O'Donnell, J. R. Anton Charles Pegis on the occasion of his retirement.--Conlan, W. J. The definition of faith according to a question of MS. Assisi 138: study and edition of text.--Spade, P. V. Five logical tracts by Richard Lavenham.--Maurer, A. Henry of Harclay's disputed question on the plurality of forms.--Brown, V. Giovanni Argiropulo on the agent intellect: an edition of Ms. Magliabecchi V 42.--Synan, E. A. The Exortacio against Peter Abelard's Dialogus inter philosophum, Iudaeum et Christianum.--Fitzgerald, W. Nugae Hyginianae.--Sheehan, (...) M. M. Marriage and family in English conciliar and synodal legislation.--Shook, L. K. Riddles relating to the Anglo-Saxon scriptorium.--Boyle, L. E. The De regno and the two powers.--Colledge, E. A Middle English Christological poem.--Gough, M. R. E. Three forgotten martyrs of Anazarbus in Cilicia.--Häring, N. Chartres and Paris revisited.--Hayes, W. Greek recentiores, (Ps.) Basil, Adversus eunomium, IV-V.--Owens, J. The physical world of Parmenides. (shrink)
This paper has two objectives, neither previously attempted in the published literature—first, to outline J. M. Keynes's theory of knowledge in some detail, and, secondly, to justify the contention that his epistemology is a variety of rationalism, and not, as many have asserted, a form of empiricism. Keynes's attitude to empirical data is also analysed as well as his views on prediction and theory choice. 1This paper is partly based on ideas initially advanced in O'Donnell , a revised and (...) expanded version of which is to be published as O'Donnell . I should like to thank an anonymous referee for helpful comment, and King's College, Cambridge for permission to quote from the Keynes Papers. (shrink)
Although the E-Z Reader model accounts well for eye-tracking data, it will be judged by new predictions and consistency with evidence from brain imaging methodologies. The stage architecture proposed for lexical access seems somewhat arbitrary and calculated timings are conservatively slow. There are certain effects in the literature that seem incompatible with the model.
As contribution to a recent debate (James, 1998; Murphy etal., 1997, 1998) the proportion of twins following ovulation induction (OI) or assisted conception (AC) in 1994 in Oxfordshire and West Berkshire was estimated, and by extrapolation the natural twinning rate in England and Wales was judged to have maintained a plateau phase since the 1970s. Similar figures for 1995 and 1996 from the same study, and hence a more stable local estimate, are now provided. The proportions, as before, were (...) estimated from women's responses to a questionnaire within a case[hyphen]control study, with ascertainment from general practitioners' records or hospital case[hyphen]notes for non[hyphen]responders or for those excluded from the study originally. In 1994, 1995 and 1996 the proportion of twins following OI/AC was overall 27% (24%, 30% and 27% respectively). Restriction to the 87% locally resident made no difference. The national crude twinning rate for those years was overall 13·3 per 1000 maternities (12·8, 13·6 and 13·4 respectively). (shrink)
Contemporary developments in American epistemology, by R. M. Chisholm.--Contemporary metaphysics in the United States, by D. F. Gustafson.--Philosophy of physics, by H. Putnam--The influence of continental philosophy on the contemporary American scene: a summons to autonomy, by G. A. Scharader, Jr.--The influence of the later Wittgenstein on American philosophy, by J. O. Nelson.--Philosophy of mind, by F. H. Donnell, Jr.--Some remarks on the philosophy of language, by J. A. Fodor.--Ethics in the United States today, by D. Kading.--Social philosophy; philosophy of (...) social science, by P. Diesing. (shrink)
The following paper is a modified version of Ihe Edward S. O’Donnell, S.J., Distinguished Lecture, delivered at Marquette University in November of 1986, The original title of the lecture was, “The Fare of Theology 1986, or the Painful Process of Doctrinal Development.” Following a historical exegesis of the notion of responsibility for theologians. I offer a summary of dominant factors underlying the issue of doctrinal development in theology, and conclude with some recommendations relating to the present tasks facing theologians.
James questions the validity of the very tentative statement made in the final sentence of our paper. Our claim concerned the proportion of twins in Britain in the 1990s that might have arisen through subfertility treatment and was linked to the suggestion that the natural twinning rate might still be in decline. If this were true, we, like James, would regard that prospect with concern.
After distinguishing three kinds of pluralism, an individualist pluralism at one pole, a communalist pluralism at the other, and a third more complex concept ofpluralism, I address the meaning of commitment in America as iIIuminated by these distinctions. This continues a line opened up in Habits of the Heart. An earlierversion of this paper was presented at Marquette University in the Edward J. O’Donnell, S.J., Distinguished Lecture Series.
