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  1. Michela Ippolito (2011). A Note on Embedded Implicatures and Counterfactual Presuppositions. Journal of Semantics 28 (2):267-278.
    I show that wish, an attitude verb presupposing the counterfactuality of its complement, raises a problem for grammatical theories of scalar implicatures when a scalar item is embedded in its complement.
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  2. Michela Ippolito (2007). On the Meaning of Some Focus-Sensitive Particles. Natural Language Semantics 15 (1):1-34.
    In this paper, I argue that the aspectual, marginality, and concessive uses of the grading particles still and already can be reduced to the fol lowing three classes of focus sensitive-grading particles: additive particles like too, scalar particles like even, and exclusive particles like only. The meaning differences among the occurrences of still (and already) are mostly reduced to the differences among these three classes of grading particles. In turn, these differences are shown to correlate with what type of object (...)
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  3. Michela Ippolito (2006). Semantic Composition and Presupposition Projection in Subjunctive Conditionals. Linguistics and Philosophy 29 (6):631 - 672.
    The goal of this paper is to offer a compositional semantics for subjunctive and indicative will conditionals, and to derive the projection properties of the types of conditionals we consider and in particular those of counterfactual conditionals. It is argued that subjunctive conditionals are "bare" conditional embedded under temporal and aspectural operators, which constrain the interpretation of the modal operators in the embedded conditional. Furthermore, it is argued that a theory of presupposition projection à la Heim together with the present (...)
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  4. Michela Ippolito (2003). Implicatures and Presuppositions in Counterfactuals. Natural Language Semantics 11:145-186.
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  5. Michela Ippolito (2003). Presuppositions and Implicatures in Counterfactuals. Natural Language Semantics 11 (2):145-186.
    In this article, I propose a semantic account of temporally mismatched past subjunctive counterfactuals. The proposal consists of the following parts. First, I show that in cases of temporal mismatch, [past] cannot be interpreted inside the proposition where it occurs at surface structure. Instead, it must be interpreted as constraining the time argument of the accessibility relation. This has the effect of shifting the time of the evaluation of the conditional to some contextually salient past time. Second, I will propose (...)
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