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  1. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2014). Reclaiming Third World Feminism: Or Why Transnational Feminism Needs Third World Feminism. Meridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism 12 (1).
    Third World and transnational feminisms have emerged in opposition to white second-wave feminists’ single-pronged analyses of gender oppression that elided Third World women’s multiple and complex oppressions in their various social locations. Consequently, these feminisms share two “Third World feminist” mandates: First, feminist analyses of Third World women’s oppression and resistance should be historically situated; and second, Third World women’s agency and voices should be respected. Despite these shared mandates, they have diverged in their proper domains of investigation, with transnational (...)
     
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  2. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2013). ‘Comfort Women’ and Japan’s National Responsibility. In Jun-Hyeok Kwak & Melissa Nobles (eds.), Historical Reconciliation and Inherited Responsibility. Routledge. 1--145.
  3. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2012). Confucian Family for a Feminist Future. Asian Philosophy 22 (4):327-346.
  4. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2010). Agency Without Autonomy: Valuational Agency. Journal of Global Ethics 6 (3):239-254.
    National minority women’s defense of nonliberal minority cultures that encompass sexist customs and rules has greatly perplexed liberal theorists. Many attempted to resolve this puzzle by attributing constrained agency to such women and dismissing their defense as unreasonable. This article argues that this liberal assessment of minority women’s position is philosophically indefensible and that the failure of mainstream liberalism to make sense of these women’s response indicates not that these women’s agency is compromised but rather that the liberal conception of (...)
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  5. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2010). Confucian Democracy and Equality. Asian Philosophy 20 (3):261-282.
    “Confucian democracy” is considered oxymoronic because Confucianism is viewed as lacking an idea of equality among persons necessary for democracy. Against this widespread opinion, this article argues that Confucianism presupposes a uniquely Confucian idea of equality and that therefore a Confucian conception of democracy distinct from liberal democracy is not only conceptually possible but also morally justifiable. This article engages philosophical traditions of East and West by, first, reconstructing the prevailing position based on Joshua Cohen’s political liberalism; second, articulating a (...)
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  6. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2010). Confucianism's Political Implications for the Modern World. In Miguel Vatter (ed.), Crediting God: The Fate of Religion and Politics in the Age of Global Capitalism.
  7. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2009). Democracy in Decent Nonliberal Nations: A Defense. Philosophical Forum 40 (3):309-337.
    Western democracy theorists accept the "liberal democracy thesis" and claim that the only morally justifiable conception of democracy is liberal democracy regulated by substantive liberal values. According to this thesis, democracy not regulated by liberal values in nonliberal nations, if at all feasible, necessarily leads to the oppression of minorities and is therefore morally unjustifiable. This article aims to refute the liberal democracy thesis by arguing that democracy in "decent" nonliberal nations is not only feasible but also morally justifiable.
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  8. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2008). Cultural Claims and the Limits of Liberal Democracy. Social Theory and Practice 34 (1):25-48.
    Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson’s theory of deliberative democracy has been widely influential and favorably viewed by many as a successful attempt to combine procedural and substantive aspects of democracy, while remaining quintessentially liberal. Although I admit that their conception is one of the strongest renditions of liberal democracy, I argue that it is inadequate in radically multicultural societies that house non-liberal cultural minorities. By focusing on Gutmann’s position on minority claims of culture in the liberal West, which follows from (...)
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  9. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2008). Philosopher's Contribution to the Empowerment of Local Practitioners: A Response to Christine Koggel's “Theory to Practice and Practice to Theory?”. Southern Journal of Philosophy 46 (S1):131-137.
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  10. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2008). Politics of Difference and Nationalism: On Iris Young's Global Vision. Hypatia 23 (3):pp. 39-59.
    Iris Marion Young’s politics of difference promotes equality among socially and culturally different groups within multicultural states and advocates group autonomy to empower such groups to develop their own voice. Extending the politics of difference to the international sphere, Young advocates “decentered diverse democratic federalism” that combines local self-determination and cosmopolitanism, while adamantly rejecting nationalism. Herr argues that nationalism, charitably interpreted, is not only consistent with Young’s politics of difference but also necessary for realizing Young’s ideal in the global arena.
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  11. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2007). Liberal Multiculturalism: An Oxymoron? Philosophical Forum 38 (1):23–41.
    Will Kymlicka argues that societal culture matters to liberalism because it contributes to its members’ freedom. If so, multiculturalism that advocates group rights to sustain minority societal cultures in the liberal West is in fact entailed by liberalism, the core value of which is individual freedom. “Freedom,” then, functions as the main bridge between liberalism and multiculturalism in Kymlicka’s position. Kymlicka is correct that societal culture contributes to its members’ freedom by providing them with meaningful options. The sense of freedom (...)
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  12. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2007). Liberal Presumptions: A Response to Curtis. Political Theory 35 (3):341-47.
    In his “Critical Response,” William Curtis presents three main criticisms against my position elaborated in “In Defense of Nonliberal Nationalism.” First, he alleges that my conception of national membership is “voluntarist” and ultimately liberal. Second, he claims that my position on nonliberal democracy is “quintessentially liberal.” Third, he charges that my account of nonliberal nationalism would allow the oppression of minorities. The first charge is based on Curtis’s misreading of my article. The second charge is interesting and worthy of consideration (...)
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  13. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2006). In Defense of Non-Liberal Nationalism. Political Theory 34 (3):304-327.
    Although nonliberal nationalism has played a prominent role in previously and currently colonized nations of the Third World, its assessment by liberal political theorists has been less than favorable. These theorists believe that nonliberal nationalisms are bound to be oppressive to marginalized members, since they view nonliberal cultures, which such movements aim to protect and maintain, to be essentialist and static monoliths that do not recognize the fundamental value of individual rights. In this article, I defend nonliberal nationalisms of previously (...)
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  14. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2004). A Third World Feminist Defense of Multiculturalism. Social Theory and Practice 30 (1):73-103.
    Many influential Western feminists of diverse backgrounds have expressed concerns that multiculturalism, while strengthening the power of racial ethnic minorities vis-à-vis the majority, worsens the position of its most vulnerable members, women. Despite their good intentions, these feminists have been consistently dismissive of the voices of racial ethnic women, many of whom argue for the importance of sustaining their own “illiberal” cultures within the Western context. I offer a Third World feminist defense of multiculturalism by paying attention to these women (...)
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  15. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2003). Is Confucianism Compatible with Care Ethics? A Critique. Philosophy East and West 53 (4):471-489.
    This essay critically examines a suggestion proposed by some Confucianists that Confucianism and Care Ethics share striking similarities and that feminism in Confucian societies might take “a new form of Confucianism.” Aspects of Confucianism and Care Ethics that allegedly converge are examined, including the emphasis on human relationships, and it is argued that while these two perspectives share certain surface similarities, moral injunctions entailed by their respective ideals of ren and caring are not merely distinctive but in fact incompatible.
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  16. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2003). The Possibility of Nationalist Feminism. Hypatia 18 (3):135-160.
    Most Third World feminists consider nationalism as detrimental to feminism. Against this general trend, I argue that “polycentric” nationalism has potentials for advocating feminist causes in the Third World. “Polycentric” nationalism, whose proper goal is the attainment and maintenance of national self-determination, is still relevant in this neocolonial age of capitalist globalization and may serve feminist purposes of promoting the well-being of the majority of Third World women who suffer disproportionately under this system.
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