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  1.  18
    Jeffrey Friedman (2005). Popper, Weber, and Hayek: The Epistemology and Politics of Ignorance. Critical Review 17 (1-2):1-58.
    Karl Popper's methodology highlights our scientific ignorance: hence the need to institutionalize open?mindedness through controlled experiments that may falsify our fallible theories about the world. In his endorsement of?piecemeal social engineering,? Popper assumes that the social?democratic state and its citizens are capable of detecting social problems, and of assessing the results of policies aimed at solving them, through a process of experimentation analogous to that of natural science. But we are not only scientifically but politically ignorant: ignorant of the facts (...)
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  2. Jeffrey Friedman (2006). Symposium: Is Democratic Competence Possible. Critical Review 18:i - xliii.
     
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  3.  5
    Jeffrey Friedman (2014). Political Epistemology. Critical Review 26 (1-2):i-xiv.
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  4.  6
    Stephen Earl Bennett & Jeffrey Friedman (2008). The Irrelevance of Economic Theory to Understanding Economic Ignorance. Critical Review 20 (3):195-258.
    Bryan Caplan’s The Myth of the Rational Voter treats several immensely important and understudied topics—public ignorance of economics, political ideology, and their connection to policy error—from an orthodox economic perspective whose applicability to these topics is overwhelmingly disproven by the available evidence. Moreover, Caplan adds to the traditional and largely irrelevant orthodox economic notion of rational public ignorance the claim that when voters favor counterproductive economic policies, they do so deliberately, i.e., knowingly. This leads him to assume that “emotion or (...)
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  5.  3
    Jeffrey Friedman (1998). Public Ignorance and Democratic Theory. Critical Review 12 (4):397-411.
  6.  14
    Anthony J. Evans & Jeffrey Friedman (2011). “Search” Vs. “Browse”: A Theory of Error Grounded in Radical (Not Rational) Ignorance. Critical Review 23 (1-2):73-104.
    Economists tend to view ignorance as ?rational,? neglecting the possibility that ignorance is unintentional. This oversight is reflected in economists? model of ?information search,? which can be fruitfully contrasted with ?information browsing.? Information searches are designed to discover unknown knowns, whose value is calculable ex ante, such that this value justifies the cost of the search. In this model of human information acquisition, there is no primal or ?radical? ignorance that might prevent people from knowing which information to look for, (...)
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  7.  23
    Jeffrey Friedman (2009). A Crisis of Politics, Not Economics: Complexity, Ignorance, and Policy Failure. Critical Review 21 (2-3):127-183.
    ABSTRACT The financial crisis was caused by the complex, constantly growing web of regulations designed to constrain and redirect modern capitalism. This complexity made investors, bankers, and perhaps regulators themselves ignorant of regulations promulgated across decades and in different ?fields? of regulation. These regulations interacted with each other to foster the issuance and securitization of subprime mortgages; their rating as AA or AAA; and previously their concentration on the balance sheets (and off the balance sheets) of many commercial and investment (...)
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  8.  2
    Jeffrey Friedman (2006). Taking Ignorance Seriously: Rejoinder to Critics. Critical Review 18 (4):467-532.
    In ?Popper, Weber, and Hayek,? I claimed that the economic and political world governed by social democracy is too complex to offer hope for rational social?democratic policy making. I extrapolated this conclusion from the claim, made by Austrian?school economists in the 1920s and 30s, that central economic planning would face insurmountable ?knowledge problems.? Israel Kirzner's Reply indicates the need to keep the Austrians? cognitivist argument conceptually distinct from more familiar incentives arguments, which can tacitly reintroduce the assumption of omniscience against (...)
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  9.  17
    Jeffrey Friedman (1997). What's Wrong with Libertarianism. Critical Review 11 (3):407-467.
