Search results for 'Political stability' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Jeremy Anderson (2003). The Role of Education in Political Stability. Hobbes Studies 16 (1):95-104.score: 60.0
    Currently the dominant interpretation of Hobbes in the field of moral and political philosophy is as a social contract theorist: that he legitimates moral rules and sovereign power by arguing that we would agree we are better off obeying a sovereign than living in a state of nature, and that we are best off if that sovereign is an absolute monarch. There are interesting alternatives to this reading of Hobbes—Warrender’s divine-command interpretation and Boonin-Vail’s virtue theory interpretation, to name just (...)
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  2. Nico Krisch (2011). Who is Afraid of Radical Pluralism? Legal Order and Political Stability in the Postnational Space. Ratio Juris 24 (4):386-412.score: 60.0
    Constitutional pluralism has become a principal model for understanding the legal and political structure of the European Union. Yet its variants are highly diverse, ranging from moderate “institutional” forms, closer to constitutionalist thinking, to “radical” ones which renounce a common framework to connect the different layers of law at play. Neil MacCormick, whose work was key for the rise of constitutional pluralism, shifted his approach from radical to institutional pluralism over time. This paper reconstructs the reasons for this shift—mainly (...)
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  3. Sune Lægaard (2006). Feasibility and Stability in Normative Political Philosophy: The Case of Liberal Nationalism. [REVIEW] Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 9 (4):399 - 416.score: 54.0
    Arguments from stability for liberal nationalism rely on considerations about conditions for the feasibility or stability of liberal political ideals and factual claims about the circumstances under which these conditions are fulfilled in order to argue for nationalist conclusions. Such reliance on factual claims has been criticised by among others G. A. Cohen in other contexts as ideological reifications of social reality. In order to assess whether arguments from stability within liberal nationalism, especially as formulated (...)
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  4. J. O. Eneh & C. B. Okolo (1998). The Common Good and Political Stability. In Maduabuchi F. Dukor (ed.), Philosophy and Politics: Discourse on Values and Power in Africa. Obaroh & Ogbinaka Publishers.score: 46.0
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  5. T. Harris (2003). England's Troubles: Seventeenth-Century English Political Stability in European Context. By Jonathan Scott. The European Legacy 8 (2):234-235.score: 45.0
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  6. Nikolai Raspopov (1999). Sotsial'no-Politicheskaya Stabil'nost'regiona-Sub'ekta RF (the Social and Political Stability of the Region-Subject of the Russian Federation). Polis 3 (51):89-99.score: 45.0
     
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  7. Francis E. Rourke (1957). The Quest for Political Stability. Ethics 67 (4):286-293.score: 45.0
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  8. Ruth Scurr (2009). Inequality and Political Stability From Ancien Régime to Revolution: The Reception of Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments in France. History of European Ideas 35 (4):441-449.score: 45.0
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  9. Paul J. Weithman (2010). Why Political Liberalism?: On John Rawls's Political Turn. Oxford University Press.score: 42.0
    In this work, Paul Weithman offers a fresh, rigorous and compelling interpretation of John Rawls' reasons for taking his so-called 'political turn'.
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  10. Larry Krasnoff (1998). Consensus, Stability, and Normativity in Rawl's Political Liberalism. Journal of Philosophy 95 (6):269-292.score: 36.0
  11. D. C. Coleman (1989). In Search of Stability. Explorations in Historical Political Economy. History of European Ideas 10 (4):490-490.score: 36.0
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  12. Thomas E. Hill (1994). The Problem of Stability in Political Liberalism. Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 75:333-352.score: 36.0
     
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  13. Thomas E. Hill (1994). The Stability Problem in Political Liberalism. Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 75 (3-4):333-352.score: 36.0
     
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  14. V. Kolossov & N. Borodulina (2004). Politicheskie Predpochtenia Izbiratelei Krupnykh Gorodov Rossii: Tipy I Ustochivost (Political Preferences of Voters in the Large Cities of Russia: Types and Stability). Polis 6:70-9.score: 36.0
     
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  15. Krzysztof Nowak & Maciej Jura (forthcoming). Covert Repressiveness and the Stability of a Political System: Poland at the End of the Seventies. Social Research.score: 36.0
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  16. Vicente Medina (2010). Militant Intolerant People: A Challenge to John Rawls' Political Liberalism. Political Studies 58 (3):556-571.score: 33.0
    In this article, it is argued that a significant internal tension exists in John Rawls' political liberalism. He holds the following positions that might plausibly be considered incongruous: (1) a commitment to tolerating a broad right of freedom of political speech, including a right of subversive advocacy; (2) a commitment to restricting this broad right if it is intended to incite and likely to bring about imminent violence; and (3) a commitment to curbing this broad right only if (...)
