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  1. Natalie Gold & Robert Sugden (2007). Collective Intentions And Team Agency. Journal of Philosophy 104 (3):109-137.
    In the literature of collective intentions, the ‘we-intentions’ that lie behind cooperative actions are analysed in terms of individual mental states. The core forms of these analyses imply that all Nash equilibrium behaviour is the result of collective intentions, even though not all Nash equilibria are cooperative actions. Unsatisfactorily, the latter cases have to be excluded either by stipulation or by the addition of further, problematic conditions. We contend that the cooperative aspect of collective intentions is not a property of (...)
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  2.  11
    Nicholas Bardsley, Robin Cubitt, Graham Loomes, Peter Moffatt, Chris Starmer & Robert Sugden (2009). Experimental Economics: Rethinking the Rules. Princeton University Press.
    The authors explore the history of experiments in economics, provide examples of different types of experiments and show that the growing use of experimental methods is transforming economics into an empirical science.
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  3.  32
    Robert Sugden (2000). Credible Worlds: The Status of Theoretical Models in Economics. Journal of Economic Methodology 7 (1):1-31.
    Using as examples Akerlof's 'market for ''lemons''' and Schelling's 'checkerboard' model of racial segregation, this paper asks how economists' abstract theoretical models can explain features of the real world. It argues that such models are not abstractions from, or simplifications of, the real world. They describe counterfactual worlds which the modeller has constructed. The gap between model world and real world can be filled only by inductive inference, and we can have more confidence in such inferences, the more credible the (...)
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  4. Robin P. Cubitt & Robert Sugden (2003). Common Knowledge, Salience and Convention: A Reconstruction of David Lewis' Game Theory. Economics and Philosophy 19 (2):175-210.
    David Lewis is widely credited with the first formulation of common knowledge and the first rigorous analysis of convention. However, common knowledge and convention entered mainstream game theory only when they were formulated, later and independently, by other theorists. As a result, some of the most distinctive and valuable features of Lewis' game theory have been overlooked. We re-examine this theory by reconstructing key parts in a more formal way, extending it, and showing how it differs from more recent game (...)
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  5.  66
    Robert Sugden (2000). Team Preferences. Economics and Philosophy 16 (2):175-204.
    When my family discusses how we should spend a summer holiday, we start from certain common understandings about our preferences. We prefer self-catering accommodation to hotels, and hotels to campsites. We prefer walking and looking at scenery and wildlife to big-city sightseeing and shopping. When it comes to walks, we prefer walks of six miles or so to ones which are much shorter or much longer, and prefer well-marked but uncrowded paths to ones which are either more rugged or more (...)
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  6.  92
    Robert Sugden (2009). Credible Worlds, Capacities and Mechanisms. Erkenntnis 70 (1):3-27.
    This paper asks how, in science in general and in economics in particular, theoretical models aid the understanding of real-world phenomena. Using specific models in economics and biology as test cases, it considers three alternative answers: that models are tools for isolating the ‘capacities’ of causal factors in the real world; that modelling is ‘conceptual exploration’ which ultimately contributes to the development of genuinely explanatory theories; and that models are credible counterfactual worlds from which inductive inferences can be made. The (...)
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  7.  87
    Robert Sugden (2003). The Logic of Team Reasoning. Philosophical Explorations 6 (3):165 – 181.
    Abstract Orthodox decision theory presupposes that agency is invested in individuals. An opposing literature allows team agency to be invested in teams whose members use distinctive modes of team reasoning. This paper offers a new conceptual framework, inspired by David Lewis's analysis of common reasons for belief, within which team reasoning can be represented. It shows how individuals can independently endorse a principle of team reasoning which prescribes acting as a team member conditional on assurance that others have endorsed the (...)
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  8.  76
    Robert Sugden (1993). Thinking as a Team: Towards an Explanation of Nonselfish Behavior. Social Philosophy and Policy 10 (1):69-89.
    For most of the problems that economists consider, the assumption that agents are self-interested works well enough, generating predictions that are broadly consistent with observation. In some significant cases, however, we find economic behavior that seems to be inconsistent with self-interest. In particular, we find that some public goods and some charitable ventures are financed by the independent voluntary contributions of many thousands of individuals. In Britain, for example, the lifeboat service is entirely financed by voluntary contributions. In all rich (...)