    Abstract Libertarian arguments about the empirical benefits of capitalism are, as yet, inadequate to convince anyone who lacks libertarian philosophical convictions. Yet ?philosophical? libertarianism founders on internal contradictions that render it unfit to make libertarians out of anyone who does not have strong consequentialist reasons for libertarian belief. The joint failure of these two approaches to libertarianism explains why they are both present in orthodox libertarianism?they hide each other's weaknesses, thereby perpetuating them. Libertarianism retains significant potential for illuminating the modern (...)
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  10.  4
    Jeffrey Friedman (2012). Motivated Skepticism or Inevitable Conviction? Dogmatism and the Study of Politics. Critical Review 24 (2):131-155.
    Taber and Lodge's 2006 paper provides powerful evidence that one's prior beliefs shape one's reception of new evidence in a manner that can best be described as ?inadvertently dogmatic.? This is especially true for people who are well informed, which dovetails with findings going back to Converse (1964) showing political beliefs to be ideologically constrained (rigid) among the relatively well informed. What may explain the coincidence of dogmatism and knowledgeability is the very process of learning about politics, which must use (...)
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  11.  7
    Jeffrey Friedman (2013). Hayek's Two Epistemologies and the Paradoxes of His Thought. Critical Review 25 (3-4):277-304.
    Hayek developed two contradictory epistemologies. The epistemology for which he is famous attributed dispersed knowledge to economic actors and credited the price system for aggregating and communicating this knowledge. The other epistemology attributed to human and non-human organisms alike the error-prone interpretation of stimuli, which could never truly be said to be “knowledge.” Several of the paradoxes of Hayek's economic and political thought that are explored in this symposium can be explained by the triumph of the first epistemology over the (...)
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  12.  1
    Jeffrey Friedman (2007). A “Weapon in the Hands of the People”: The Rhetorical Presidency in Historical and Conceptual Context. Critical Review 19 (2-3):197-240.
    The Tulis thesis becomes even more powerful when the constitutional revolution he describes is put in its Progressive‐Era context. The public had long demanded social reforms designed to curb or replace laissez‐faire capitalism, which was seen as antithetical to the interests of ordinary working people. But popular demands for social reform went largely unmet until the 1910s. Democratizing political reforms, such as the rhetorical presidency, were designed to facilitate “change” by finally giving the public the power to enact social reforms. (...)
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  13.  11
    Jeffrey Friedman (forthcoming). Causes of the Financial Crisis‗. Critical Review.
    The financial crisis was caused by the complex, constantly growing web of regulations designed to constrain and redirect modern capitalism. This complexity made investors, bankers, and perhaps regulators themselves ignorant of regulations previously promulgated across decades and in different “fields” of regulation. These regulations interacted with each other to foster the issuance and securitization of subprime mortgages; their rating as AA or AAA; and their concentration on the balance sheets (and off the balance sheets) of many commercial and investment banks. (...)
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  14. Jeffrey Friedman (ed.) (1996). The Rational Choice Controversy: Economic Models of Politics Reconsidered. Yale University Press.
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  15.  8
    Jeffrey Friedman (2013). Freedom has No Intrinsic Value: Liberalism and Voluntarism. Critical Review 25 (1):38-85.
    Deontological (as opposed to consequentialist) liberals treat freedom of action as an end in itself, not a means to other ends. Yet logically, when one makes a deliberate choice, one treats freedom of action as if it were not an end in itself, for one uses this freedom as a means to the ends one hopes to achieve through one's action. The tension between deontology and the logic of choice is reflected in the paradoxical nature of the ?right to do (...)
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  16.  15
    Jeffrey Friedman (2007). Ignorance as a Starting Point: From Modest Epistemology to Realistic Political Theory. Critical Review 19 (1):1-22.
  17. Jeffrey Friedman (2007). Political Ignorance and Modern Democracy. Critical Review 19 (1).
     
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  18.  14
    Jeffrey Friedman (1995). Economic Approaches to Politics. Critical Review 9 (1-2):1-24.
