Search results for 'Republicanism' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Maurizio Viroli & On Civic Republicanism (1998). Reply to Xenos and Yack‖. Critical Review 10:1-2.
     
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  2. Philip Pettit (1997). Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government. Oxford University Press.
    This is the first full-length presentation of a republican alternative to the liberal and communitarian theories that have dominated political philosophy in recent years. The latest addition to the acclaimed Oxford Political Theory series, Pettit's eloquent and compelling account opens with an examination of the traditional republican conception of freedom as non-domination, contrasting this with established negative and positive views of liberty. The first part of the book traces the rise and decline of this conception, displays its many attractions, and (...)
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  3.  39
    Iseult Honohan (2002). Civic Republicanism. Routledge.
    Civic Republicanism has returned to the fore in the effort to address critical contemporary issues such as citizenship, economic expansion and global interdependence. It is also one of the most important topics in political philosophy Honohan here examines its central themes. Part One gives an account of the origins and development of civic republicanism. She explores the notion and sustainability of its historical tradition from Aristotle and Cicero through to Machiavelli, Rousseau and Madison, and highlights its contemporary revival (...)
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  4.  3
    Michael P. Zuckert (1998). Natural Rights and the New Republicanism. Princeton University Press.
    In Natural Rights and the New Republicanism, Michael Zuckert proposes a new view of the political philosophy that lay behind the founding of the United States.
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  5.  8
    Victoria McGeer & Friederike Funk (forthcoming). Are ‘Optimistic’ Theories of Criminal Justice Psychologically Feasible? The Probative Case of Civic Republicanism. Criminal Law and Philosophy:1-22.
    ‘Optimistic’ normative theories of criminal justice aim to justify criminal sanction in terms of its reprobative/rehabilitative value rather than its punitive nature as such. But do such theories accord with ordinary intuitions about what constitutes a ‘just’ response to wrongdoing? Recent empirical work on the psychology of punishers suggests that human beings have a ‘brutely retributive’ moral psychology, making them unlikely to endorse normative theories that sacrifice retribution for the sake of reprobation or rehabilitation; it would mean, for example, that (...)
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  6. Alan Thomas (2012). Property Owning Democracy, Liberal Republicanism, and the Idea of an Egalitarian Ethos. In T. Williamson (ed.), Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond. Wiley-Blackwell
    It is argued that only the embedding of Rawlsian political liberalism within a republican framework secures the content of his view against Cohen's critique of Rawlsian special incentives. That content is fully specified in the form of a property-owning democracy; only this background set of institutions (or one functionally equivalent to it) will secure the stability of Rawls's egalitarian principles. A liberal-republicanism, rather than political liberalism alone, offers deeper grounding for our commitment to a property-owning democracy as a privileged (...)
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  7. Raia Prokhovnik (2004). Spinoza and Republicanism. Palgrave Macmillan.
    In this book, Spinoza's political theory is examined through an analysis of his engagement with the practical politics of his day in the United Provinces. 17th-century Dutch history, political life and political thought, and in particular Dutch republicanism, represent an important context in which to discuss Spinoza's political philosophy. The significance of Spinoza's republicanism is highlighted in a comparison with English political thought and its presuppositions in the 17th century.
     
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  8.  16
    Sandrine Berges (2015). Is Motherhood Compatible with Political Participation? Sophie de Grouchy’s Care-Based Republicanism. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 18 (1):47-60.
    Motherhood, as it is practiced, constitutes an obstacle to gender equality in political participation. Several options are available as a potential solution to this problem. One is to advice women not to become mothers, or if they do, to devote less time and energy to caring for their children. However this will have negative repercussions for those who need to be cared for, whether children, sick people or the elderly. A second solution is to reject the view that political participation (...)
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  9.  12
    Kenneth R. Westphal (2014). Enlightenment Fundamentals: Rights, Responsibilities & Republicanism. Diametros 40:176-200.
