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Gary F. Marcus [25]George E. Marcus [23]G. Marcus [5]Greil Marcus [4]
Gary Marcus [4]G. F. Marcus [4]G. E. Marcus [2]G. Singer Marcus [1]

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  1. James Clifford & George E. Marcus (eds.) (1986). Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. University of California Press.
     
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  2. Gary F. Marcus (2001). The Algebraic Mind. The MIT Press.
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  3.  17
    Gary F. Marcus (2004). Birth of the Mind: How a Tiny Number of Genes Creates the Complexity of Human Thought. Basic Books.
  4.  55
    Gary F. Marcus (2012). Musicality: Instinct or Acquired Skill? Topics in Cognitive Science 4 (4):498-512.
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  5.  9
    G. Marcus (2006). Cognitive Architecture and Descent with Modification☆. Cognition 101 (2):443-465.
  6.  4
    George E. Marcus & Michael M. J. Fischer (1992). [Book Review] Anthropology as Cultural Critique, an Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences. [REVIEW] Ethics 102:635-649.
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  7.  8
    Gary F. Marcus (1998). Can Connectionism Save Constructivism? Cognition 66 (2):153-182.
  8.  25
    G. Marcus (1999). Connectionism: With or Without Rules? Response to J.L. McClelland and D.C. Plaut. Trends in Cognitive Sciences 3 (5):168-170.
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  9.  6
    Gary F. Marcus (1993). Negative Evidence in Language Acquisition. Cognition 46 (1):53-85.
  10.  21
    Gary F. Marcus & Simon E. Fisher (2003). FOXP2 in Focus: What Can Genes Tell Us About Speech and Language? Trends in Cognitive Sciences 7 (6):257-262.
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  11. George E. Marcus (2002). The Sentimental Citizen: Emotion in Democratic Politics. Penn State University Press.
    This book challenges the conventional wisdom that improving democratic politics requires keeping emotion out of it. Marcus advances the provocative claim that the tradition in democratic theory of treating emotion and reason as hostile opposites is misguided and leads contemporary theorists to misdiagnose the current state of American democracy. Instead of viewing the presence of emotion in politics as a failure of rationality and therefore as a failure of citizenship, Marcus argues, democratic theorists need to understand that emotions are in (...)
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  12.  17
    Gary Marcus (2009). How Does the Mind Work? Insights From Biology. Topics in Cognitive Science 1 (1):145-172.
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  13.  2
    Harald Clahsen, Monika Rothweiler, Andreas Woest & Gary F. Marcus (1992). Regular and Irregular Inflection in the Acquisition of German Noun Plurals. Cognition 45 (3):225-255.
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  14.  9
    Keith J. Fernandes, Gary F. Marcus, Jennifer A. Di Nubila & Athena Vouloumanos (2006). From Semantics to Syntax and Back Again: Argument Structure in the Third Year of Life. Cognition 100 (2):B10-B20.
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  15.  3
    George E. Marcus, W. Russell Neuman & Michael MacKuen (2000). Affective Intelligence and Political Judgment. University of Chicago Press.
    Remarkably accessible, Affective Intelligence and Political Judgment urges social scientists to move beyond the idealistic notion of the purely rational citizen to form a more complete, realistic model that includes the emotional side of ...
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  16. James Clifford, George E. Marcus & Clifford Geertz (1992). The Predicament of Culture. Ethics 102 (3):635-649.
     
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  17.  26
    H. Rabagliati, G. F. Marcus & L. Pylkkanen (2011). Rules, Radical Pragmatics and Restrictions on Regular Polysemy. Journal of Semantics 28 (4):485-512.
    Although regular polysemy [e.g. producer for product (John read Dickens) or container for contents (John drank the bottle)] has been extensively studied, there has been little work on why certain polysemy patterns are more acceptable than others. We take an empirical approach to the question, in particular evaluating an account based on rules against a gradient account of polysemy that is based on various radical pragmatic theories (Fauconnier 1985; Nunberg 1995). Under the gradient approach, possible senses become more acceptable as (...)
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  18.  5
    Gary F. Marcus (1999). Reply to Christiansen and Curtin. Trends in Cognitive Sciences 3 (8):290-291.
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  19.  4
    Gary F. Marcus (1999). Reply to Seidenberg and Elman. Trends in Cognitive Sciences 3 (8):289.
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  20.  1
    G. F. Marcus (1995). The Acquisition of the English Past Tense in Children and Multilayered Connectionist Networks. Cognition 56 (3):271-279.
