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Robert Kurzban [18]Robert O. Kurzban [1]
  1. Robert Kurzban, Angela Duckworth, Joseph W. Kable & Justus Myers (2013). An Opportunity Cost Model of Subjective Effort and Task Performance. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 36 (6):661-679.
    Why does performing certain tasks cause the aversive experience of mental effort and concomitant deterioration in task performance? One explanation posits a physical resource that is depleted over time. We propose an alternative explanation that centers on mental representations of the costs and benefits associated with task performance. Specifically, certain computational mechanisms, especially those associated with executive function, can be deployed for only a limited number of simultaneous tasks at any given moment. Consequently, the deployment of these computational mechanisms carries (...)
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  2. Robert Kurzban, Angela Duckworth, Joseph W. Kable & Justus Myers (2013). Cost-Benefit Models as the Next, Best Option for Understanding Subjective Effort. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 36 (6):707-726.
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  3. Michael E. McCullough, Robert Kurzban & Benjamin A. Tabak (2013). Cognitive Systems for Revenge and Forgiveness. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):1-15.
    Minimizing the costs that others impose upon oneself and upon those in whom one has a fitness stake, such as kin and allies, is a key adaptive problem for many organisms. Our ancestors regularly faced such adaptive problems (including homicide, bodily harm, theft, mate poaching, cuckoldry, reputational damage, sexual aggression, and the infliction of these costs on one's offspring, mates, coalition partners, or friends). One solution to this problem is to impose retaliatory costs on an aggressor so that the aggressor (...)
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  4. Michael E. McCullough, Robert Kurzban & Benjamin A. Tabak (2013). Putting Revenge and Forgiveness in an Evolutionary Context. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 36 (1):41-58.
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  5. Katinka J. P. Quintelier, Keiko Ishii, Jason Weeden, Robert Kurzban & Johan Braeckman (2013). Individual Differences in Reproductive Strategy Are Related to Views About Recreational Drug Use in Belgium, The Netherlands, and Japan. Human Nature 24 (2):196-217.
    Individual differences in moral views are often explained as the downstream effect of ideological commitments, such as political orientation and religiosity. Recent studies in the U.S. suggest that moral views about recreational drug use are also influenced by attitudes toward sex and that this relationship cannot be explained by ideological commitments. In this study, we investigate student samples from Belgium, The Netherlands, and Japan. We find that, in all samples, sexual attitudes are strongly related to views about recreational drug use, (...)
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  6. Robert Kurzban (2012). On the Advantages of Being Wrong. Bioscience 62 (5):516-517.
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  7. Robert Kurzban (2012). The Folly of Fools: The Logic of Deceit and Self-Deception in Human Life. Bioscience 62 (5):516-517.
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  8. Robert Kurzban (2012). Why Everyone (Else) is a Hypocrite: Evolution and the Modular Mind. Princeton University Press.
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  9. Robert Kurzban (2011). Two Problems with “Self-Deception”: No “Self” and No “Deception”. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 34 (1):32-33.
    While the idea that being wrong can be strategically advantageous in the context of social strategy is sound, the idea that there is a to be deceived might not be. The modular view of the mind finesses this difficulty and is useful for discussing the phenomena currently grouped under the term.
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  10. Edward Royzman & Robert Kurzban (2011). Facial Movements Are Not Goosebumps: A Response to Chapman and Anderson. Emotion Review 3 (3):274-275.
    Aside from adducing little data that bear on our original concerns (pervasive “audience effects” in the encoding of identifiable “disgust expressions”/lack of morally induced disgust versus moral disgust differentiation), Chapman and Anderson (2011) fail to muster a convincing body of evidence for the founding premise of their empirical endeavor—disgust is a bona fide “basic emotion” whose theoretically predicted FM pattern is a goosebump-like, metaphor-resistant readout capable of being effectively analyzed within the “expression programs” canon, leading us to reaffirm that our (...)
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  11. Edward Royzman & Robert Kurzban (2011). Minding the Metaphor: The Elusive Character of Moral Disgust. Emotion Review 3 (3):269-271.
    Aiming to circumvent metaphor-prone properties of natural language, Chapman, Kim, Susskind, and Anderson (2009) recently reported evidence for morally induced activation of the levator labii region (manifest as an upper lip raise and a nose wrinkle), also implicated in responding to bad tastes and contaminants. Here we point out that the probative value of this type of evidence rests on a particular (and heavily contested) account of facial movements, one which holds them to be “expressions” or automatic read-outs of internal (...)
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  12. Keiko Ishii & Robert Kurzban (2008). Public Goods Games in Japan. Human Nature 19 (2):138-156.
    Social dilemmas, in which individually selfish behavior leads to collectively deficient outcomes, continue to be an important topic of research because of their ubiquity. The present research with Japanese participants replicates, with slight modifications, public goods games previously run in the United States. In contrast to recent work showing profound cross-cultural differences, the results of two studies reported here show remarkable cross-cultural similarities. Specifically, results suggest that (1) as in the U.S., allowing incremental commitment to a public good is effective (...)
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  13. Roger G. Koppl, Robert Kurzban & Lawrence Kobilinsky (2008). Epistemics for Forensics. Episteme 5 (2):141-159.
    Forensic science error rates are needlessly high. Applying the perspective of veritistic social epistemology to forensic science could produce new institutional designs that would lower forensic error rates. We make such an application through experiments in the laboratory with human subjects. Redundancy is the key to error prevention, discovery, and elimination. In the “monopoly epistemics” characterizing forensics today, one privileged actor is asked to identify the truth. In “democratic epistemics,” several independent parties are asked. In an experiment contrasting them, democratic (...)
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  14. Paul H. Robinson & Robert O. Kurzban, Concordance & Conflict in Intuitions of Justice.
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  15. Terence C. Burnham & Robert Kurzban (2005). On the Limitations of Quasi-Experiments. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 28 (6):818-819.
    Although provocative, the data reported in Henrich et al.'s target article suffer from limitations, including the fact that the “selfishness axiom” is not an interesting null hypothesis, and the intrinsic limitations of quasi-experimental designs, in which random assignment is impossible. True experiments, in the laboratory or in the field, will continue to be crucial for settling core issues associated with human economic behavior.
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  16. Leda Cosmides, John Tooby & Robert Kurzban (2003). Perceptions of Race. Trends in Cognitive Sciences 7 (4):173-179.
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  17. Robert Kurzban (2003). Minimal Group Experiments. In L. Nadel (ed.), Encyclopedia of Cognitive Science. Nature Publishing Group.
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  18. Robert Kurzban (2001). Are Experimental Economists Behaviorists and is Behaviorism for the Birds? Behavioral and Brain Sciences 24 (3):420-421.
    Methods in experimental economics are reminiscent of the methods employed by behaviorists in the first half of the twentieth century. Empirical and conceptual progress led the field of psychology away from the principles of behaviorism, and experimental economists should consider whether the criticisms leveled against behaviorists might apply equally to them.
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