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  1. Luis Alonso-Ovalle, WCCFL Paper.
    Wednesday, October 10th in Research Alonso-Ovalle, Luis. 2007. Alternatives in the Disjunctive Antecedents Problem. Proceedings of the 26th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics. University of California, Berkeley.
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  2. Christopher Potts, Ash Asudeh, Yurie Hara, Eric McCready, Martin Walkow, Luis Alonso-Ovalle, Rajesh Bhatt, Christopher Davis, Angelika Kratzer & Tom Roeper, Expressives and Identity Conditions.
    We present diverse evidence for the claim of Pullum and Rawlins (2007) that expressives behave differently from descriptives in constructions that enforce a particular kind of semantic identity between elements. Our data are drawn from a wide variety of languages and construction types, and they point uniformly to a basic linguistic distinction between descriptive content and expressive content (Kaplan 1999; Potts 2007).
     
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  3. Luis Alonso-Ovalle, Arbitrary Pronouns Are Not That Indefinite.
    Defining structural constraints on coindexing proved fruitful. Its semantic import, however, remains unclear.1 Syntactic work in the late seventies and early eighties extended the use of indexing to capture the ‘arbitrariness’ of examples like (1a) (Chomsky and Lasnik 1977, Chomsky 1980), (1b) or (1c) (Suñer 1983). The semantic import of this type of indexing is not less unclear.
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  4. Luis Alonso-Ovalle, Is the 'Arbitrary Interpretation' a Semantic Epiphenomenon?
    Much syntactic research on Romance, and, specifically, on Spanish, has been devoted within the GB framework to examining the properties of a class of pronominal elements involving the so-called ‘arbitrary reference’.1 Here is a sample of such constructions.
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  5. Luis Alonso-Ovalle, Null Vs. Overt Pronouns and the Topic-Focus Articulation in Spanish.
    Carminati (2002) shows that the existence of both phonetically full and phonetically null pronouns (pro) in Italian reflects a division of labor with respect to anaphora resolution. Pro prefers to link to prominent antecedents more than its phonetically overt counterpart does (where prominence is determined by syntactic position in intrasentential anaphora cases).
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  6. Luis Alonso-Ovalle, Spanish de-Clauses Are Not Always in the Right Mood.
    The benchmark theory of conditionals maintains that conditionals quantify over a contextually restricted domain of worlds (Kratzer 1991). They are modal statements. The antecedent contributes to the interpretation of the whole conditional a proposition, a set of worlds. Conditionals quantify over a contextually restricted domain of worlds in which the proposition that the antecedent expresses is true. This is all antecedents do. In particular, the semantic import of its tense and mood inflection is neglected: it is - at most - (...)
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  7. Luis Alonso-Ovalle & Paula Menéndez-Benito (2011). Domain Restrictions, Modal Implicatures and Plurality: Spanish Algunos. Journal of Semantics 28 (2):211-240.
    In language after language, we find existential determiners that convey information about the speaker’s epistemic state. To date, research on these ‘epistemic indefinites’ has focused on their singular forms. The present work brings plural epistemic indefinites into the picture by analysing the contrast between Spanish algún and its plural counterpart algunos. While algún signals speaker’s ignorance, algunos does not. We provide an account of this contrast that builds on our previous research on algún (Alonso-Ovalle & Menéndez-Benito 2008, 2010). In those (...)
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  8. Luis Alonso-Ovalle & Paula Menéndez-Benito (2010). Modal Indefinites. Natural Language Semantics 18 (1):1-31.
    Across languages, we find indefinites that trigger modal inferences. This article contributes to a semantic typology of these items by contrasting Spanish algún with indefinites like German irgendein or Italian uno qualsiasi. While irgendein-type indefinites trigger a Free Choice effect (Kratzer and Shimoyama 2002; Chierchia 2006), algún simply signals that at least two individuals in its domain are possibilities. Additionally, algún, but not irgendein, can convey that the speaker does not know how many individuals satisfy the existential claim in the (...)
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  9. Luis Alonso-Ovalle (2009). Counterfactuals, Correlatives, and Disjunction. Linguistics and Philosophy 32 (2):207-244.
    The natural interpretation of counterfactuals with disjunctive antecedents involves selecting from each of the disjuncts the worlds that come closest to the world of evaluation. It has been long noticed that capturing this interpretation poses a problem for a minimal change semantics for counterfactuals, because selecting the closest worlds from each disjunct requires accessing the denotation of the disjuncts from the denotation of the disjunctive antecedent, which the standard boolean analysis of or does not allow (Creary and Hill, Philosophy of (...)
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  10. Luis Alonso-Ovalle (2008). Innocent Exclusion in an Alternative Semantics. Natural Language Semantics 16 (2):115-128.
    The exclusive component of unembedded disjunctions is standardly derived as a conversational implicature by assuming that or forms a lexical scale with and. It is well known, however, that this assumption does not suffice to determine the required scalar competitors of disjunctions with more than two atomic disjuncts (McCawley, Everything that linguists have always wanted to know about logic* (But were ashamed to ask). Chicago University Press, Chicago, 1993, p. 324; Simons, “Or”: Issues in the semantics and pragmatics of disjunction. (...)
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