Search results for 'Juaeo-Arabic' (try it on Scholar)

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  1.  5
    Tzvi Langermann (2003). Saving the Soul by Knowing the Soul: A Medieval Yemeni Interpretation of Song of Songs. Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 12 (2):147-166.
    Discussion of salvation by self-knowledge in Yemeni-Jewish philosophy, and possible sources in Avicennan, Ishraqi, and Indian texts.
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  2. Riccardo Strobino (2012). Avicenna’s Use of the Arabic Translations of the Posterior Analytics and the Ancient Commentary Tradition. Oriens 40 (2):355–389.
    In this paper I shall discuss the relationship between the two known Arabic translations of Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics and Avicenna’s Kitāb al-Burhān. I shall argue that Avicenna relies on both (1) Abū Bishr Mattā’s translation and (2) the anonymous translation used by Averroes in the Long Commentary as well as in the Middle Commentary (and also indirectly preserved by Gerard of Cremona’s Latin translation of Aristotle’s work). Although, generally speaking, the problem is relevant to the history of the transmission of (...)
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  3.  18
    Jeffrey A. Oaks (2007). Medieval Arabic Algebra as an Artificial Language. Journal of Indian Philosophy 35 (5-6):543-575.
    Medieval Arabic algebra is a good example of an artificial language.Yet despite its abstract, formal structure, its utility was restricted to problem solving. Geometry was the branch of mathematics used for expressing theories. While algebra was an art concerned with finding specific unknown numbers, geometry dealtwith generalmagnitudes.Algebra did possess the generosity needed to raise it to a more theoretical level—in the ninth century Abū Kāmil reinterpreted the algebraic unknown “thing” to prove a general result. But mathematicians had no motive to (...)
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  4.  36
    Uwe Vagelpohl (2010). The Prior Analytics in the Syriac and Arabic Tradition. Vivarium 48 (1-2):134-158.
    The reception history of Aristotle's Prior Analytics in the Islamic world began even before its ninth-century translation into Arabic. Three generations earlier, Arabic authors already absorbed echoes of the varied and extensive logical teaching tradition of Greek- and Syriac-speaking religious communities in the new Islamic state. Once translated into Arabic, the Prior Analytics inspired a rich tradition of logical studies, culminating in the creation of an independent Islamic logical tradition by Ibn Sina (d. 1037), Ibn Rušd (d. 1098) and others. (...)
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  5.  32
    Dag Nikolaus Hasse (2008). The Early Albertus Magnus and His Arabic Sources on the Theory of the Soul. Vivarium 46 (3):232-252.
    Albertus Magnus favours the Aristotelian definition of the soul as the first actuality or perfection of a natural body having life potentially. But he interprets Aristotle's vocabulary in a way that it becomes compatible with the separability of the soul from the body. The term “perfectio” is understood as referring to the soul's activity only, not to its essence. The term “forma” is avoided as inadequate for defining the soul's essence. The soul is understood as a substance which exists independently (...)
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  6.  7
    Gregg De Young (2012). Mathematical Diagrams From Manuscript to Print: Examples From the Arabic Euclidean Transmission. Synthese 186 (1):21-54.
    In this paper, I explore general features of the “architecture” (relations of white space, diagram, and text on the page) of medieval manuscripts and early printed editions of Euclidean geometry. My focus is primarily on diagrams in the Arabic transmission, although I use some examples from both Byzantine Greek and medieval Latin manuscripts as a foil to throw light on distinctive features of the Arabic transmission. My investigations suggest that the “architecture” often takes shape against the backdrop of an educational (...)
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  7.  42
    Georges Bohas (1990). The Arabic Linguistic Tradition. Routledge.
    GENERAL INTRODUCTION THE GROWTH OF THE ARABIC LINGUISTIC TRADITION: A HISTORICAL SURVEY Early grammatical thinking to the end of the second/eighth century ...