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  17. Thom Brooks (2013). Philosophy Unbound: The Idea of Global Philosophy. Metaphilosophy 44 (3):254-266.score: 30.0
    The future of philosophy is moving towards “global philosophy.” The idea of global philosophy is the view that different philosophical approaches may engage more substantially with each other to solve philosophical problems. Most solutions attempt to use only those available resources located within one philosophical tradition. A more promising approach might be to expand the range of available resources to better assist our ability to offer more compelling solutions. This search for new horizons in order to improve our clarity about (...)
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  18. Alexander Kaufman (2006). Rawls's Practical Conception of Justice: Opinion, Tradition and Objectivity in Political Liberalism. Journal of Moral Philosophy 3 (1):23-43.score: 27.0
    In Political Liberalism, Rawls emphasizes the practical character and aims of his conception of justice. Justice as fairness is to provide the basis of a reasoned, informed and willing political agreement by locating grounds for consensus in the fundamental ideas and values of the political culture. Critics urge, however, that such a politically liberal conception of justice will be designed merely to ensure the stability of political institutions by appealing to the currently-held opinions of actual (...)
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  19. Edward Song (2012). Political Naturalism and State Authority. Journal of Social Philosophy 43 (1):64-77.score: 27.0
    For the political naturalist, skepticism about political obligations only arises because of a basic confusion about the necessity of the state for human well-being. From this perspective, human beings are naturally political animals and cannot flourish outside of political relationships. In this paper, I suggest that this idea can be developed in two basic ways. For the thick naturalist, political institutions are constitutive of the best life. For the thin naturalist, they secure the basic background (...)
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  20. Enzo Rossi (forthcoming). Legitimacy and Consensus in Rawls' Political Liberalism. Iride: Filosofia E Discussione Pubblica.score: 27.0
    In this paper I analyze the theory of legitimacy at the core of John Rawls’ political liberalism. Rawls argues that a political system is well grounded when it is stable. This notion of stability embodies both pragmatic and moral elements, each of which constitutes a key desideratum of Rawlsian liberal legitimacy. But those desiderata are in tension with each other. My main claim is that Rawls’ strategy to overcome that tension through his theory of public justification is (...)
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  21. Stephen de Wijze (2000). The Family and Political Justice – the Case for Political Liberalisms. Journal of Ethics 4 (3):257-282.score: 27.0
    This paper examines two central arguments raised byfeminist theorists against the coherence andconsistency of political liberalisms, a recentrecasting of liberal theories of justice. They arguethat due to political liberalisms'' uncritical relianceon a political/personal distinction, they permit theinstitution of the family to take sexist and illiberalforms thus undermining its own aims and politicalproject. Political liberalisms'' tolerance of a widerange of family forms result in two fatalinconsistences. Firstly, it retards or completelyprevents women from developing the necessary politicalsense of (...)
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  22. Stephen Wijzdee (2000). The Family and Political Justice €“ The Case for Political Liberalisms. Journal of Ethics 4 (3):257-282.score: 27.0
    This paper examines two central arguments raised byfeminist theorists against the coherence andconsistency of political liberalisms, a recentrecasting of liberal theories of justice. They arguethat due to political liberalisms' uncritical relianceon a political/personal distinction, they permit theinstitution of the family to take sexist and illiberalforms thus undermining its own aims and politicalproject. Political liberalisms' tolerance of a widerange of family forms result in two fatalinconsistences. Firstly, it retards or completelyprevents women from developing the necessary politicalsense of (...)