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  9. Robert Sugden (2006). What We Desire, What We Have Reason to Desire, Whatever We Might Desire: Mill and Sen on the Value of Opportunity. Utilitas 18 (1):33-51.
    I compare Mill's and Sen's accounts of the value of opportunity, focusing on a tension between two ideas they both uphold: that individual freedom is an important component of well-being, and that, because desires can be adaptive, actual desire is not always a good indicator of what will give well-being. The two writers' responses to this tension reflect different understandings of the relationship between freedom and desire. Sen links an individual's well-being to her freedom to choose what she has reason (...)
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  10.  33
    Robert Sugden (2011). Explanations in Search of Observations. Biology and Philosophy 26 (5):717-736.
    The paper explores how, in economics and biology, theoretical models are used as explanatory devices. It focuses on a modelling strategy by which, instead of starting with an unexplained regularity in the world, the modeller begins by creating a credible model world. The model world exhibits a regularity, induced by a mechanism in that world. The modeller concludes that there may be a part of the real world in which a similar regularity occurs and that, were that the case, the (...)
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  11.  9
    Robert Sugden (2001). The Evolutionary Turn in Game Theory. Journal of Economic Methodology 8 (1):113-130.
  12.  7
    Robin P. Cubitt & Robert Sugden (2014). Common Reasoning in Games: A Lewisian Analysis of Common Knowledge of Rationality. Economics and Philosophy 30 (3):285-329.
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  13.  54
    Martin Hollis & Robert Sugden (1993). Rationality in Action. Mind 102 (405):1-35.
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  14.  12
    Robert Sugden (2005). Experiments as Exhibits and Experiments as Tests. Journal of Economic Methodology 12 (2):291-302.
    Two roles of experiments in behavioural economics are distinguished ? experiments as exhibits and experiments as tests of theories. An exhibit is an experimental design which reliably induces a surprising regularity, typically combined with an informal hypothesis about the underlying causal mechanism. ?Deviation theories? ? generalisations of received theories which incorporate additional causal mechanisms ? are constructed so as to be consistent with known exhibits, and tested in new situations. The paper argues that the principles of good practice are different (...)
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  15.  40
    Robert Sugden (2003). Opportunity as a Space for Individuality: Its Value and the Impossibility of Measuring It. Ethics 113 (4):783-809.
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  16.  50
    Robert Sugden (2010). Opportunity as Mutual Advantage. Economics and Philosophy 26 (1):47-68.
    This paper argues that measurements of opportunity which focus on the contents of a person's opportunity set fail to capture open-ended aspects of opportunity that liberals should value. I propose an alternative conception of which does not require the explicit specification of opportunity sets, and which rests on an understanding of persons as responsible rather than rational agents. I suggest that issues of distributive fairness are best framed in terms of real income, and that meaningful measurements of real income are (...)
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  17. Robert Sugden (2006). Review: Ethics, Economics and Politics: Principles of Public Policy. [REVIEW] Mind 115 (458):434-436.
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  18.  51
    Philip Pettit & Robert Sugden (1989). The Backward Induction Paradox. Journal of Philosophy 86 (4):169-182.
  19.  41
    Robert Sugden & Natalie Gold (2007). Theories of Team Agency. In Fabienne Peter & Hans Bernhard Schmid (eds.), Rationality and Commitment. OUP Oxford
  20.  77
    Luigino Bruni & Robert Sugden (2008). Fraternity: Why the Market Need Not Be a Morally Free Zone. Economics and Philosophy 24 (1):35-64.
    This paper reappraises the idea, traceable to Adam Smith, of a fundamental distinction between market transactions and genuinely social relationships. On Smith's account, each party to a market transaction pursues his own interests, subject only to the law of contract. Using the work of Smith's contemporary Antonio Genovesi as our starting point, we reconstruct an alternative understanding of market interactions as instances of a wider class of reciprocal relationships in civil society, characterized by joint intentions for mutual assistance. We consider (...)
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  21.  12
    Robin P. Cubitt, Chris Starmer & Robert Sugden (2001). Discovered Preferences and the Experimental Evidence of Violations of Expected Utility Theory. Journal of Economic Methodology 8 (3):385-414.
