Search results for 'Political stability' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Jeremy Anderson (2003). The Role of Education in Political Stability. Hobbes Studies 16 (1):95-104.
    Currently the dominant interpretation of Hobbes in the field of moral and political philosophy is as a social contract theorist: that he legitimates moral rules and sovereign power by arguing that we would agree we are better off obeying a sovereign than living in a state of nature, and that we are best off if that sovereign is an absolute monarch. There are interesting alternatives to this reading of Hobbes—Warrender’s divine-command interpretation and Boonin-Vail’s virtue theory interpretation, to name just (...)
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  2.  13
    Nico Krisch (2011). Who is Afraid of Radical Pluralism? Legal Order and Political Stability in the Postnational Space. Ratio Juris 24 (4):386-412.
    Constitutional pluralism has become a principal model for understanding the legal and political structure of the European Union. Yet its variants are highly diverse, ranging from moderate “institutional” forms, closer to constitutionalist thinking, to “radical” ones which renounce a common framework to connect the different layers of law at play. Neil MacCormick, whose work was key for the rise of constitutional pluralism, shifted his approach from radical to institutional pluralism over time. This paper reconstructs the reasons for this shift—mainly (...)
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  3.  40
    Sune Lægaard (2006). Feasibility and Stability in Normative Political Philosophy: The Case of Liberal Nationalism. [REVIEW] Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 9 (4):399-416.
    Arguments from stability for liberal nationalism rely on considerations about conditions for the feasibility or stability of liberal political ideals and factual claims about the circumstances under which these conditions are fulfilled in order to argue for nationalist conclusions. Such reliance on factual claims has been criticised by among others G. A. Cohen in other contexts as ideological reifications of social reality. In order to assess whether arguments from stability within liberal nationalism, especially as formulated by (...)
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  4. Ruth Scurr (2009). Inequality and Political Stability From Ancien Régime to Revolution: The Reception of Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments in France. History of European Ideas 35 (4):441-449.
    This article examines the excitement that Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments generated in France during the French Revolution, focusing particularly on the writings of political theorists, participants and commentators such as the abbé Sieyès, Pierre-Louis Rœderer, the Marquis de Condorcet and Sophie de Grouchy Condorcet, who were dismayed at their political opponents’ use of Rousseau, and looked to Smith for an understanding of the passions that was compatible with democratic sovereignty and representative government. In the political (...)
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  5.  3
    Francis E. Rourke (1957). The Quest for Political Stability. Ethics 67 (4):286-293.
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  6. J. O. Eneh & C. B. Okolo (1998). The Common Good and Political Stability. In Maduabuchi F. Dukor (ed.), Philosophy and Politics: Discourse on Values and Power in Africa. Obaroh & Ogbinaka Publishers
     
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  7. T. Harris (2003). England's Troubles: Seventeenth-Century English Political Stability in European Context. By Jonathan Scott. The European Legacy 8 (2):234-235.
     
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  8. Nikolai Raspopov (1999). Sotsial'no-Politicheskaya Stabil'nost'regiona-Sub'ekta RF (the Social and Political Stability of the Region-Subject of the Russian Federation). Polis 3 (51):89-99.
     
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  9. Shaun Young (2000). Political Stability And The Need For Moral Affirmation. Minerva 4.
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  10. Sune Lægaard (2006). Feasibility and Stability in Normative Political Philosophy: The Case of Liberal Nationalism. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 9 (4):399-416.
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  11.  15
    Gina Schouten (forthcoming). Citizenship, Reciprocity, and the Gendered Division of Labor A Stability Argument for Gender Egalitarian Political Interventions. Politics, Philosophy and Economics:1470594-15600830.
    Despite women’s increased labor force participation, household divisions of labor remain highly unequal. Properly implemented, gender egalitarian political interventions such as work time regulation, dependent care provisions, and family leave initiatives can induce families to share work more equally than they currently do. But do these interventions constitute legitimate uses of political power? In this article, I defend the political legitimacy of these interventions. Using the conception of citizenship at the heart of political liberalism, I argue (...)
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  12. Harry Eckstein (1991). Regarding Politics: Essays on Political Theory, Stability, and Change. University of California Press.
    After World War II political science, especially comparative politics, was transformed by a "scientific revolution." Harry Eckstein, an influential spokesman in the revolution's forefront, went on to make a great variety of contributions in subsequent decades. These eleven essays, written over thirty years, cover the major issues in comparative politics, from civil war to "civic inclusion"—that is, "the tendency over time to include in politics, in workplace decision-making, in education, and in other institutional realms, people previously excluded from participation." (...)
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  13.  73
    Larry Krasnoff (1998). Consensus, Stability, and Normativity in Rawl's Political Liberalism. Journal of Philosophy 95 (6):269-292.
  14.  2
    George Klosko (2015). Stability: Political and Conception: A Response to Professor Weithman. Res Publica 21 (3):265-272.
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  15.  3
    D. C. Coleman (1989). In Search of Stability. Explorations in Historical Political Economy. History of European Ideas 10 (4):490-490.
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  16. Thomas E. Hill (1994). The Problem of Stability in Political Liberalism. Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 75:333-352.
     