    The debate over Green and Shapiro's Pathologies of Rational Choice Theory sustains their contention that rational choice theory has not produced novel, empirically sustainable findings about politics?if one accepts their definition of empirically sustainable findings. Green and Shapiro show that rational choice research often resembles the empirically vacuous practices in which economists engage under the aegis of instrumentalism. Yet Green and Shapiro's insistence that theoretical constructs should produce accurate predictions may inadvertently lead to instrumentalism. Some of Green and Shapiro's critics (...)
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  19.  10
    Jeffrey Friedman (1989). The New Consensus: I. The Fukuyama Thesis. Critical Review 3 (3-4):373-410.
    Fukuyama's argument that we have recently reached ?The End of History?; is defended against writers who fail to appreciate the Hegelian meaning of Fukuyama's ?Endism,?; but is criticized for using simplistic dichotomies that evade the economic and ideological convergence of East and West. Against Fukuyama, the economic critique of socialism, revisionist scholarship on early Soviet economic history, and the history of the libertarian ideas of Rousseau, Kant, Hegel and Marx are deployed to show that history ?ended?; years ago: the creeds (...)
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  20.  3
    Jeffrey Friedman (2000). After Democracy, Bureaucracy? Rejoinder to Ciepley. Critical Review 14 (1):113-137.
    Abstract In a certain sense, voluntary communities and market relationships are relatively less coercive than democracy and bureaucracy: they offer more positive freedom. In that respect, they are more like romantic relationships or friendships than are democracies and bureaucracies. This tends to make voluntary communities and markets not only more pleasant forms of interaction, but more effective ones?contrary to Weber's confidence in the superior rationality of bureaucratic control.
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  21.  9
    Jeffrey Friedman & Adam McCabe (1996). Preferences or Happiness? Tibor Scitovsky's Psychology of Human Needs. Critical Review 10 (4):471-480.
  22.  8
    Jeffrey Friedman (1991). Postmodernism Vs. Postlibertarianism. Critical Review 5 (2):145-158.
    ?Postmodernism? denotes efforts to replace foundationalist philosophy with contextu?alist, immanentist forms of reason. ?Postlibertarianism? denotes efforts to transcend contemporary minimal statism, questioning both its ?libertarian? moral superstructure and its underlying consequentialist claims and seeking to determine whether the latter can be generalized in a way that displaces the former. Efforts to reach minimal?statist conclusions by postmodern means seem bound to aggravate the problem that plagues contemporary minimal statism: its failure to be true to its consequentialist foundations, reflected in its long?standing (...)
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  23.  3
    Jeffrey Friedman, Adam McCabe, Joy Rationalism, Freedom Amartya Sen, Juliet Schor, Ronald Inglehart, Taking Commensality Seriously, Albert O. Hirschman & Michael Benedikt (1996). Special Issue on Tibor Scitovsky's The Joyless Economy After Twenty Years. Critical Review 10 (4):471-481.
  24.  1
    Jeffrey Friedman (2006). Democratic Competence in Normative and Positive Theory: Neglected Implications of “the Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics”. Critical Review 18 (1-3):1-43.
    ?The Nature of Belief Systems? sets forth a Hobson's choice between rule by the politically ignorant masses and rule by the ideologically constrained?which is to say, the doctrinaire?elites. On the one hand, lacking comprehensive cognitive structures, such as ideological ?belief systems,? with which to understand politics, most people learn distressingly little about it. On the other hand, a spiral of conviction seems to make it difficult for the highly informed few to see any aspects of politics but those that confirm (...)
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  25.  26
    Jeffrey Friedman (1994). The Politics of Communitarianism. Critical Review 8 (2):297-340.
    Taylor, Sandel, Walzer, and MacIntyre waver between granting the community authority over the individual and limiting this authority so severely that communitarianism becomes a dead letter. The reason for this vacillation can be found in the aspiration of each theorist to base liberal values?equality and liberty?on particularism. Communitarians compound liberal formalism by adding to the liberal goal, individual autonomy, the equally abstract aim of grounding autonomy in a communally shared identity. Far from returning political theory to substantive considerations of the (...)