    This essay re-examines some key fundamentals of the Enlightenment regarding individual rights, responsibilities and republicanism which deserve and require re-emphasis today, insofar as they underscore the character and fundamental importance of mature judgment, and how developing and fostering mature judgment is a fundamental aim of education. These fundamentals have been clouded or eroded by various recent developments, including mis-guided educational policy and not a little scholarly bickering. Clarity about these fundamentals is more important today than ever. Sapere aude!
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  10.  27
    Mark Rigstad (2011). Republicanism and Geopolitical Domination. Journal of Political Power 4 (2):279-300.
    Philip Pettit’s neo-Roman republican theory of non-domination is billed as a more egalitarian alternative to classical liberal theories of non-interference. As a theory of geopolitical affairs, however, his republicanism fails to fulfill this egalitarian promise in ways that closely echo John Rawls’s liberal law of peoples. Pettit’s republican law of peoples is ill equipped to address structural sources of transnational and global domination because it exaggerates the ontological separateness of peoples, it overvalues the self-sufficiency of states for purposes of (...)
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  11. Lawrence Quill (2006). Liberty After Liberalism: Civic Republicanism in a Global Age. Palgrave Macmillan.
    Liberty after Liberalism frees the concept of the active citizen from both the territorial confines of the nation-state and the limits imposed by republican, city-state models. Lawrence Quill advances a theory of global republicanism, one that is able to respond directly to the changing realities of political life. By adopting a "publicly ironic" approach to politics, Quill revives the idea of public freedom within a global context thereby providing an important supplement to contemporary theories of cosmopolitan democracy.
     
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  12.  10
    Vickie B. Sullivan (2004). Machiavelli, Hobbes, and the Formation of a Liberal Republicanism in England. Cambridge University Press.
    Certain English writers of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, whom scholars often associate with classical republicanism, were not, in fact, hostile to liberalism. Indeed, these thinkers contributed to a synthesis of liberalism and modern republicanism. As this book argues, Marchamont Nedham, James Harrington, Henry Neville, Algernon Sidney, and John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon, the co-authors of a series of editorials entitled Cato's Letters, provide a synthesis that responds to the demands of both republicans and liberals by offering (...)
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  13. John W. Maynor (2003). Republicanism in the Modern World. Distributed in the Usa by Blackwell Pub..
  14. Cécile Laborde & John W. Maynor (eds.) (2008). Republicanism and Political Theory. Blackwell.
  15.  89
    Gisela Bock, Quentin Skinner & Maurizio Viroli (eds.) (1990). Machiavelli and Republicanism. Cambridge University Press.
    This highly acclaimed volume brings together some of the world's foremost historians of ideas to consider Machiavelli's political thought in the larger context of the European republican tradition, and the image of Machiavelli held by other republicans. An international team of scholars from a variety of disciplinary backgrounds (notably law, philosophy, history and the history of political thought) explore both the immediate Florentine context in which Machiavelli wrote, and the republican legacy to which he contributed.
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  16.  12
    Ekow N. Yankah (2013). Legal Vices and Civic Virtue: Vice Crimes, Republicanism and the Corruption of Lawfulness. [REVIEW] Criminal Law and Philosophy 7 (1):61-82.
  17.  17
    Thomas L. Pangle (1988). The Spirit of Modern Republicanism: The Moral Vision of the American Founders and the Philosophy of Locke. University of Chicago Press.
    . What distinguishes Pangle's study from the dozens of books which have challenged or elaborated upon the republican revision is the sharpness with which he ...
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  18.  39
    David Elstein (2011). Han Feizi's Thought and Republicanism. Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 10 (2):167-185.
    Feizi’s philosophy is usually represented as an amoral autocracy where the ruler is the sole political power and runs the state by controlling the people through rewards and punishments. While his system is formally autocratic, this article argues that the purpose behind this system bears some similarity to the republican political ideal of non-domination. In this interpretation, Han Feizi makes the ruler the sole power to mitigate the danger of the state being dominated by ministers. He does not employ republican (...)
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  19.  11
    Andrew Peterson (2009). Civic Republicanism and Contestatory Deliberation: Framing Pupil Discourse Within Citizenship Education. British Journal of Educational Studies 57 (1):55 - 69.