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  17. Benjamin Gray (2015). Stasis and Stability: Exile, the Polis, and Political Thought, C. 404-146 Bc. OUP Oxford.
    This volume offers a history of the role of exile in the Greek city-state in the period c. 404-146 BC, from the end of the Peloponnesian War to the Roman conquest of the Greek world.
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  18. Thomas E. Hill (1994). The Stability Problem in Political Liberalism. Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 75 (3-4):333-352.
     
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  19. V. Kolossov & N. Borodulina (2004). Politicheskie Predpochtenia Izbiratelei Krupnykh Gorodov Rossii: Tipy I Ustochivost (Political Preferences of Voters in the Large Cities of Russia: Types and Stability). Polis 6:70-9.
     
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  20. Larry Krasnoff (1998). Consensus, Stability, and Normativity in Rawls’s Political Liberalism. Journal of Philosophy 95 (6):269-292.
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  21. Krzysztof Nowak (1988). Covert Repressiveness and the Stability of a Political System: Poland at the End of the Seventies. Social Research 55.
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  22.  7
    William A. Edmundson, Coercion, Stability, and Indoctrination in the Pejorative Sense.
    John Rawls argued in A Theory of Justice that “justice as fairness…is likely to have greater stability than the traditional alternatives since it is more in line with the principles of moral psychology”. In support, he presented a psychology of moral development that was informed by a comprehensive liberalism. In Political Liberalism, Rawls confessed that the argument was “unrealistic and must be recast”. Rawls, however, never provided a psychology of moral development informed by a specifically political liberalism, (...)
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  23.  19
    Paul J. Weithman (2010). Why Political Liberalism?: On John Rawls's Political Turn. Oxford University Press.
    In this work, Paul Weithman offers a fresh, rigorous and compelling interpretation of John Rawls' reasons for taking his so-called 'political turn'.
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  24. Vicente Medina (2010). Militant Intolerant People: A Challenge to John Rawls' Political Liberalism. Political Studies 58 (3):556-571.
    In this article, it is argued that a significant internal tension exists in John Rawls' political liberalism. He holds the following positions that might plausibly be considered incongruous: (1) a commitment to tolerating a broad right of freedom of political speech, including a right of subversive advocacy; (2) a commitment to restricting this broad right if it is intended to incite and likely to bring about imminent violence; and (3) a commitment to curbing this broad right only if (...)
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  25.  86
    Enzo Rossi (2014). Legitimacy and Consensus in Rawls' Political Liberalism. Iride: Filosofia e Discussione Pubblica 27:37-56.
    In this paper I analyze the theory of legitimacy at the core of John Rawls’ political liberalism. Rawls argues that a political system is well grounded when it is stable. This notion of stability embodies both pragmatic and moral elements, each of which constitutes a key desideratum of Rawlsian liberal legitimacy. But those desiderata are in tension with each other. My main claim is that Rawls’ strategy to overcome that tension through his theory of public justification is (...)
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  26.  6
    Jon Garthoff (forthcoming). Rawlsian Stability. Res Publica:1-15.
    Despite great advances in recent scholarship on the political philosophy of John Rawls, Rawls’s conception of stability is not fully appreciated. This essay aims to remedy this by articulating a more complete understanding of stability and its role in Rawls’s theory of justice. I argue that even in A Theory of Justice Rawls maintains that within liberal democratic constitutionalism judgments of relative stability typically adjudicate decisively among conceptions of justice and is committed to more deeply than (...)
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  27.  90
    Alexander Kaufman (2006). Rawls's Practical Conception of Justice: Opinion, Tradition and Objectivity in Political Liberalism. Journal of Moral Philosophy 3 (1):23-43.
    In Political Liberalism, Rawls emphasizes the practical character and aims of his conception of justice. Justice as fairness is to provide the basis of a reasoned, informed and willing political agreement by locating grounds for consensus in the fundamental ideas and values of the political culture. Critics urge, however, that such a politically liberal conception of justice will be designed merely to ensure the stability of political institutions by appealing to the currently-held opinions of actual (...)
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  28.  29
    Stephen de Wijze (2000). The Family and Political Justice – the Case for Political Liberalisms. Journal of Ethics 4 (3):257-282.
    This paper examines two central arguments raised byfeminist theorists against the coherence andconsistency of political liberalisms, a recentrecasting of liberal theories of justice. They arguethat due to political liberalisms'' uncritical relianceon a political/personal distinction, they permit theinstitution of the family to take sexist and illiberalforms thus undermining its own aims and politicalproject. Political liberalisms'' tolerance of a widerange of family forms result in two fatalinconsistences. Firstly, it retards or completelyprevents women from developing the necessary politicalsense of (...)
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  29.  31
    Edward Song (2012). Political Naturalism and State Authority. Journal of Social Philosophy 43 (1):64-77.
    For the political naturalist, skepticism about political obligations only arises because of a basic confusion about the necessity of the state for human well-being. From this perspective, human beings are naturally political animals and cannot flourish outside of political relationships. In this paper, I suggest that this idea can be developed in two basic ways. For the thick naturalist, political institutions are constitutive of the best life. For the thin naturalist, they secure the basic background (...)
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  30.  10
    Angela Coventry & Alexander Sager (2012). The Humean Elements of Rawls' Political Philosophy. In Ilya Kasavin (ed.), David Hume and Contemporary Philosophy. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing