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  23. Rex Martin (2001). Rawls on Constitutional Consensus and the Problem of Stability. The Proceedings of the Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy 11:81-95.score: 24.0
    This paper lays out the background and main features of Rawls’s new theory of justice. This is a theory that he began adumbrating about 1980 and that is given its fullest statement in his recent book Political Liberalism. I identify the main patterns of justification Rawls attempts to provide for his new theory and suggest a problem with one of these patterns in particular. The main lines of my analysis engage Rawls’s idea of constitutional consensus and his account of (...)
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  24. Babacar M'Baye (2006). The Economic, Political, and Social Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade on Africa. The European Legacy 11 (6):607-622.score: 24.0
    The Transatlantic slave trade radically impaired Africa's potential to develop economically and maintain its social and political stability. The arrival of Europeans on the West African Coast and their establishment of slave ports in various parts of the continent triggered a continuous process of exploitation of Africa's human resources, labor, and commodities. This exploitative commerce influenced the African political and religious aristocracies, the warrior classes and the biracial elite, who made small gains from the slave trade, to (...)
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  25. Y. Yonah (2001). Israel's 'Constitutional Revolution': The Liberal-Communitarian Debate and Legitimate Stability. Philosophy and Social Criticism 27 (4):41-74.score: 24.0
    In the early 1990s Israel underwent a so-called constitutional revolution. According to the champions of this revolution, Israel has essentially become, as a result of this momentous event, a constitutional democracy, upholding individual freedom and liberties and allowing for judicial review of parliamentary legislation. Despite the congratulatory rhetoric, it is generally agreed upon that the constitution is still in need of some essential supplements before Israel can qualify as a fully constitutional democracy. The main question addressed in this paper is (...)
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  26. Pablo Gilabert (2011). Humanist and Political Perspectives on Human Rights. Political Theory 39 (4):439-467.score: 21.0
    This essay explores the relation between two perspectives on the nature of human rights. According to the "political" or "practical" perspective, human rights are claims that individuals have against certain institutional structures, in particular modern states, in virtue of interests they have in contexts that include them. According to the more traditional "humanist" or "naturalistic" perspective, human rights are pre-institutional claims that individuals have against all other individuals in virtue of interests characteristic of their common humanity. This essay argues (...)
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  27. Enzo Rossi (2012). Justice, Legitimacy, and (Normative) Authority for Political Realists. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):149-164.score: 21.0
    One of the main challenges faced by realists in political philosophy is that of offering an account of authority that is genuinely normative and yet does not consist of a moralistic application of general, abstract ethical principles to the practice of politics. Political moralists typically start by devising a conception of justice based on their pre-political moral commitments; authority would then be legitimate only if political power is exercised in accordance with justice. As an alternative to (...)
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  28. Donovan Miyasaki (forthcoming). (2014) A Nietzschean Case for Egalitarianism. In Barry Stocker & Manuel Knoll (eds.), Nietzsche as Political Philosopher. Walter de Gruyter.score: 21.0
    This paper draws on Friedrich Nietzsche’s work to defend the (admittedly non-Nietzschean) conclusion that a non-liberal egalitarian society is superior in two ways: first, as a moral ideal, it does not rest on questionable claims about essential human equality and, second, such a society would provide the optimal psychological and political conditions for individual wellbeing, social stability, and cultural achievement. I first explain Nietzsche’s distinction between forms of egalitarianism: noble and slavish. The slavish form promotes equality, defined negatively (...)
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  29. Ian Hunter (2012). Kant's Political Thought in the Prussian Enlightenment. In Elisabeth Ellis (ed.), Kant's Political Theory: Interpretations and Applications. Pennsylvania State University Press.score: 21.0
    This article provides an historical account of Kant's political, legal, and religious thought in the context of the Prussian Enlightenment.