    Discourse between pupils represents a core element of citizenship education in England. However, as it is currently presented within the curriculum, discourse adopts the form of the rather broad terms of 'discussion' and 'debate'. These terms are diffuse, and in themselves offer little pedagogical guidance for teachers implementing the curriculum in schools. Moreover, there has been little academic reflection in England as to how theoretical ideas on civic dialogue may usefully inform approaches to pupil discourse. For this reason, how pupils (...)
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  20.  8
    Michal Sládecek (2011). Republicanism, Apsolutism, and Liberalism: Hobbes and Kant on State of War and Peace. Filozofija I Društvo 22 (3):11-25.
    This text reflects on the book written by Milorad Stupar, Political Philosophy. Based on the perspectives given in Stupar’s book, the author’s intention is to illustrate the problems regarding certain topics such as: citizenship, the dispute about the nature of Hobbes’s philosophy, as well as social, political and historical background of Kant’s political philosophy. The article points at dilemmas related to the meaning of citizenship in modern states, to the compatibility between absolutism and certain elements of liberalism in Hobbes’s work, (...)
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  21.  9
    Rogério A. Picoli (2013). The Paley's Concept of Liberty and the Eclipse of the Republicanism (O conceito de liberdade em Paley e o eclipse do republicanismo). Cadernos de Ética E Filosofia Política 1 (22):141-158.
    According to Pettit and Skinner the rising of utilitarianism would have decisively contributed to the eclipse of the modern republican tradition. The Utilitarians would have been responsible for a radical critique of the concept of republican liberty, which would have resulted in the predominance of the Hobbesian conception of freedom. The sharpness and strength of the utilitarian attack to the conception of republican liberty would have be summarized in a set of objections formulated, in the late eighteenth century, by the (...)
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  22.  5
    Vincenzo Ferrone (2012). The Politics of Enlightenment: Republicanism, Constitutionalism, and the Rights of Man in Gaetano Filangieri. Anthem Press.
    Written by one of Italy's leading historians, this book analyses the Neapolitan nobleman Gaetano Filangieri and his seven-volume 'Science of Legislation' in their historical context, expounding on his legacy for the histories of ...
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  23. Patricia Springborg (1992). Western Republicanism and the Oriental Prince. Monograph Collection (Matt - Pseudo).
     
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  24.  14
    Alex Gourevitch (2013). Labor Republicanism and the Transformation of Work. Political Theory 41 (4):0090591713485370.
    In the nineteenth century a group of “labor republicans” argued that the system of wage-labor should be replaced by a system of cooperative production. This system of cooperative production would realize republican liberty in economic, not just political, life. Today, neo-republicans argue that the republican theory of liberty only requires a universal basic income. A non-dominated ability to exit is sufficient to guarantee free labor. This essay reconstructs the more radical, labor republican view and defends it against the prevailing the (...)
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  25.  53
    Richard Dagger (2006). Neo-Republicanism and the Civic Economy. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 5 (2):151-173.
    It is clear that a revival of republicanism is under way, but it is not clear that the republican tradition truly speaks to contemporary concerns. In particular, it is not clear that republicanism has anything of value to say about economic matters in the early 21st century. I respond to this worry by delineating the main features of a neo-republican civic economy that is, I argue, reasonably coherent and attractive. Such an economy will preserve the market, while constraining (...)
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  26. John P. McCormick (2003). Machiavelli Against Republicanism: On the Cambridge School's "Guicciardinian Moments". Political Theory 31 (5):615-643.