    The discovered preference hypothesis appears to insulate expected utility theory (EU) from disconfirming experimental evidence. It asserts that individuals have coherent underlying preferences, which experiments may not reveal unless subjects have adequate opportunities and incentives to discover which actions best satisfy their preferences. We identify the confounding effects to be expected in experiments, were that hypothesis true, and consider how they might be controlled for. We argue for a design in which each subject faces just one distinct choice task for (...)
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  22. Robert Sugden (2002). Beyond Sympathy and Empathy: Adam Smith's Concept of Fellow-Feeling. Economics and Philosophy 18 (1):63-87.
    When modern economists use the notions of sympathy or empathy, they often claim that their ideas have their roots in Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments, while sometimes complaining that Smith fails to distinguish clearly enough between the two concepts. Recently, Philippe Fontaine has described various forms of sympathy and empathy, and has explored their respective roles in Smith's work. My objective in this paper is to argue that Smith's analysis of how people's sentiments impinge on one another involves a (...)
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  23.  20
    Robert Sugden (2013). How Fictional Accounts Can Explain. Journal of Economic Methodology 20 (3):237 - 243.
    In this note, I comment on Julian Reiss's paper ?The explanation paradox?. I argue in support of two of the propositions that make up that paradox (that economic models are false, and that they are explanatory) but challenge the third proposition, that only true accounts can explain. I defend the ?credible worlds? account of models as fictions that are explanatory by virtue of similarity relations with real-world phenomena. I argue that Reiss's objections to the role of subjective similarity judgements in (...)
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  24.  12
    Robert Sugden (2015). Team Reasoning and Intentional Cooperation for Mutual Benefit. Journal of Social Ontology 1 (1):143–166.
    This paper proposes a concept of intentional cooperation for mutual benefit. This concept uses a form of team reasoning in which team members aim to achieve common interests, rather than maximising a common utility function, and in which team reasoners can coordinate their behaviour by following pre-existing practices. I argue that a market transaction can express intentions for mutually beneficial cooperation even if, extensionally, participation in the transaction promotes each party’s self-interest.
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  25.  13
    Robert Sugden (2013). The Behavioural Economist and the Social Planner: To Whom Should Behavioural Welfare Economics Be Addressed? Inquiry 56 (5):519 - 538.
    ABSTRACT This paper compares two alternative answers to the question ?Who is the addressee of welfare economics?? These answers correspond with different understandings of the status of the normative conclusions of welfare economics and have different implications for how welfare economics should be adapted in the light of the findings of behavioural economics. The conventional welfarist answer is that welfare economics is addressed to a ?social planner?, whose objective is to maximize the overall well-being of society; the planner is imagined (...)
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  26. Roger Crisp, Larry S. Temkin, Robert Sugden, Robert N. Johnson, George Klosko & Paul Hurley (2003). 10. Jacob Levy, The Multiculturalism of Fear Jacob Levy, The Multiculturalism of Fear (Pp. 891-895). Ethics 113 (4).
     
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  27.  30
    Robert Sugden (1985). Regret, Recrimination and Rationality. Theory and Decision 19 (1):77-99.
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  28. Robert Sugden (1984). Is Fairness Good? A Critique of Varian's Theory of Fairness. Noûs 18 (3):505-511.
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  29.  43
    Robert Sugden (2009). On Modelling Vagueness—and on Not Modelling Incommensurability. Aristotelian Society Supplementary Volume 83 (1):95-113.
    This paper defines and analyses the concept of a 'ranking problem'. In a ranking problem, a set of objects, each of which possesses some common property P to some degree, are ranked by P-ness. I argue that every eligible answer to a ranking problem can be expressed as a complete and transitive 'is at least as P as' relation. Vagueness is expressed as a multiplicity of eligible rankings. Incommensurability, properly understood, is the absence of a common property P. Trying to (...)
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  30.  30
    Robert Sugden (2006). Hume's Non-Instrumental and Non-Propositional Decision Theory. Economics and Philosophy 22 (3):365-391.