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  30. Enzo Rossi (2010). Reality and Imagination in Political Theory and Practice: On Raymond Geuss’s Realism. [REVIEW] European Journal of Political Theory 9 (4):504-512.score: 21.0
    Can political theory be action-guiding without relying on pre-political normative commitments? I answer that question affirmatively by unpacking two related tenets of Raymond Geuss’ political realism: the view that political philosophy should not be a branch of ethics, and the ensuing empirically-informed conception of legitimacy. I argue that the former idea can be made sense of by reference to Hobbes’ account of authorization, and that realist legitimacy can be normatively salient in so far as it stands (...)
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  31. J. D. Trout (2013). Democracy and Scientific Expertise: Illusions of Political and Epistemic Inclusion. Synthese 190 (7):1267-1291.score: 21.0
    Realizing the ideal of democracy requires political inclusion for citizens. A legitimate democracy must give citizens the opportunity to express their attitudes about the relative attractions of different policies, and access to political mechanisms through which they can be counted and heard. Actual governance often aims not at accurate belief, but at nonepistemic factors like achieving and maintaining institutional stability, creating the feeling of government legitimacy among citizens, or managing access to influence on policy decision-making. I examine (...)
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  32. Simon Căbulea May (2011). Moral Compromise, Civic Friendship, and Political Reconciliation. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14 (5):581-602.score: 21.0
    Instrumentalism about moral compromise in politics appears inconsistent with accepting both the existence of non-instrumental or principled reasons for moral compromise in close personal friendships and a rich ideal of civic friendship. Using a robust conception of political reconciliation during democratic transitions as an example of civic friendship, I argue that all three claims are compatible. Spouses have principled reasons for compromise because they commit to sharing responsibility for their joint success as partners in life, and not because their (...)
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  33. Andrew Shorten (2010). Cultural Diversity and Civic Education: Two Versions of the Fragmentation Objection. Educational Philosophy and Theory 42 (1):57-72.score: 21.0
    According to the 'fragmentation objection' to multiculturalism, practices of cultural recognition undermine political stability, and this counts as a reason to be sceptical about the public recognition of minority cultures, as well as about multiculturalism construed more broadly as a public policy. Civic education programmes, designed to promote autonomy, toleration and patriotism, have been justified as a corrective to the fragmentary tendencies of multiculturalism. This paper distinguishes between two versions of the fragmentation objection, in order to evaluate this (...)
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  34. Craig L. Carr (2010). Liberalism and Pluralism: The Politics of E Pluribus Unum. Palgrave Macmillan.score: 21.0
    Table of Contents: Politics, morality, and pluralism -- Liberal morality and political legitimacy -- Political legitimacy and social justice -- Williams's concept of the political -- Legitimacy, stability, and morality -- The politics of morality -- A moral point of view -- Manners and morality -- Morality and conflict -- Moral conflict and political theory -- The morality of politics -- Feminism and multiculturalism -- A defense of culture -- Politics and normative conflict -- The (...)
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  35. Andrei Babaitsev (2008). The Semantics of Political Symbols. Proceedings of the Xxii World Congress of Philosophy 44:5-9.score: 21.0
    With the use symbols by political subjects arises the problem of their understanding. Groups of symbols can be created in such a way to contain a message. The state coat of arms is a political symbol, in which is concentrated a number of meanings and significance. The coat of arms — it is a symbol garnished with colossal endless meaning and potential withing its power. Besides this, the state coat of arms appears in numbers like mandalas: it is (...)
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  36. Mihaela Mihai (2013). When the State Says “Sorry”: State Apologies as Exemplary Political Judgments. Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (2):200-220.score: 21.0
    This paper aims to offer an account of state apologies that discloses their potential function as catalysing political acts within broader processes of democratic change. While lots of ink has been spilled on analysing the relationship between apologies and processes of recognising the victims and their descendants, more needs to be said about how apologies can challenge the presence of self-congratulatory, distorted visions of history within the public sphere of liberal democracies. My account will be delineated through a critical (...)