    David Hume is a constant, but underappreciated presence in John Rawls’ work. This paper attempts to uncover and explicate the core Humean elements in Rawls’ philosophy and advocates for the merits of a more Humean Rawls. Though Rawls’ familiarity with Hume is well known and his commentators frequently mention the importance of Hume’s circumstances of justice, the depth and range of the Humean influence has not been sufficiently understood. Commentators have been too quick to accept Rawls’ own account of Hume (...)
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  31.  6
    Stephen De Wijze (2000). The Family and Political Justice: The Case for Political Liberalisms. Journal of Ethics 4 (3):257 - 281.
    This paper examines two central arguments raised by feminist theorists against the coherence and consistency of political liberalisms, a recent recasting of liberal theories of justice. They argue that due to political liberalisms' uncritical reliance on a political/personal distinction, they permit the institution of the family to take sexist and illiberal forms thus undermining its own aims and political project. Political liberalisms' tolerance of a wide range of family forms result in two fatal inconsistences. Firstly, (...)
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  32.  2
    Stephen Wijzdee (2000). The Family and Political Justice €“ The Case for Political Liberalisms. Journal of Ethics 4 (3):257-282.
    This paper examines two central arguments raised byfeminist theorists against the coherence andconsistency of political liberalisms, a recentrecasting of liberal theories of justice. They arguethat due to political liberalisms' uncritical relianceon a political/personal distinction, they permit theinstitution of the family to take sexist and illiberalforms thus undermining its own aims and politicalproject. Political liberalisms' tolerance of a widerange of family forms result in two fatalinconsistences. Firstly, it retards or completelyprevents women from developing the necessary politicalsense of (...)
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  33. Berhanu Nega (2010). No Shortcut to Stability: Democratic Accountability and Sustainable Development in Ethiopia. Social Research: An International Quarterly 77 (4):1401-1446.
    The link between broad based economic prosperity, political stability and accountable governance is generally acknowledged as a reasonable proposition to explain the wealth and poverty of nations. Although there is continuing debate about what accountable governance actually imply and the degree to which government accountability is related to the democratic nature of the state, there is a broad consensus that political stability is an important precondition for durable development. Modern Ethiopian history is nothing but a story (...)
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  34.  28
    Babacar M'Baye (2006). The Economic, Political, and Social Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade on Africa. The European Legacy 11 (6):607-622.
    The Transatlantic slave trade radically impaired Africa's potential to develop economically and maintain its social and political stability. The arrival of Europeans on the West African Coast and their establishment of slave ports in various parts of the continent triggered a continuous process of exploitation of Africa's human resources, labor, and commodities. This exploitative commerce influenced the African political and religious aristocracies, the warrior classes and the biracial elite, who made small gains from the slave trade, to (...)
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  35.  16
    H. Kim (2015). A Stability Interpretation of Rawls's The Law of Peoples. Political Theory 43 (4):473-499.
    In this essay, I propose an interpretation of John Rawls’s The Law of Peoples that puts the stability of liberal societies as the central organizing idea of its principles. I start by critically examining other interpretations currently found in the literature. I observe two characteristics of Rawls’s conception of stability from his political turn: stability for the right reasons and in the right way. In the main body of the essay, I argue that the absence of (...)
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  36.  20
    Rex Martin (2001). Rawls on Constitutional Consensus and the Problem of Stability. The Proceedings of the Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy 11:81-95.
    This paper lays out the background and main features of Rawls’s new theory of justice. This is a theory that he began adumbrating about 1980 and that is given its fullest statement in his recent book Political Liberalism. I identify the main patterns of justification Rawls attempts to provide for his new theory and suggest a problem with one of these patterns in particular. The main lines of my analysis engage Rawls’s idea of constitutional consensus and his account of (...)
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  37.  14
    Thom Brooks (2013). Philosophy Unbound: The Idea of Global Philosophy. Metaphilosophy 44 (3):254-266.
    The future of philosophy is moving towards “global philosophy.” The idea of global philosophy is the view that different philosophical approaches may engage more substantially with each other to solve philosophical problems. Most solutions attempt to use only those available resources located within one philosophical tradition. A more promising approach might be to expand the range of available resources to better assist our ability to offer more compelling solutions. This search for new horizons in order to improve our clarity about (...)
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  38.  4
    Y. Yonah (2001). Israel's 'Constitutional Revolution': The Liberal-Communitarian Debate and Legitimate Stability. Philosophy and Social Criticism 27 (4):41-74.
    In the early 1990s Israel underwent a so-called constitutional revolution. According to the champions of this revolution, Israel has essentially become, as a result of this momentous event, a constitutional democracy, upholding individual freedom and liberties and allowing for judicial review of parliamentary legislation. Despite the congratulatory rhetoric, it is generally agreed upon that the constitution is still in need of some essential supplements before Israel can qualify as a fully constitutional democracy. The main question addressed in this paper is (...)
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  39. Michael Milde (1992). Gauthier, Rawls and the Social Contract in Contemporary Political Philosophy. Dissertation, University of Calgary (Canada)
    The general aim of any social contract theory is to generate the terms of an agreement which the parties to the contract will accept and respect. In order to identify what terms are likely to be acceptable, the theorist needs to specify the character of the parties and the conditions in which they are making the agreement. A prior step is also needed. The theorist needs to show that the characteristics and conditions chosen are appropriate to the task of generating (...)
     