    The apparent very close similarity between the learning of the past tense by Adam and the Plunkett and Marchman model is exaggerated by several misleading comparisons--including arbitrary, unexplained changes in how graphs were plotted. The model's development differs from Adam's in three important ways: Children show a U-shaped sequence of development which does not depend on abrupt changes in input; U-shaped development in the simulation occurs only after an abrupt change in training regimen. Children overregularize vowel-change verbs more than no-change (...)
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  21.  2
    Hugh Rabagliati, Gary F. Marcus & Liina Pylkkänen (2010). Shifting Senses in Lexical Semantic Development. Cognition 117 (1):17-37.
  22.  11
    Iris Berent, Gary F. Marcus, Joseph Shimron & Adamantios I. Gafos (2002). The Scope of Linguistic Generalizations: Evidence From Hebrew Word Formation. Cognition 83 (2):113-139.
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  23.  13
    Marc D. Hauser, Daniel Weiss & Gary Marcus (2002). RETRACTED: Rule Learning by Cotton-Top Tamarins. Cognition 86 (1):B15-B22.
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  24.  27
    Gary F. Marcus & Frank C. Keil (2008). Concepts, Correlations, and Some Challenges for Connectionist Cognition. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 31 (6):722-723.
    Rogers & McClelland's (R&M's) précis represents an important effort to address key issues in concepts and categorization, but few of the simulations deliver what is promised. We argue that the models are seriously underconstrained, importantly incomplete, and psychologically implausible; more broadly, R&M dwell too heavily on the apparent successes without comparable concern for limitations already noted in the literature.
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  25.  11
    Iris Berent, Vered Vaknin & Gary F. Marcus (2007). Roots, Stems, and the Universality of Lexical Representations: Evidence From Hebrew. Cognition 104 (2):254-286.
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  26.  5
    Gary F. Marcus & Hugh Rabagliati (2006). Genes and Domain Specificity. Trends in Cognitive Sciences 10 (9):397-398.
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  27.  3
    George E. Marcus (2008). Different Situations, Different Responses: Threat, Partisanship, Risk, and Deliberation. Critical Review 20 (1-2):75-89.
    The theory of affective intelligence dichotomizes challenging situations into threatening and risky ones. When people perceive a familiar threat, they tend to be dogmatic and partisan, since they are mobilizing decisive action based on habitual behaviors and nearly instinctual perceptions that have proved their worth in similar situations. When facing a novel risk, however, people tend to become more open‐minded and deliberative, since old solutions do not apply. An experiment with students' reactions to challenges to their opinions about a divisive (...)
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  28.  9
    G. E. Marcus & E. Saka (2006). Assemblage. Theory, Culture and Society 23 (2-3):101-106.
    This article shows how, in recent works of cultural analysis, the concept of ‘assemblage’ has been been derived from key sources of theory and put to work to provide a structure-like surrogate to express certain prominent values of a modernist sensibility in the discourse of description and analysis. Assemblage is a sort of anti-structural concept that permits the researcher to speak of emergence, heterogeneity, the decentred and the ephemeral in nonetheless ordered social life. There are other related concepts, like collage, (...)
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  29.  9
    Gary F. Marcus (2010). Neither Size Fits All: Comment on McClelland Et Al. And Griffiths Et Al. Trends in Cognitive Sciences 14 (8):346-347.
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  30.  62
    Gary F. Marcus (2005). What Developmental Biology Can Tell Us About Innateness. In Peter Carruthers, Stephen Laurence & Stephen Stich (eds.), The Innate Mind: Structure and Contents. New York: Oxford University Press New York 23.
  31.  13
    Scott Althaus, David Barash, Jeffrey Friedman, George E. Marcus & Charles S. Taber (2008). Roundtable 4: Political Dogmatism. Critical Review 20 (4):481-498.
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  32. Neni Panourgiá & George E. Marcus (2008). Introduction. In E. Neni K. Panourgia & George E. Marcus (eds.), Ethnographica Moralia: Experiments in Interpretive Anthropology. Fordham University Press
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  33.  13
    Gary F. Marcus (1999). Corrigendum. Trends in Cognitive Sciences 3 (9):322.
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  34. George E. Marcus & Russell Hanson (eds.) (1993). Reconsidering the Democratic Public. Penn State University Press.
    This book offers a re-examination of the evidence about citizens' capacity for self-governance and what it means for the future of democratic politics, from both empirical and normative perspectives. Are ordinary citizens capable of governing themselves? For more than three decades, social scientists have accumulated evidence of the undemocratic propensities of many ordinary citizens. This has caused some to worry about the stability of existing democratic institutions, while others argue that the institutions themselves are the problem: politics needs to be (...)
     
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  35. John L. Sullivan, James Piereson & George E. Marcus (1993). Political Tolerance and American Democracy. University of Chicago Press.
    This path-breaking book reconceptualizes our understanding of political tolerance as well as of its foundations.