The Cuban American community shares many of the structural features commonly associated with other types of immigrant enclaves. But its specific mode of political incorporation into the United States distinguishes it from other enclaves, making it a unique sociopolitical formation: “authoritarian enclave.” The Cuban American enclave arose out of Caribbean geopolitics as an unintentional byproduct of four state-sponsored movements. These movements interlocked in an uneven manner, sometime via the civil, other times via the military, and still other times based on (...) a combination of both. The internally divided Batistianist movement interlocked via its military wing with Trujillo's relatively unified Dominican state. In contrast, the highly unified Conservative movement interlocked with the military wing of the internally divided U.S. state. The Liberal movement, like the previous movement, was internally unified but, unlike them, its contacts were with the civil, not military, wing of the U.S. state. Preliminary research on the Terrorist movement, a community-generated movement that responds to changing geopolitical situations, suggests that its civil and military wing are discreetly and flexibly linked to each other. These movements had the cumulative and unintentional effect of creating a new organizational space within the Caribbean geopolitical system from which the Cuban American community was later to emerge. The Cuban American enclave rooted in Miami is today an important actor in the Caribbean Basin.The four movements under review left an indelible imprint on the material and ideational contours of the enclave. The Batistianists, Conservatives, and Terrorists contributed to the formation of an emigre moral economy where politics and profit were fused. The Batistianists, by investing their smuggled capital in the Miami area, by relying on the civil wing of their movement to rejuvenate old allegiances and networks, and by boycotting and harassing politically heterodox merchants, established a type of political monopoly over the local economy. The Conservatives, by misappropriating C.I.A. funds and reselling weapons, learned the art of buying and selling, developed sympathetic sources of credit from politically like-minded militants, and gathered enough investment capital to establish small enterprises in the Miami area. The Terrorists, by bombing Liberal merchants, prevented their discourse from gaining a local material base of power. The militant Liberals, through their inactivity in the community, facilitated, unintentionally, the rise of the enclave.The community's collective identity and sources of normative integration remain partly rooted in its militant past. Batistianism, Conservatism, and Terrorism, with its characteristic concerns for custom, patriotism, anti-communism, order, and community, concerns which have always been lacking in Liberal thought, a current of thought that in any case never circulated widely in the community, contributed, ironically enough, to the enclave's subsequent success. If the enclave entrepreneur can today invoke collective claims in order to legitimize his patriarchal system of capital-labor relations and contribute to group cohesion, it is because the militants and terrorists had earlier inculcated the community with these very same notions. In the next few years the Cuban American entrepreneurs, the community's leading strata, will need to generate a new set of ideal interests similar to the ones they inherited from their predecessors.The extreme conservatism of the Cuban Americans is in direct opposition to the political practices of all other immigrant groups, enclave or otherwise. Immigrant groups tend to support politically liberal causes and, among recent arrivees, this tendency is even more pronounced. Michael Parenti, “Ethnic Politics and the Persistence of Ethnic Identification,” American Political Science Review, 61 (September 198) 717–726. But the Cuban American enclave, itself a relatively recent group, defies this pattern. But the mid-1970s the Cuban Americans had established themselves as the single most conservative minority group in the United States.Joseph J. Malone, “Hispanics in Electoral Process of Dade County, Florida: The Corning of Age,” (Miami: Metro Dade County Elections Dept., March, 1985); Alejandro Portes and Rafael Mozo, “Naturalization, Registration and Voting.” Cuban American exceptionalism is not, as some neo-Marxists scholars have claimed, the product of their privileged background in Cuba nor their relative economic success in the United States.Ibid.; Alejandro Portes, “The Rise of Ethnicity: Determinants of Ethnic Perceptions Among Cuban Exiles,” 49 American Sociological Review, (June, 1984) 383–397; Alejandro Portes and Rafael Mozo, “The Political Adaptation Process of Cuban and other Ethnic Minorities in the U.S.,“ International Migration Review, 19 (Spring, 1985) 35–63. Political practices, after all, cannot be deduced from simple market locations. Cuban American conservatism was constructed during the early years of community formation as the result of the interaction of discourse and power. The community's shift toward extreme conservatism runs counter to the early composition of the exiles. Recall that in demographic-political terms the base of the community shifted in 1962 from the Batistianists and Conservatives, to the Liberals. The political practices of the community, however, travelled a reverse path: from Liberal, to Conservative and Batistianist. Political practice, in other words, had defied the very same organizational and demographic determinants that until now had served to structure its existence. Emigre politics had become unhinged from its “base” and was flowing downwards and shaping the material and ideal interests of the community at a time when it was undergoing a transition from exile to ethnic minority. The discursive practices and power maneuvers of the Batistianists and Conservatives infused the community's collective identity, economic life, and group cohesiveness with their own moral-political preferences. The Liberals, due to their insurrectionary strategy, failed to do so. During deactivation, the Liberals who advocated normalizing relations with Cuba successfully disorganized Conservative thought, but the Terrorists prevented them from circulating their views or gaining local power. Thus, emigre politics preceded the rise of ethnic markets and the availability of federal aid, and influenced Cuban American group and identity formation.The Cuban American community, to summarize my argument, is an expression of exploitation and domination along with representation. In typological terms, the community ought to be characterized as an “authoritarian enclave,” a type of formation that fuses economic entrepreneurship, social communalism, and authoritarian politics. This anti-economistic notion is a loose adaptation of Guillermo O'Donnell's term, “bureaucratic authoritarianism,” used to define certain types of Latin American dictatorships. Those unacquainted with the Cuban American community sometimes view it as a sociological aberration, an idiosyncratic enclave when compared to other ones in the United States, yet its trajectory reconfirms two of history's oldest lessons: the boundaries of nations and states rarely coincide; and, words and silences matter... as does power. (shrink)