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  37. Ted Preston (2004). Environmental Values, Pluralism, and Stability. Ethics, Place and Environment 7 (1 & 2):73 – 83.score: 21.0
    While an environmental ethic is not explicitly developed in A Theory of Justice, or Political Liberalism, it is possible to extrapolate some principles dealing with non-human nature, and thereby some environmental protections, with what Rawls provides. However, his inability to provide a non-anthropocentric environmental ethic might threaten the stability of a 'well-ordered' society, and this possibility gestures to the potential 'problem' of pluralism in general. Certain environmentalists will be dissatisfied with the status of their environmental values in a (...)
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  38. Alan Ryan (1999). Isaiah Berlin, Political Theory and Liberal Culture. Annual Review of Political Science 2 (June):345-362.score: 21.0
    The essay provides a short outline of Berlin's career and an assessment of his contribution to pluralist and liberal thought. He was a British academic with a Russian cast of mind, and an inhabitant of the ivory tower who was very much at home in the diplomatic and political world. Similarly, he was neither a historian of ideas nor a political philosopher in the narrow sense usually understood in the modern academy. Rather, he engaged in a trans-historical conversation (...)
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  39. Leslie Marsh (2006). A History of Political Experience. [REVIEW] European Journal of Political Theory 5 (4):504-510.score: 21.0
    This book survives superficial but fails deeper scrutiny. A facile, undiscerning criticism of Lectures in the History of Political Thought (LHPT) is that on Oakeshott’s own account these are lectures on a non-subject: ‘I cannot detect anything which could properly correspond to the expression “the history of political thought”’ (p. 32). This is an entirely typical Oakeshottian swipe – elegant and oblique – at the title of the lecture course he inherited from Harold Laski. If title and quotation (...)
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  40. Kristian Skagen Ekeli (2012). The Political Rights of Anti-Liberal-Democratic Groups. Law and Philosophy 31 (3):269-297.score: 21.0
    The purpose of this paper is to consider whether it is permissible for a liberal democratic state to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. My answer to this question is twofold. On the one hand, I will argue that it is, in principle, permissible for liberal democratic states to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. On the other hand, I will argue that it is rarely wise (or prudent) for ripe (...)
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  41. John Thrasher & Kevin Vallier (2013). The Fragility of Consensus: Public Reason, Diversity and Stability. European Journal of Philosophy 21 (2):n/a-n/a.score: 21.0
    John Rawls's transition from A Theory of Justice to Political Liberalism was driven by his rejection of Theory's account of stability. The key to his later account of stability is the idea of public reason. We see Rawls's account of stability as an attempt to solve a mutual assurance problem. We maintain that Rawls's solution fails because his primary assurance mechanism, in the form of public reason, is fragile. His conception of public reason relies on a (...)
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  42. Alan Montefiore (1979). Philosophy and Moral (and Political) Education. Journal of Philosophy of Education 13 (1):21–32.score: 21.0
    The relation between moral philosophy and moral practice is itself philosophically controversial. nor is there any one determinate formula through which to express the relations between the basic principles of morality and of rationality itself. the concepts of the moral and the political are both 'essentially contestable' and so too is the nature of their relations; that is, their analysis is itself of moral and political import. nevertheless, in periods of overall stability, this contestability may hardly be (...)
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  43. Julia Tao (2005). Beyond Proceduralism: A Chinese Perspective on Cheng (Sincerity) as a Political Virtue. Philosophy East and West 55 (1):64-79.score: 21.0
    This essay aims to provide a philosophical analysis of the Chinese concept of cheng (sincerity) as a political virtue that could be incorporated to ground a duty of civility in liberal deliberative democracy. It is argued here that the virtue of sincerity is an essential feature of the liberal political culture taken for granted by Rawls in his theory of public reason. Ideal procedures and public discourse are not sufficient to generate civic virtues. The goal of this essay (...)