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  26.  4
    Jeffrey Friedman (1990). The New Consensus: II. The Democratic Welfare State. Critical Review 4 (4):633-708.
    The goal of the left has been predominantly libertarian: the realization of equal individual freedom. But now, with the demise of leftist hope for radical change that has followed the collapse of ?really existing?; socialism, the world is converging on a compromise between capitalism and the leftist impulse. This compromise is the democratic, interventionist welfare state, which has gained new legitimacy by virtue of combining a ?realistic?; acceptance of the unfortunate need for the market with an attempt to libertarianize capitalism (...)
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  27.  11
    Jeffrey Friedman (2005). The Bias Issue. Critical Review 17 (3-4):221-236.
  28.  4
    Jeffrey Friedman (2003). Public Opinion: Bringing the Media Back In. Critical Review 15 (3-4):239-260.
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  29.  2
    Scott Althaus, John Bullock, Jeffrey Friedman, Arthur Lupia & Paul Quirk (2008). Roundtable 2: Ignorance and Error. Critical Review 20 (4):445-461.
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  30.  4
    Jeffrey Friedman (1992). After Libertarianism: Rejoinder to Narveson, McCloskey, Flew, and Machan. Critical Review 6 (1):113-152.
    Postlibertarianism means abandoning defenses of the intrinsic justice of laissez?faire capitalism, the better to investigate whether the systemic consequences of interfering with capitalism are severe enough to justify laissez?faire. Any sound case for laissez?faire is likely to build on postlibertarian research, for the conviction that laissez?faire is intrinsically just rests upon unsound philosophical assumptions. Conversely, these assumptions, if sound, would make empirical studies of capitalism by libertarian scholars superfluous. Moreover, postmodern approaches to ?libertarianism? perpetuate the same assumptions, in the guise (...)
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  31.  7
    Jeffrey Friedman (1997). Hayek's Political Philosophy and His Economics. Critical Review 11 (1):1-10.
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  32.  6
    Jeffrey Friedman (1991). Accounting for Political Preferences: Cultural Theory Vs. Cultural History. Critical Review 5 (3):325-351.
    Liberalism sanctifies the values chosen by the sovereign individual. This tends to rule out criticisms of an individual's ?preference? for one value over another by, ironically, establishing a deterministic view of the self that protects the self's desires from scrutiny. Similarly, rational choice approaches to social theory begin with previously determined individual preferences and focus on the means by which they are pursued, concentrating on the results rather than the sources of people's values. A striking new attempt to go behind (...)
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  33.  11
    Samuel DeCanio, Jeffrey Friedman, David R. Mayhew, Michael H. Murakami & Nick Weller (2008). Roundtable 3: Political Ignorance, Empirical Realities. Critical Review 20 (4):463-480.
  34.  5
    Jeffrey Friedman (1989). Liberalism and Post‐Structuralism. Critical Review 3 (1):5-6.
  35.  11
    Jeffrey Friedman (1990). Methodological Vs. Normative Individualism. Critical Review 4 (1-2):5-9.
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  36.  9
    Scott Althaus, Bryan Caplan, Jeffrey Friedman, Ilya Somin & Nassim Nicholas Taleb (2008). Roundtable 1: Public Ignorance: Rational, Irrational, or Inevitable? Critical Review 20 (4):423-444.
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  37.  7
    Scott Althaus, David Barash, Jeffrey Friedman, George E. Marcus & Charles S. Taber (2008). Roundtable 4: Political Dogmatism. Critical Review 20 (4):481-498.
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  38.  11
    Jeffrey Friedman (2008). Pluralism or Relativism? Critical Review 11 (4):469-479.
  39.  2
    Jeffrey Friedman (1996). Introduction: Public Opinion and Democracy. Critical Review 10 (1):1-12.