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  40. Sharon K. Vaughan (2002). Political Theory and the Problem of American Poverty. Dissertation, The University of Texas at Austin
    This dissertation serves to expose ideas about poverty by systematically examining its treatment in foundational texts by some of the most significant theorists in Western philosophy. I explore the writings of Plato, Aristotle, John Locke, Adam Smith, Alexis de Tocqueville, G. W. F. Hegel, Karl Marx, John Rawls, and Robert Nozick in historical sequence. These philosophers made significant and provocative contributions toward understanding the problem of poverty. I uncover some major themes in these theorists' work. First, all but one philosopher (...)
     
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  41.  50
    Phillip Cole (2000). Philosophies of Exclusion: Liberal Political Theory and Immigration. Edinburgh University Press.
    The mass movement of people across the globe constitutes a major feature of world politics today. -/- Whatever the cause of the movement - often war, famine, economic hardship, political repression or climate change - the governments of western capitalist states see this 'torrent of people in flight' as a serious threat to their stability and the scale of this migration indicates a need for a radical re-thinking of both political theory and practice, for the sake of (...)
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  42. Julia Tao (2005). Beyond Proceduralism: A Chinese Perspective on Cheng (Sincerity) as a Political Virtue. Philosophy East and West 55 (1):64-79.
    This essay aims to provide a philosophical analysis of the Chinese concept of cheng (sincerity) as a political virtue that could be incorporated to ground a duty of civility in liberal deliberative democracy. It is argued here that the virtue of sincerity is an essential feature of the liberal political culture taken for granted by Rawls in his theory of public reason. Ideal procedures and public discourse are not sufficient to generate civic virtues. The goal of this essay (...)
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  43.  51
    John Thrasher & Kevin Vallier (2015). The Fragility of Consensus: Public Reason, Diversity and Stability. European Journal of Philosophy 23 (4):933-954.
    John Rawls's transition from A Theory of Justice to Political Liberalism was driven by his rejection of Theory's account of stability. The key to his later account of stability is the idea of public reason. We see Rawls's account of stability as an attempt to solve a mutual assurance problem. We maintain that Rawls's solution fails because his primary assurance mechanism, in the form of public reason, is fragile. His conception of public reason relies on a (...)
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  44.  4
    Seyla Benhabib (forthcoming). The Multivariate Polity or Democratic Fragmentation On Alessandro Ferrara’s The Democratic Horizon: Hyperpluralism and the Renewal of Political Liberalism. Philosophy and Social Criticism:0191453716638765.
    Alessandro Ferrara’s The Democratic Horizon: Hyperpluralism and the Renewal of Political Liberalism poses an important challenge to recent defenders of ‘realism’ in political theory and shows that a renewal of Rawlsian ideal theory is possible. Ferrara focuses on the contemporary condition of ‘hyperpluralism’, in which every comprehensive worldview and religion has to admit the equal validity of at least one other conception, and claims that only a ‘pluralist justification of pluralism’ can lead to a genuine revival of the (...)
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  45.  14
    Elizabeth F. Edenberg, Political Liberalism and Its Feminist Potential.