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  8.  18
    Kara Richardson, Causation in Arabic and Islamic Thought. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  9.  21
    Peter E. Pormann (2008). Case Notes and Clinicians: Galen's Commentary on the Hippocratic Epidemics in the Arabic Tradition. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 18 (2):247-284.
    Galenunayn ibn Isq (d. c. 873) is of crucial importance because it preserves large sections now lost in Greek, and because it helped to establish an Arabic clinical literature. The present contribution investigate the translation of this seminal work into Syriac and Arabic. It provides a first survey of the manuscript tradition, and explores how physicians in the medieval Muslim world drew on it both to teach medicine to students, and to develop a framework for their own clinical research.
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  10.  18
    Ali Moussa (2010). The Trigonometric Functions, as They Were in the Arabic-Islamic Civilization. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 20 (1):93-104.
    In the Greek/Indian period, it is noticeable that different radii were used in connection with the chord. This manner continued in the Indian period with the sine, i.e. different sine tables existed. But throughout the Arabic-Islamic period, there was stability in the radius (for the sine). At the time of al-Batt new terms were introduced, not as functions of angles but as lengths, and again different tables for the same term. Here these terms were not bounded to the circle, and (...)
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  11.  28
    Gerhard Endress, Rüdiger Arnzen & J. Thielmann (eds.) (2004). Words, Texts, and Concepts Cruising the Mediterranean Sea: Studies on the Sources, Contents and Influences of Islamic Civilization and Arabic Philosophy and Science: Dedicated to Gerhard Endress on His Sixty-Fifth Birthday. Peeters.
    This statement by the late Franz Rosenthal is, in a sense, the uniting theme of the present volume's 35 articles by renowned scholars of Islamic Studies, Middle ...
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  12.  15
    Cristina D'Ancona Costa (1999). Porphyry, Universal Soul and the Arabic Plotinus. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 9 (1):47.
    Scholars working in the field of Graeco-Arabic Neoplatonism often discuss the role Porphyry, the editor of Plotinus, must be credited with in the formation of the Arabic Plotinian corpus. A note in this corpus apparently suggests that Porphyry provided a commentary to the so-called Theology of Aristotle, i.e., parts of some treatises of Enneads IV-VI. Consequently, Porphyry has been considered as responsible for the doctrinal shifts which affect the Arabic Plotinian paraphrase with respect to the original text. This article aims (...)
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  13.  15
    Y. Tzvi Langermann (1996). Arabic Writings in Hebrew Manuscripts: A Preliminary Relisting. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 6 (1):137.
    For many centuries Jews in Arabic-speaking lands have transcribed books written by non-Jews into the Hebrew alphabet; the language remains Arabic, but the writing is Hebrew. This was done mainly for the benefit of those who knew the Arabic language but not the script. The majority of these transcriptions are scientific or philosophical texts. Transcriptions are of value to scholars for two reasons. Some entire texts, or more complete or accurate versions of texts, are preserved only (...)
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  14.  17
    André Allard (1991). The Arabic Origins and Development of Latin Algorisms in the Twelfth Century. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 1 (2):233.
    In the absence of the Arabic text of al-Khw's Arithmetic, which has not yet been found, the oldest Latin adaptations from the twelfth century are the only evidence documenting the genesis and the first spreading of a decimal arithmetic that uses nine figures and zero, i.e. the Indian reckoning known in the Middle Ages as algorismus. This paper studies these texts, their content, their sources, and identifies their authors and the milieus in which they were written.
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  15.  37
    Ahmad Y. Al-hassan (2009). An Eighth Century Arabic Treatise on the Colouring of Glass: Kitāb Al-Durra Al-Maknūna (the Book of the Hidden Pearl) of Jābir Ibn Ayyān (C. 721–C. 815). [REVIEW] Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 19 (1):121-156.