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  36.  11
    George E. Marcus (1998). The Once and Future Ethnographic Archive. History of the Human Sciences 11 (4):49-63.
    This article is concerned with the literal and metaphoric senses in which anthropology's accumulation of knowledge through the production of ethnography on the world's peoples can be considered an archive. The relevance of this concept to ethnography has a very different past, present, and emergent associations. The Human Area Relations Files project as visionary science dependent on the making of an archive of ethnography contrasts with the uses of the past ethnographic record in the pursuit of contemporary fieldwork in a (...)
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  37.  4
    Greil Marcus (2009). 1968. Common Knowledge 15 (3):331-335.
    The author, who lived in Berkeley, California during the disruptions of 1968, remembers the year as one of bad faith, though also of a sense of making history. He recalls the events of that year (and of 1964) in Berkeley, where he still lives, then moves out into related events in the rest of the world, but also into more lastingly important events in popular culture, especially popular music. He concludes by memorializing what now appears to him the most important (...)
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  38.  4
    G. Marcus (1999). Genes, Proteins and Domain-Specificity. Trends in Cognitive Sciences 3 (10):367.
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  39.  8
    Gary F. Marcus (1999). Language Acquisition in the Absence of Explicit Negative Evidence: Can Simple Recurrent Networks Obviate the Need for Domain-Specific Learning Devices? Cognition 73 (3):293-296.
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  40.  1
    George E. Marcus (1978). Status Rivalry in a Polynesian Steady‐State Society. Ethos: Journal of the Society for Psychological Anthropology 6 (4):242-269.
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  41.  26
    Gary Marcus (2005). Opposites Detract: Why Rules and Similarity Should Not Be Viewed as Opposite Ends of a Continuum. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 28 (1):28-29.
    Criteria that aim to dichotomize cognition into rules and similarity are destined to fail because rules and similarity are not in genuine conflict. It is possible for a given cognitive domain to exploit rules without similarity, similarity without rules, or both (rules and similarity) at the same time.
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  42.  7
    Cristina D. Rabaglia & Gary F. Marcus (2010). Neural Reuse and Human Individual Differences. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 33 (4):287-288.
    We find the theory of neural reuse to be highly plausible, and suggest that human individual differences provide an additional line of argument in its favor, focusing on the well-replicated finding of in which individual differences are highly correlated across domains. We also suggest that the theory of neural reuse may be an important contributor to the phenomenon of positive manifold itself.
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  43.  23
    Gary F. Marcus (2002). What Can Developmental Disorders Tell Us About Modularity? Behavioral and Brain Sciences 25 (6):762-763.
    This commentary discusses the logic of inferring modularity or the lack of modularity from observed patterns of developmental disorders.
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  44.  3
    Greil Marcus (2002). The Game of War: The Life and Death of Guy Debord. Common Knowledge 8 (2):419-419.
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  45.  18
    ed Marcus, George E. & Fred Red Myers (1996). Book Review: The Traffic in Culture: Refiguring Art and Anthropology. [REVIEW] Philosophy and Literature 20 (1).
  46. George E. Marcus (1978). Status Rivalry in a Polynesian Steady-State Society. Ethos 6 (4):242-269.
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  47.  2
    George E. Marcus (2010). Of Critique in Post-1980s Anthropology. In Ton Otto & Nils Bubandt (eds.), Experiments in Holism: Theory and Practice in Contemporary Anthropology. Wiley-Blackwell 28.
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  48.  3
    George E. Marcus (1989). The Problem of the Unseen World of Wealth for the Rich: Toward an Ethnography of Complex Connections. Ethos: Journal of the Society for Psychological Anthropology 17 (1):114-123.
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  49.  3
    Stanley Feldman, Leonie Huddy & George E. Marcus (2012). Limits of Elite Influence on Public Opinion. Critical Review 24 (4):489-503.
    One of the major assumptions of John Zaller's RAS model of public opinion is that people need explicit cues from partisan elites in order to evaluate persuasive messages. This puts the public in the position of a passive audience, unable to scrutinize information or make independent decisions. However, there is evidence that people can, under some circumstances, evaluate and use information independently of elite cues. Thus, patterns of public opinion in the months before the Iraq war are inconsistent with the (...)
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  50.  5
    Gary F. Marcus (1997). Extracting Higher-Level Relationships in Connectionist Models. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 20 (1):77-77.
    Connectionist networks excel at extracting statistical regularities but have trouble extracting higher-order relationships. Clark & Thornton suggest that a solution to this problem might come from Elman, but I argue that the success of Elman's single recurrent network is illusory, and show that it cannot in fact represent abstract relationships that can be generalized to novel instances, undermining Clark & Thornton 's key arguments.
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