    Scholars loosely affiliated with the "Cambridge School" (e.g., Pocock, Skinner, Viroli, and Pettit) accentuate rule of law, common good, class equilibrium, and non-domination in Machiavelli's political thought and republicanism generally but underestimate the Florentine's preference for class conflict and ignore his insistence on elite accountability. The author argues that they obscure the extent to which Machiavelli is an anti-elitist critic of the republican tradition, which they fail to disclose was predominantly oligarchic. The prescriptive lessons these scholars draw from (...) for contemporary politics reinforce rather than reform the "senatorial," electorally based, and socioeconomically agnostic republican model (devised by Machiavelli's aristocratic interlocutor, Guicciardini, and refined by Montesquieu and Madison) that permits common citizens to acclaim but not determine government policies. Cambridge School textual interpretations and practical proposals have little connection with Machiavelli's "tribunate," class-specific model of popular government elaborated in The Discourses, one that relies on extra-electoral accountability techniques and embraces deliberative popular assemblies. (shrink)
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  27.  88
    M. Victoria Costa (2009). Neo-Republicanism, Freedom as Non-Domination, and Citizen Virtue. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 8 (4):401-419.
    This article discusses Philip Pettit’s neo-republicanism in light of the criterion of self-sustenance: the requirement that a political theory be capable of serving as a self-sustaining public philosophy for a pluralist democracy. It argues that this criterion can only be satisfied by developing an adequate politics of virtue. Pettit’s theory is built around the notion of freedom as non-domination, and he does not say much about the virtues of citizens or the policies the state may employ to encourage their (...)
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  28.  8
    Richard Bellamy (2008). Republicanism, Democracy, and Constitutionalism. In Cécile Laborde & John W. Maynor (eds.), Republicanism and Political Theory. Blackwell 159--189.
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  29.  75
    Geoffrey Brennan & Loren Lomasky (2006). Against Reviving Republicanism. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 5 (2):221-252.
    University of Virginia, USA, lel3f{at}virginia.edu ' + u + '@' + d + ' '//--> The strategy of this article is to consider republicanism in contrast with liberalism. We focus on three aspects of this contrast: republicanism’s emphasis on ‘social goods’ under various conceptualizations of that category; republicanism’s emphasis on political participation as an essential element of the ‘good life’; and republicanism’s distinctive understanding of freedom (following the lines developed by Pettit). In each case, we are (...)
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  30.  17
    Marilyn Friedman (2008). Pettit's Civic Republicanism and Male Domination. In Cécile Laborde & John W. Maynor (eds.), Republicanism and Political Theory. Blackwell
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  31.  59
    Henry S. Richardson (2006). Republicanism and Democratic Injustice. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 5 (2):175-200.
    A Theory of Freedom and Government has provided a systematic basis for republican theory in the idea of freedom as non-domination. Can a pure republican view, which confines itself to the normative resources thus afforded, adequately address the full range of issues of social justice? This article argues that while there are many sorts of structural injustice with which a pure republican view can well cope, unfair disparities in political influence, of the kind that Rawls labeled failures of the ‘fair (...)
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  32.  28
    M. E. J. Nielsen (2011). Republicanism as a Paradigm for Public Health--Some Comments. Public Health Ethics 4 (1):40-52.
    Some theorists, worried about liberalism’s potential as a foundation for public health ethics, suggest that republicanism provides a better background of justification for public health policies, interventions, etc. In this article, this suggestion is put to the test, and it is argued that (i) contemporary (civic) republicanism and liberalism are not nearly as opposed as it is sometimes suggested, and that (ii) the kind of republicanism which one leading scholar in the field, Bruce Jennings, as an alternative (...)
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  33.  5
    M. Victoria Costa (2009). Neo-Republicanism, Freedom as Non-Domination, and Citizen Virtue. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 8 (4):401-419.
    This article discusses Philip Pettit’s neo-republicanism in light of the criterion of self-sustenance: the requirement that a political theory be capable of serving as a self-sustaining public philosophy for a pluralist democracy. It argues that this criterion can only be satisfied by developing an adequate politics of virtue. Pettit’s theory is built around the notion of freedom as non-domination, and he does not say much about the virtues of citizens or the policies the state may employ to encourage their (...)
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  34.  57
    N. Urbinati (2013). Sismonde de Sismondi's Aristocratic Republicanism. European Journal of Political Theory 12 (2):153-174.