    This paper examines the history of glass colouring. It reviews Kitna of Jayybir as a philosopher and chemist. The art of lustre-painting on glass originated in Syria during the Umayyad Caliphate in the eighth century and was soon practised in the neighbouring area. The paper reviews Arabic literature that deals with the colouring of glass until the 13th century, and with pre-Islamic and Latin books of recipes that deal with glass colouring. Recipes for cast coloured glass are very few and (...)
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  16.  34
    Ahmad Y. Al-Hassan (2004). The Arabic Original of Liber de Compositione Alchemiae the Epistle of Maryanus, the Hermit and Philosopher, to Prince Khalid Ibn Yazid. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 14 (2):213-231.
    The Liber de compositione alchemiae or the The Book of the Composition of Alchemy is believed to have been the first book on alchemy that was translated from Arabic into Latin. The translator was the Englishman Robert of Chester who was one of the earliest translators to flock to Spain to learn Arabic and to translate some of the Arabic works. He completed his translation on 11 February, 1144.
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  17.  34
    David C. Reisman (2004). Plato's Republic in Arabic a Newly Discovered Passage. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 14 (2):263-300.
    My aim here is to present an editio princeps of a newly discovered Arabic translation of a very important passage from Plato's Republic found in the work entitled Kitāb fī Masā'il al-umūr al-ilāhiyya , penned by the somewhat obscure Neoplatonist Abū Hāmid al-Isfizārī . While an edition of al-Isfizārī's work has been published by Daniel Gimaret, the manuscript he used lacked the literal translation of the Republic passage. The one other known exemplar of the work, MS Zāhiriyya 4871, dated slightly (...)
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  18.  20
    Michele Barontini & Tito M. Tonietti (2010). ʿumar Al-Khayyām's Contribution to the Arabic Mathematical Theory of Music. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 20 (2):255-280.
    We here present the Arabic text, with an English translation, of certain pages dedicated by al-Khayym with other Arabic theories of Music, and with those coming from other traditions.
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  19.  5
    Karine Chemla (1994). Similarities Between Chinese and Arabic Mathematical Writings: Root Extraction. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 4 (2):207.
    First century Chinese, fifth century Indian, and Arabic documents from the 9th century onwards, contain similar tabular procedures to extract square and cube roots on place-value numeration systems. Moreover, an 11th century Chinese astronomer, Jia Xian, as well as al-Samaw'al, a 12th century Arab mathematician, extracted roots of higher order with the so-called Ruffini-Horner procedure. This article attempts to define a textual method to organize this corpus, by distinguishing relevant criteria for identifying similarities and differences from a historical as well (...)
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  20.  20
    Tito M. Tonietti (2010). ʿumar Al-Khayyām's Contribution to the Arabic Mathematical Theory of Music. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 20 (2):255-280.
    We here present the Arabic text, with an English translation, of certain pages dedicated by al-Khayym with other Arabic theories of Music, and with those coming from other traditions.
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  21.  13
    Tony Lévy (2003). Arabic Algebra in Hebrew Texts (1). An Unpublished Work by Isaac Ben Salomon Al-a[Hudot]Dab (14th Century). Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 13 (2):269-301.
    It has long been considered that Arabic algebra scarcely left any traces in mathematical literature of Hebrew expression. Thanks to the unpublished sources we have discovered, and to an attentive examination of already-known texts, one can no longer subscribe to such a judgement. The evidence we examine in this first article sheds light on the circulation, in erudite Jewish circles, of Arabic algebraic knowledge in Spain, Italy, Provence, and Sicily, between the 12th and the 14th centuries. The Epistle on number (...)
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  22.  13
    Eberhard Knobloch (2002). The Knowledge of Arabic Mathematics by Clavius. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 12 (2):257-284.
    The article deals with the Arabic sources of Chr. Clavius in Rome and the six different ways they were used by him in mathematics and astronomy. It inquires especially into his attitude towards al-Farghani, Thabit ibn Qurra, al-Bi[tdotu]ruji, Ibn Rushd, Mu[hdotu]ammad al-Baghdadi, Pseudo-Ibn al-Haytham, Jabir ibn Afla[hdotu], and Pseudo-al-[Tuotu]usi.