  40.  5
    Jeffrey Friedman (1992). Politics or Scholarship? Critical Review 6 (2-3):429-445.
    Environmental issues imperil the libertarian utopia of a society in which the individual is completely sovereign over his or her private domain. Taken seriously, this aspiration would lead to an environmentalism so extreme that it would preclude human life, since most human activity entails incursions against the sovereign realms of other human beings. The fallback position many libertarians have adopted?free?market environmentalism?retreats from libertarian ideals by permitting some of the physical aggression of pollution to continue. Free?market environmentalism does embody the postlibertarian (...)
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  41.  5
    Jeffrey Friedman (1994). Economic Consequentialism and Beyond. Critical Review 8 (4):493-502.
  42.  7
    Jeffrey Friedman (2008). Closing Remarks. Critical Review 20 (4):527-533.
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  43.  5
    Jeffrey Friedman (1988). Locke as Politician. Critical Review 2 (2-3):64-101.
    REVOLUTIONARY POLITICS AND LOCKE S TWO TREATISES OF GOVERNMENT by Richard Ashcraft Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986. 613 pp., $65.00, $15.00 (paper) LOCKE'S TWO TREATISES OF GOVERNMENT by Richard Ashcraft London: Allen & Unwin, 1987. 316 pp., $34.95.
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  44.  6
    Scott Althaus, Mark Bevir, Jeffrey Friedman, Hélène Landemore, Rogers Smith & Susan Stokes (2014). Roundtable on Political Epistemology. Critical Review 26 (1-2):1-32.
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  45.  5
    Jeffrey Friedman (1992). Postlibertarianism is Not Libertarianism: Rejoinder to Nove. Critical Review 6 (4):605-609.
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  46.  4
    Jeffrey Friedman (1993). Cultural Theory as Individualistic Ideology: Rejoinder to Ellis. Critical Review 7 (1):129-158.
    How can one examine the sources of people's beliefs, tastes, and preferences without falling into the self?refuting determinism that has so often characterized the most systematic theory of preferences, Marxism? Cultural Theory's attempt to do so posits five anthropologically derived, competing ?ways of life"? individualism, egalitarianism, hierarchism, fatalism, and withdrawal from social life?that are intended to apply to all forms of culture and, therefore, to provide a universal framework for explaining people's preferential biases. Richard Ellis's defense of Cultural Theory, however, (...)
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  47.  4
    Jeffrey Friedman (2008). Preface. Critical Review 20 (4):415-415.
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  48.  4
    Jeffrey Friedman (1997). Nature and Culture. Critical Review 11 (2):165-167.
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  49.  9
    Jeffrey Friedman (1998). The Libertarian Straddle: Rejoinder to Palmer and Sciabarra. Critical Review 12 (3):359-388.
    Abstract Palmer's defense of libertarianism as consequentialist runs afoul of his own failure to provide any consequentialist reasons for libertarian conclusions, and of his own defense of nonconsequentialist arguments for the intrinsic value of capitalism?cum?negative freedom. As suck, Palmer's article exemplifies the parasitic codependency of consequentialist and nonconsequentialist reasoning in libertarian thought. Sciabarra's defense of Ayn Rand's libertarianism is even more problematic, because in addition to the usual defects of libertarianism, Rand adds a commitment to ethical egoism that contradicts both (...)
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  50.  6
    Jeffrey Friedman (1994). On Libertarian Anti‐Intellectualism: Rejoinder to Shaw and Anderson & Leal. Critical Review 8 (3):483-492.
    Against my claim that free?market environmentalism (FME) cannot solve major environmental problems, my critics deny that such problems exist. Against my contention that FME depends on the democratic policymaking it decries, they retreat from FME to libertarian environmentalism (LE). Against my argument that LE is incoherent, they resort to anti?intellectualism. These responses stem from demonstrable precommitments to libertarian ideology, suggesting that the debate over FME and LE has profound implications, not only for their practitioners, but for all libertarians and many (...)
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