    Rawlsian political liberalism is often rejected by feminist philosophers on the grounds that it reinstates a problematic public/private divide and includes sexist comprehensive doctrines as reasonable. My dissertation reclaims a revised version of Rawlsian political liberalism for feminist objectives. Using children who are raised in accordance with sexist comprehensive doctrines as a test case, I investigate the permissible limitations for reasonable pluralism. In the first half of my dissertation, I investigate challenges posed to Rawlsian stability and civic (...)
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  46.  65
    J. D. Trout (2013). Democracy and Scientific Expertise: Illusions of Political and Epistemic Inclusion. Synthese 190 (7):1267-1291.
    Realizing the ideal of democracy requires political inclusion for citizens. A legitimate democracy must give citizens the opportunity to express their attitudes about the relative attractions of different policies, and access to political mechanisms through which they can be counted and heard. Actual governance often aims not at accurate belief, but at nonepistemic factors like achieving and maintaining institutional stability, creating the feeling of government legitimacy among citizens, or managing access to influence on policy decision-making. I examine (...)
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  47. Joseph V. Femia (1987). Gramsci's Political Thought: Hegemony, Consciousness, and the Revolutionary Process. Clarendon Press.
    The unifying idea of Gramsci's famous Prison Notebooks is the concept of hegemony. In his study of these fragmentary writings, now published in paperback for the first time, Dr Femia elucidates the precise character of this concept, explores its basic philosophical assumptions, and sets out its implications for Gramsci's explanation of social stability and his vision of the revolutionary process. -/- A number of prevalent and often contradictory myths are demolished, and, moreover, certain neglected aspects of his thought are (...)
     
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  48.  29
    Andrei Babaitsev (2008). The Semantics of Political Symbols. Proceedings of the Xxii World Congress of Philosophy 44:5-9.
    With the use symbols by political subjects arises the problem of their understanding. Groups of symbols can be created in such a way to contain a message. The state coat of arms is a political symbol, in which is concentrated a number of meanings and significance. The coat of arms — it is a symbol garnished with colossal endless meaning and potential withing its power. Besides this, the state coat of arms appears in numbers like mandalas: it is (...)
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  49.  22
    Ted Preston (2004). Environmental Values, Pluralism, and Stability. Ethics, Place and Environment 7 (1 & 2):73 – 83.
    While an environmental ethic is not explicitly developed in A Theory of Justice, or Political Liberalism, it is possible to extrapolate some principles dealing with non-human nature, and thereby some environmental protections, with what Rawls provides. However, his inability to provide a non-anthropocentric environmental ethic might threaten the stability of a 'well-ordered' society, and this possibility gestures to the potential 'problem' of pluralism in general. Certain environmentalists will be dissatisfied with the status of their environmental values in a (...)
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  50.  8
    Meysam Badamchi (2015). Political Liberalism for Post-Islamist, Muslim-Majority Societies. Philosophy and Social Criticism 41 (7):679-696.
    This article tries to develop a moderate reading of political liberalism applicable to post-Islamist, Muslim-majority societies. Contrary to the strong reading, which considers political liberalism as limited in its scope to those societies that already have a strong liberal tradition, I argue that Rawls’ project does have something to offer to reasonable post-Islamist, Muslim individuals. In part I of the article the idea of a post-Islamist, Muslim-majority society is conceptualized and explained. Part II focuses on the Rawlsian ideas (...)
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