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  23.  1
    Robert G. Morrison (2005). The Solar Model in Joseph Ibn Joseph Ibn nahmias'I Would Like to Thank Bernard R. Goldstein of the University of Pittsburgh and George Saliba of Columbia University for Bringing This Manuscript to My Attention in 1992. I Presented Part of This Paper at the 2002 History of Science Society Conference in Milwaukee, Wi, and Thank Jamil Ragep of the University of Oklahoma for Thoughtful Comments. I Would Also Like to Acknowledge the Time and Care Taken by the Anonymous Referees at Arabic Sciences and Philosophy. Discussions with Albert and Laura Schueller and David Guichard of the Whitman College Department of Mathematics Were Also Beneficial. Any Shortcomings in This Article Are My Responsibility. Light of the World: The Solar Model in Light of the World. [REVIEW] Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 15 (1):57-108.
    In an influential article, A. I. Sabra identified an intellectual trend from twelfth and thirteenth-century Andalusia which he described as the ‘‘Andalusian revolt against Ptolemaic astronomy.” Philosophers such as Ibn Rushd , Ibn Tufayl , and Maimonides objected to Ptolemy’s theories on philosophic grounds, not because of shortcomings in the theories' predictive accuracy. Sabra showed how al-Bitrūjī's Kitāb al-Hay'a attempted to account for observed planetary motions in a way that met the philosophic standards of those philosophers and others. In Nūr (...)
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  24.  14
    Bassam I. El-Eswed (2002). Lead and Tin in Arabic Alchemy. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 12 (1):139-153.
    The present article is devoted to two issues. The first is the identification of lead and tin in medieval Arabic alchemy. The second is the investigation of whether Arabic alchemists differentiate between these problematic substances or not. These two issues are investigated in the light of a comparison which is made between the facts that are stated about the two problematic substances in the original Arabic alchemical works and those stated in modern chemical literature. It is proved that Arabic alchemists (...)
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  25.  13
    Malcom C. Lyons (2002). Poetic Quotations in the Arabic Version of Aristotle's Rhetoric. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 12 (2):197-216.
    The influence of Greek sources on the Arab philosophers is both obvious and important. What is less clear is how the quality of the translations from which the philosophers worked affected their understanding of the points that the Greek writers were making. This article investigates one small but self-contained topic from within the field of translation literature, covering the translations of poetic quotations in the Rhetoric of Aristotle in its Arabic translation, together with an analysis of the types of mistakes (...)
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  26.  8
    Gregg de Young (1996). Ex Aequali Ratios in the Greek and Arabic Euclidean Traditions. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 6 (2):167.
    Euclid discusses the ex aequali relationship twice in the Elements. The first is in Book V, during his discussion of arithmetical relations between mathematical magnitudes in general. The second is in Books VIIIX, he was not much troubled by the differences between his treatment of ex aequali ratios in these two contexts. Later generations of mathematicians, however, found these differences less acceptable and tried to minimize them in various ways. This paper summarizes Euclid's use of the ex aequali relation in (...)
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  27.  3
    Elvira Wakelnig (2013). Al-Anṭākī's Use of the Lost Arabic Version of Philoponus'contra Proclum. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 23 (2):291-317.
    Ibn al-Fa's Kitmin, the Book of the Delight of the Believer preserves, in the first part, in at least three of its 100 philosophical and theological problems, passages from the hitherto lost Arabic version of Philoponus' De Aeternitate mundi contra Proclum. All quotations are taken from the refutation of the first proof, one of them from the beginning which is also lost in Greek. For this latter passage a parallel is found in al-Isfiz who draws on the same Philoponus source (...)
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  28.  3
    Christoph Rymatzki (2012). Johann Heinrich Callenbergs Arabic Publications of De Veritate to the Conversion of Jews and Moslems. Grotiana 33 (1):106-118.
