contrasting cultural norms about seeing and being seen -- do not admit of wholly satisfactory (...)
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  2. Jacob T. Levy, Not So.
    Social contract theory imagines political societies as resting on a fundamental agreement, adopted at a discrete moment in hypothetical time, that both bound individual persons together into a single polity and set fundamental rules regarding that polity's structure and powers. Written constitutions, adopted at real moments in historical time, dictating governmental structures, bounding governmental powers, and entrenching individual rights, look temptingly like social contracts reified. I argue in this article, however, that something essential is lost in the casual slippage between (...)
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  3. Jacob T. Levy, What It Means to Be a Pluralist.
    Michael Walzer has made great contributions to the appreciation of both moral and cultural pluralism in political theory. Nonetheless, there are ways in which Walzer's arguments appear anti-pluralistic. The question of this essay is: why is there so little pluralism in Walzer's political theory, or why does its pluralism run out so soon? Focusing on Spheres of Justice and Nation and Universe, it examines the effect of Walzer's nationalism/statism on his theory, and the constraints his theory faces in considering multiculturalism (...)
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  4. Jacob T. Levy (forthcoming). Lon Fuller-Professor of Jurisprudence at Harvard. Jurisprudence.
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  5. Jacob T. Levy (2009). Not So Novus an Ordo: Constitutions Without Social Contracts. Political Theory 37 (2):191 - 217.
    Social contract theory imagines political societies as resting on a fundamental agreement, adopted at a discrete moment in hypothetical time, that binds individual persons together into a polity and sets fundamental rules regarding that polity's structure and powers. Written constitutions, adopted at real moments in historical time, dictating governmental structures, bounding governmental powers, and entrenching individual rights, look temptingly like social contracts reified. Yet something essential is lost in this slippage between social contract theory and the practice of constitutionalism. Contractarian (...)
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  6. Jacob T. Levy (2008). National and Statist Responsibility. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11 (4):485-499.
    In this article, part of a symposium on David Miller's Global Justice and National Responsibility, I first focus on an area of disagreement: Miller‘s attempt to attribute to nations responsibility that I think ought to be generally attributed to states. I then sketch a theory that disregards nations more or less completely, and yet issues in a two-level theory like Miller‘s, sanctioning important differences between intrastate and interstate distribution. It is only like Miller‘s, because the distinction between states and (...)
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  7. Jacob T. Levy (2008). Self-Determination, Non-Domination, and Federalism. Hypatia 23 (3):pp. 60-78.
    This article summarizes the theory of federalism as non-domination Iris Marion Young began to develop in her final years, a theory of self-government that tried to recognize interconnectedness. Levy also poses an objection to that theory: non-domination cannot do the work Young needed of it, because it is a theory about the merits of decisions not about jurisdiction over them. The article concludes with an attempt to give Young the last word.
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  8. Jacob T. Levy (2007). Federalism and the Old and New Liberalisms. Social Philosophy and Policy 24 (1):306-326.
    The transition from a relatively federal to a relatively centralized constitutional structure in the United States has often been identified with the shift from classical to welfare liberalism as a matter of public philosophy. This article argues against that distinction. The liberal argument for federalism is a contingent one, built on approximations, counterbalancing, and political power. A more federalist constitution is not automatically a freer one on classical liberal understandings of freedom. Neither is a more centralized constitution automatically a better (...)
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  9. Jacob T. Levy (2006). Beyond Publius: Montesquieu, Liberal Republicanism and the Small-Republic Thesis. History of Political Thought 27 (1):50-90.
    The thesis that republicanism was only suited for small states was given its decisive eighteenth-century formulation by Montesquieu, who emphasized not only republics' need for homogeneity and virtue but also the difficulty of constraining military and executive power in large republics. Hume and Publius famously replaced small republics' virtue and homogeneity with large republics' plurality of contending factions. Even those who shared this turn to modern liberty, commerce and the accompanying heterogeneity of interests, however, did not all agree with or (...)
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  10. Meira Levinson, William A. Galston, Jacob T. Levy, Peter Levine, Robert K. Fullinwider & Mick Womersley (2005). Community Matters: Challenges to Civic Engagement in the 21st Century. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
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  11. Jacob T. Levy (2005). 8 Sexual Orientation, Exit and Refuge. In Avigail Eisenberg & Jeff Spinner-Halev (eds.), Minorities Within Minorities: Equality, Rights and Diversity. Cambridge University Press. 172.
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  12. Jacob T. Levy (2004). Liberal Jacobinism. Ethics 114 (2):318-336.
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  13. Samuel Scheffler, David Miller, Jeffrey Brand‐Ballard, Michael Ridge & Jacob T. Levy (2004). 10. Robert Nozick, Invariances: The Structure of the Objective World Robert Nozick, Invariances: The Structure of the Objective World (Pp. 364-368). [REVIEW] Ethics 114 (2).
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  14. Jacob T. Levy (2003). Liberalism's Divide, After Socialism and Before. Social Philosophy and Policy 20 (1):278-297.
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  15. Jacob T. Levy (2003). Language Rights, Literacy, and the Modern State. In Will Kymlicka & Alan Patten (eds.), Language Rights and Political Theory. Oup Oxford.
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  16. Jacob T. Levy (2002). Nenad Miscevic, Ed., Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict: Philosophical Perspectives:Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict: Philosophical Perspectives. Ethics 112 (4):843-846.
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  17. Jacob T. Levy (1996). The Multiculturalism of Fear. Critical Review 10 (2):271-283.
    Abstract The liberalism of fear urged by Judith Shklar emphasizes the dangers of political violence, cruelty, and humiliation. Those dangers clearly mark ethnic and cultural conflicts, so the liberalism of fear is an especially appropriate political ethic for an age marked by such conflicts. A multiculturalism of fear keeps its attention on those central political dangers while also noting that some kinds of cruelty and humiliation might not be appreciated without reference to the larger ethnic and cultural context, and that (...)
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