    This article shows through Sismonde de Sismondi’s work how peculiarly modern issues like the revolution, equal political rights (universal suffrage) and an industrial and commercial society contributed to renewing the identity of republicanism. That renewal took place in Europe, after the French Revolution, and in a direct confrontation with democracy rather than liberalism. The problem in relation to which Sismondi reflected on the institutions of political liberty, the republican constitution and the role of individual liberty was the unstoppable growth (...)
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  35. Samantha Besson & José Luis Martí (eds.) (2009). Legal Republicanism: National and International Perspectives. Oxford University Press Uk.
    Interest in republicanism as a political theory has burgeoned in recent years, but its implications for the understanding of law have remained largely unexplored. Legal Republicanism is the first book to offer a comprehensive, critical survey of the potential for creating republican accounts of fundamental issues in law and legal theory.
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  36.  7
    David Miller (2008). Republicanism, National Identity and Europe. In Cécile Laborde & John W. Maynor (eds.), Republicanism and Political Theory. Blackwell 145.
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  37.  1
    David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara (2016). From System Integration to Social Integration: Kurdish Challenge to Turkish Republicanism. Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):406-418.
    The modern republican history of Turkey and its relation with the question of ethnic diversity could be understood via the tension between the processes of system integration and social integration. This article, based on Jürgen Habermas’ conceptual framework, draws the sources of such tension with reference to the Kurdish identity in Turkey since the early republican era. For this purpose, from the 1920s to the 2000s, policies and discourses of system integration aiming at a certain degree of ethnic homogenization to (...)
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  38.  8
    Laura Andronache (2006). A National Identity Republicanism? European Journal of Political Theory 5 (4):399-414.
    This article attempts to bring into discussion concepts from contemporary theories of republicanism from the vantage point of the particular theory of republican citizenship advocated by David Miller, and based on national identity. It emerges from the discussion of his notions of national identity and republican citizenship that he works with two parallel notions of political obligation: one that can be intimated from Miller’s Rousseauian vision of a political community as a community of common will, and another that can (...)
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  39.  1
    Volker Kaul (2016). Republicanism Under Scrutiny. Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):342-350.
    This introduction discusses articles on the theory and politics of republicanism that were presented at the Istanbul Seminars 2015. It asks the following questions: Could it be that republicanism is at least in part the cause of the current cultural clashes and religious violence in both the Arab world and Europe?. Is it just an accident that republics in many parts of the post-colonial world turned authoritarian? Or does republicanism as such risk resulting in illiberal outcomes? In (...)
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  40. Richard Dagger (2009). Republicanism and Crime. In Samantha Besson & José Luis Martí (eds.), Legal Republicanism: National and International Perspectives. OUP Oxford 184--147.
     
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  41.  2
    A. Gibson (2000). Ancients, Moderns and Americans: The Republicanism-Liberalism Debate Revisited. History of Political Thought 21 (2):261-307.
    During the last decade, scholars have set forth a variety of interpretations to explain how liberalism, republicanism, and several other traditions of political thought interpenetrated and interacted within the political thought of the American Founders. This essay first identifies several alternative versions of the ‘multiple traditions approach’ and then provides a retrospective and prospective analysis of the debate over the intellectual origins of the American republic. Ultimately, I argue that scholars need to explore the way in which the Founders (...)
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  42.  2
    Cemil Boyraz & Ömer Turan (2016). From System Integration to Social Integration Kurdish Challenge to Turkish Republicanism. Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):406-418.
    The modern republican history of Turkey and its relation with the question of ethnic diversity could be understood via the tension between the processes of system integration and social integration. This article, based on Jürgen Habermas’ conceptual framework, draws the sources of such tension with reference to the Kurdish identity in Turkey since the early republican era. For this purpose, from the 1920s to the 2000s, policies and discourses of system integration aiming at a certain degree of ethnic homogenization to (...)
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  43. Alan Thomas, Liberal Republicanism and the Role of Civil Society.
    The political liberalism of Rawls and Larmore is presented as uniquely able to solve the problems of modern political theory. In the face of a plurality of reasonable comprehensive conceptions of the good, a legitimate liberal state can legislate solely on the basis of a modular conception of justice affirmed from within each reasonable conception. However, it is argued that this view, while restrictive, has to permit the promotion of its own pre-conditions. This demanding duty of civic restraint requires citizens (...)