    In the missionary activities that Halle theologians developed in the first half of the 18th century Grotius’ De veritate plays an interesting role that deserves exploration. To that purpose, the history and nature of the publication of missionary tracts in Halle will be surveyed, the role therein of Johann Heinrich Callenberg and his Institutum Judaicum at Muhammedicum described and the distribution and reception of the texts among the Muslims and Jews that were the target of the Halle missions all over (...)
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  29.  2
    Donald Hill (1991). Arabic Mechanical Engineering: Survey of the Historical Sources. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 1 (2):167.
    The first and more important section of this article lists all the known treatises in Arabic on Fine Technology – water-clocks, automata, pumps, trick vessels, fountains, etc. The ideas, techniques and components in these treatises are of great importance in the history of machine technology. For each treatise information is given on the provenance of MSS, editions in Arabic and translations, paraphrases or commentaries in modern European languages. In addition to treatises by Arabic writers, similar information is also given on (...)
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  30.  31
    Soheil M. Afnan (1964). Philosophical Terminology in Arabic and Persian. Leiden, E.J. Brill.
  31. Leila Behrens (1999). Qualities, Objects, Sorts, and Other Treasures: Gold-Digging in English and Arabic. Kölnuniversität Zu Köln, Institut Für Sprachwissenschaft.
     
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  32. Emil L. Fackenheim (1945). "Substance" and "Perseity" in Medieval Arabic Philosophy with Introductory Chapters on Aristotle, Plotinus and Proclus. --.
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  33.  89
    Marwa Elshakry (2011). Muslim Hermeneutics and Arabic Views of Evolution. Zygon 46 (2):330-344.
    Abstract. Over the last century and a half, discussions of Darwin in Arabic have involved a complex intertwining of sources of authority. This paper reads one of the earliest Muslim responses to modern evolution against those in more recent times to show how questions of epistemology and exegesis have been critically revisited. This involved, on the one hand, the resuscitation of long-standing debates over claims regarding the nature of evidence, certainty, and doubt, and on the other, arguments about the use (...)
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  34.  8
    Roshdi Rashed & Athanase Papadopoulos (2014). On Menelaus' Spherics III.5 in Arabic Mathematics, I: Ibn ʿirāq. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 24 (1):1-68.
  35.  2
    B. Reynvoet & M. Brysbaert (1999). Single-Digit and Two-Digit Arabic Numerals Address the Same Semantic Number Line. Cognition 72 (2):191-201.
    Many theories about human number representation stress the importance of a central semantic representation that includes the magnitude information of small integer numbers, and that is conceived as an abstract, compressed number line. However, thus far there has been little or no direct evidence that units and teens are represented on the same number line. In two masked priming experiments, we show that single-digit and two-digit Arabic numerals are equally well primed by an Arabic numeral with the same number of (...)
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  36. Ahmed Alwishah & David Sanson (2009). The Early Arabic Liar: The Liar Paradox in the Islamic World From the Mid-Ninth to the Mid-Thirteenth Centuries Ce. Vivarium (1):97-127.
    We describe the earliest occurrences of the Liar Paradox in the Arabic tradition. e early Mutakallimūn claim the Liar Sentence is both true and false; they also associate the Liar with problems concerning plural subjects, which is somewhat puzzling. Abharī (1200-1265) ascribes an unsatisfiable truth condition to the Liar Sentence—as he puts it, its being true is the conjunction of its being true and false—and so concludes that the sentence is not true. Tūsī (1201-1274) argues that self-referential sentences, like the (...)
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  37.  21
    Deborah L. Black (2010). Intentionality in Medieval Arabic Philosophy. Quaestio 10 (1):65-81.