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  44. Gabriele Badano (2013). Political Liberalism and the Justice Claims of the Disabled: A Reconciliation. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-22.score: 21.0
    Unlike his theory of justice as fairness, John Rawls’s political liberalism has generally been spared from critiques regarding what is due to the disabled. This paper demonstrates that, due to the account of the basic ideas of society and persons provided by Rawls, political liberalism requires that the interests of numerous individuals with disabilities should be put aside when the most fundamental issues of justice are settled. My aim is to accommodate within public reason the due concern for (...)
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  45. Stephen De Wijze (2000). The Family and Political Justice: The Case for Political Liberalisms. Journal of Ethics 4 (3):257 - 281.score: 21.0
    This paper examines two central arguments raised by feminist theorists against the coherence and consistency of political liberalisms, a recent recasting of liberal theories of justice. They argue that due to political liberalisms' uncritical reliance on a political/personal distinction, they permit the institution of the family to take sexist and illiberal forms thus undermining its own aims and political project. Political liberalisms' tolerance of a wide range of family forms result in two fatal inconsistences. Firstly, (...)
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  46. Machiel Keestra (2012). Bounded Mirroring. Joint Action and Group Membership in Political Theory and Cognitive Neuroscience. In Frank Vandervalk (ed.), Thinking about the Body Politic: Essays on Neuroscience and Political Theory. Routledge. 222--249.score: 21.0
    A crucial socio-political challenge for our age is how to rede!ne or extend group membership in such a way that it adequately responds to phenomena related to globalization like the prevalence of migration, the transformation of family and social networks, and changes in the position of the nation state. Two centuries ago Immanuel Kant assumed that international connectedness between humans would inevitably lead to the realization of world citizen rights (Kant 1968). Nonetheless, globalization does not just foster cosmopolitanism but (...)
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  47. Andrew Sabl (2002). Ruling Passions: Political Offices and Democratic Ethics. Princeton University Press.score: 21.0
    How should politicians act? When should they try to lead public opinion and when should they follow it? Should politicians see themselves as experts, whose opinions have greater authority than other people's, or as participants in a common dialogue with ordinary citizens? When do virtues like toleration and willingness to compromise deteriorate into moral weakness? In this innovative work, Andrew Sabl answers these questions by exploring what a democratic polity needs from its leaders. He concludes that there are systematic, principled (...)
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  48. George Duke (forthcoming). Hobbes on Political Authority, Practical Reason and Truth. Law and Philosophy:1-23.score: 21.0
    The role of sovereign authority in Hobbes' political philosophy is to establish peace and stability by serving as a definitive and unambiguous source of law. Although these broad outlines of Hobbes' account of political authority are uncontentious, matters quickly become more complicated once one seeks its normative basis. This much is evident from recent debates on the normative status of the laws of nature and the related issue as to whether Hobbes is better categorised as an incipient (...)
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  49. Shannon Brincat (2008). `Death to Tyrants': The Political Philosophy of Tyrannicide - Part I. Journal of International Political Theory 4 (2):212-240.score: 21.0
    This paper examines the conceptual development of the philosophical justifications for tyrannicide. It posits that the political philosophy of tyrannicide can be categorised into three distinct periods or models, the classical, medieval, and liberal, respectively. It argues that each model contained unique themes and principles that justified tyrannicide in that period; the classical, through the importance attached to public life and the functional role of leadership; the medieval, through natural law doctrine; and the liberal, through the postulates of social (...)
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  50. Eoin Daly (2013). Austerity and Stability in Rousseau's Constitutionalism. Jurisprudence 4 (2):173-203.score: 21.0
    For Rousseau, the primary function of the republican constitution is not to contain state power, but rather to cultivate certain personal dispositions and social forms through which the stability of a political order based on the general will can be realised. Thus, his constitutional projects for Corsica and Poland formulate peculiar constitutional devices aimed at fostering a distinctive vision of austerity as the social horizon of republican politics. I outline how Rousseau's political thought translates to a peculiar (...)
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