     
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  44.  43
    Reidar Maliks (2009). Prussian Polis: Kant's Democratic Republicanism. Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (4):427-445.
    This article argues that Kant's republicanism provides a foundation for democratic procedures. The conclusion is reached through an investigation of Critique of the Power of Judgment, which allows us to interpret Kant's notion of the state as a self-determining organic community, and not merely an aggregate of individuals. The article rejects Isaiah Berlin's interpretation of Kant as an authoritarian thinker, and reveals a republican theory centered on liberal freedom expressed within a self-organizing political community.
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  45.  15
    Alexander Schmidt (2009). The Liberty of the Ancients? Friedrich Schiller and Aesthetic Republicanism. History of Political Thought 30 (2):286-314.
    Schiller's political thought has been subject to conflicting interpretations. Taking Schiller's historical essay The Legislation of Lycurgus and Solon as a point of departure, this article locates him more precisely within the context of eighteenth-century debates on republicanism and moral philosophy. One of Schiller's central criteria in the evaluation of different republics is the question of how they comply with man's sensual and passionate nature. By attacking Sparta's constitution as despotic and unfit to meet human self-realization, he dissociated himself (...)
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  46.  11
    Jonathan Israel (2004). The Intellectual Origins of Modern Democratic Republicanism (1660–1720). European Journal of Political Theory 3 (1):7-36.
    Arguably, the tradition of democratic republican theory which arose in the Dutch Republic in the years around 1660 in the writings of Johan and Pieter de la Court, Franciscus van den Enden and Spinoza played a decisively important role in the development of modern democratic political theory. The tradition did not end with Spinoza but continued to develop in the United Provinces and–in the work of Bernard Mandeville, who seemingly belongs more to the Dutch than the British republican tradition–in London, (...)
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  47.  16
    M. Victoria Costa (2013). Is Neo‐Republicanism Bad for Women? Hypatia 28 (4):921-936.
    The republican revival in political philosophy, political theory, and legal theory has produced an impressive range of novel interpretations of the historical figures of the republican tradition. It has also given rise to a variety of contemporary neo-republican theories that build on its historical themes. Although there have been some feminist discussions of its historical representatives, neo-republicanism has not generated a great deal of enthusiasm among feminists. The present paper examines Phillip Pettit's theory of freedom as nondomination in order (...)
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  48.  13
    James Hankins (2010). Exclusivist Republicanism and the Non-Monarchical Republic. Political Theory 38 (4):452 - 482.
    The idea that a republic is the only legitimate form of government and that non-elective monarchy and hereditary political privileges are by definition illegitimate is an artifact of late eighteenth century republicanism, though it has roots in the "godly republics" of the seventeenth century. It presupposes understanding a republic (respublica) to be a non-monarchical form of government. The latter definition is a discursive practice that goes back only to the fifteenth century and is not found in Roman or medieval (...)
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  49.  31
    Richard Dagger (2001). Republicanism and the Politics of Place. Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):157 – 173.
    Republicanism may seem to be a nostalgic politics of place that is incapable of responding to the challenges of globalization.The burden of this essay is to demonstrate that this view is both right and wrong - right in regarding republicanism as a politics of place, butwrong in thinking that such a form of politics is irrelevant to an increasingly interconnected world. On the contrary, the republican concern for place provides the basis for the responsible, public-spirited action that cosmopolitan (...)
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  50.  3
    Rachel Hammersley (2001). Camille Desmoulins'sLe Vieux Cordelier: A Link Between English and French Republicanism. History of European Ideas 27 (2):115-132.
    Camille Desmoulins's Le Vieux Cordelier is one of the best known newspapers of the French Revolution. Yet, despite this, there has long been uncertainty over the intellectual content of the newspaper and, in particular, over Desmoulins's use of Tacitean passages to support his views. This article seeks to shed light on this important newspaper by setting it not just in the context of the debates of the winter of 1793–1794, but also in that of the ideas and arguments of the (...)
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