    It has long been a truism of the history of philosophy that intentionality is an invention of the medieval period, and within this standard narrative, the central place of Arabic philosophy has always been acknowledged. Yet there are many misconceptions surrounding the theories of intentionality advanced by the two main Arabic thinkers whose works were available to the West, Avicenna and Averroes. In the first part of this paper I offer an overview of the general accounts of intentionality and intentional (...)
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  38.  26
    Dimitri Gutas (2002). Certainty, Doubt, Error: Comments On the Epistemological Foundations of Medieval Arabic Science1. Early Science and Medicine 7 (3):276-288.
    The article comments on the epistemological foundations of medieval Arabic science and philosophy, as presented in five earlier communications, and attempts to draw some guidelines for the study of its social history. At the very beginning the notion of "Islam" is discounted as a meaningful explanatory category for historical investigation. A first part then looks at the applied sciences and notes three major characteristics of their epistemological approach: they were functionalist and based on experience and observation. The second part looks (...)
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  39.  24
    A. I. Sabra (2007). The "Commentary" That Saved the Text. The Hazardous Journey of Ibn Al-Haytham's Arabic Optics. Early Science and Medicine 12 (2):117-133.
    The "Text" and the "Commentary" mentioned in the title of this essay are, respectively, the Kitāb al-Manāzir, or Optics, of al-Hasan ibn al-Haytham, composed in the first half of the fifth/eleventh century, and the Tanqīh al-Manāzir li-dhawī l-absār wa l-basā'ir, written by Abū l-Hasan Kamāl al-Dīn al-Fārisī in the second half of the seventh/thirteenth century. It is known that, so far, only the first five of the seven maqālāt /Books that make up the Arabic text of IH's Optics have been (...)
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  40. Khaled El-Rouayheb (2010). Relational Syllogisms and the History of Arabic Logic, 900-1900. Brill.
    Relational inferences are a well-known problem for Aristotelian logic. This book charts the development of thinking about this problem by logicians writing in Arabic from the ninth to the nineteenth century. It shows that that the development of Arabic logic did not - as is often supposed - come to an end in the fourteenth century.
     
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  41.  17
    Paul Kiparsky, Syllables and Moras in Arabic.
    Some of the most salient differences among Arabic vernaculars have to do with syllable structure. This study focuses on the syllabification patterns of three dialect groups, (1) VC-dialects, (2) C-dialects, and (3) CV-dialects,1 and argues that they differ in the licencing of SEMISYLLA- BLES, moras unaffiliated with syllables and adjoined to higher prosodic constituents. The analysis provides some evidence for a constraint-based version of Lexical Phonology, which treats word phonology and sentence phonology as distinct constraint systems which interact in serial (...)
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  42.  12
    Gerhard Endress (2002). The Language of Demonstration: Translating Science and the Formation of Terminology in Arabic Philosophy and Science. Early Science and Medicine 7 (3):231-253.
    The reception of the rational sciences, scientific practice, discourse and methodology into Arabic Islamic society proceeded in several stages of exchange with the transmitters of Iranian, Christian-Aramaic and Byzantine-Greek learning. Translation and the acquisition of knowledge from the Hellenistic heritage went hand in hand with a continuous refinement of the methods of linguistic transposition and the creation of a standardized technical language in Arabic: terminology, rhetoric, and the genres of instruction. Demonstration more geometrico, first introduced by the paradigmatic sciences-mathematics, astronomy, (...)
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  43.  7
    Nicholas Rescher (1964). The Development of Arabic Logic. [Pittsburgh]University of Pittsburgh Press.
    Arabic contributions to medicine, mathematics, astronomy, and other fields have been extensively studied, yet Arabic logic has never been systematically investigated. In this book, Nicholas Rescher sheds new light on the major philosophical contribution of Arab logicians. He provides a historical account of the evolution of Arabic logic, from its inception in the early ninth century through the sixteenth century, when these tenets gained wide acceptance. The book also includes a bio-bibliography of 170 Arabic logicians, and a discussion of the (...)
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  44.  26
    Mohammed Abattouy (2001). Nutaf Min Al-ΗΙYal: A Partial Arabic Version of Pseudo-Aristotle's Problemata Mechanica. Early Science and Medicine 6 (2):96-122.
    This article investigates the Arabic tradition of the Problemata Mechanica, a Greek text of mechanics ascribed to Aristotle, of which it has often been said that Arabic classical culture had been ignorant of it. Against this prevailed claim, it is shown that the Arabo-Muslim scholars had access to the text at least in the form of an abridged version entitled Nutaf min al-iyal edited by al-Khāzinī in Kitāb mīzān al-ikma . The article includes the critical edition of the Arabic text (...)
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  45.  36
    Peter Adamson & Richard C. Taylor (eds.) (2005). The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy. Cambridge University Press.
    Philosophy written in Arabic and in the Islamic world represents one of the great traditions of Western philosophy. Inspired by Greek philosophical works and the indigenous ideas of Islamic theology, Arabic philosophers from the ninth century onwards put forward ideas of great philosophical and historical importance. This collection of essays, by some of the leading scholars in Arabic philosophy, provides an introduction to the field by way of chapters devoted to individual thinkers (such as al-Farabi, (...)
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  46.  6
    Azman Che Mat (2010). Revisiting Arabic-Malay Translation Experience in Malaysia: A Historical and Contemporary Account. Asian Culture and History 2 (2):P99.
    This article argues the importance of translation study from the Arabic language into the Malay language. To support this statement, the paper sheds some light on translation activities as found in the Malay society and Arabic civilization as a comparison. The translation has a major role in the development of education for Malay citizens especially in the Muslim community. Then, the temporary development of Arabic-Malay translation is discussed to draw a conclusion on the need of expanding Arabic-Malay translation as a (...)
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  47.  19
    Aafke M. I. Van Oppenraay (2003). The Reception of Aristotle's History of Animals in the Marginalia of Some Latin Manuscripts of Michael Scot's Arabic-Latin Translation. Early Science and Medicine 8 (4):387-403.
    A considerable number of the thirteenth and early fourteenth-century manuscripts of Michael Scot's Arabic-Latin translation of Aristotle's De animalibus display a system of guiding marginal glosses. These glosses are usually added by a later hand with respect to the hand that had written the text. The manuscripts were not only annotated for personal use, but also so as to allow for a better use in compiling commentaries, encyclopaedias and compendia. We can say that the marginalia form the main, if not (...)
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  48.  3
    Kwame Gyekye (1971). The Terms “Prima Intentio” and “Secunda Intentio” in Arabic Logic*Article Author Querygyekye K [Google Scholar]. Speculum 46 (1):32-38.
    The more passages one examines in the translations from Arabic to Latin and from Arabic to English and other modern languages, the more mistakes one comes across in the translation of the Arabic expression ‘alā al-qaṣd al-awwal . The mistakes stem from the failure to distinguish between two senses of the expression, one an adverb, and the other a famous philosophic concept. Failing to distinguish between the two senses, the translators translated the phrase literally, often with unsatisfactory results. In this (...)
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  49.  17
    Taneli Kukkonen (2013). The Arabic, Hebrew and Latin Reception of Avicenna's Metaphysics Ed. By Dag Nikolaus Hasse, Amos Bertolacci (Review). [REVIEW] Journal of the History of Philosophy 51 (4):677-678.
    In the history of Western metaphysics, Avicenna’s efforts come second only to Aristotle’s in terms of overall importance and influence. To ascertain the truth of this statement, one need only recognize that the history of Western metaphysical inquiry extends beyond the Euro-American tradition and that Avicenna is the last prominent author closely read on both sides of the Mediterranean divide. But the claim can be made on grounds better than the quantitative of geographic. Over the past three decades, studies in (...)
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    Amos Bertolacci (2005). On the Arabic Translations of Aristotle's Metaphysics. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 15 (2):241-275.
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