    Hume is often read as proposing an instrumental theory of decision, in which an agent's choices are rational if they maximally satisfy her desires, given her beliefs. In fact, Hume denies that rationality can be attributed to actions. I argue that this is not a gap needing to be filled. Hume's theory provides a coherent and self-contained understanding of action, compatible with current developments in experimental psychology and behavioural economics. On Hume's account, desires are primitive psychological motivations which do not (...)
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  31.  60
    Martin Jones & Robert Sugden (2001). Positive Confirmation Bias in the Acquisition of Information. Theory and Decision 50 (1):59-99.
    An experiment is reported which tests for positive confirmation bias in a setting in which individuals choose what information to buy, prior to making a decision. The design – an adaptation of Wason's selection task – reveals the use that subjects make of information after buying it. Strong evidence of positive confirmation bias, in both information acquisition and information use, is found; and this bias is found to be robust to experience. It is suggested that the bias results from a (...)
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  32.  41
    Judith Mehta, Chris Starmer & Robert Sugden (1994). Focal Points in Pure Coordination Games: An Experimental Investigation. Theory and Decision 36 (2):163-185.
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  33.  74
    Robert Sugden (2008). David Hume's Treatise of Human Nature. Topoi 27 (1-2):153-159.
    This ‘untimely review’ of Hume’s Treatise is written as if the book had just been published. I use this fiction to argue that the Treatise is a more fundamental critique of the concept of reason than most readers have thought. Hume’s analysis of human reasoning is grounded in empirical psychology, in which he made significant discoveries. He presents a non-propositional theory of desires, in which choice can be neither rational nor irrational. He shows that the idea that reason has authority, (...)
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  34.  18
    Sergio Beraldo & Robert Sugden (forthcoming). The Emergence of Reciprocally Beneficial Cooperation. Theory and Decision.
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  35.  32
    Robert Sugden (1985). Liberty, Preference, and Choice. Economics and Philosophy 1 (2):213-229.
    Ever since its first publication in 1970, Amartya Sen's paper “The Impossibility of a Paretian Liberal” has served as the starting point for almost all discussions of liberty in social choice theory. However, a number of people, myself included, have argued that Sen's theorem rests on a misleading characterization of liberty . In a recent paper, addressed to a philosophical audience, Sen has provided a careful defence of his theorem against this charge. I shall argue that this defence does not (...)
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  36. David P. Gauthier & Robert Sugden (1993). Rationality, Justice and the Social Contract Themes From Morals by Agreement.
  37.  56
    Robert Sugden (2008). The Changing Relationship Between Theory and Experiment in Economics. Philosophy of Science 75 (5):621-632.
    Until recently, economics was generally understood to be a nonexperimental science with a hypothetico‐deductive methodology. This article considers how the methodology of economics has changed with the spread of experimental methods. Initially, most experimental economists saw their work as testing pre‐existing theories. However, a method of systematic inductive enquiry in which theory plays a less central role is now evolving. This method is structured around the discovery and progressive refinement of regularities. “Exhibits”—experimental designs that generate significant regularities—are taking over some (...)
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  38.  17
    Robert Sugden (1998). The Role of Inductive Reasoning in the Evolution of Conventions. Law and Philosophy 17 (4):377 - 410.
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  39.  45
    Luigino Bruni & Robert Sugden (2000). Moral Canals: Trust and Social Capital in the Work of Hume, Smith and Genovesi. Economics and Philosophy 16 (1):21-45.
    It is a truism that a market economy cannot function without trust. We must be able to rely on other people to respect our property rights, and on our trading partners to keep their promises. The theory of economics is incomplete unless it can explain why economic agents often trust one another, and why that trust is often repaid. There is a long history of work in economics and philosophy which tries to explain the kinds of reasoning that people use (...)
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  40.  7
    Gerardo Infante, Guilhem Lecouteux & Robert Sugden (2016). Preference Purification and the Inner Rational Agent: A Critique of the Conventional Wisdom of Behavioural Welfare Economics. Journal of Economic Methodology 23 (1):1-25.
    Neoclassical economics assumes that individuals have stable and context-independent preferences, and uses preference satisfaction as a normative criterion. By calling this assumption into question, behavioural findings cause fundamental problems for normative economics. A common response to these problems is to treat deviations from conventional rational choice theory as mistakes, and to try to reconstruct the preferences that individuals would have acted on, had they reasoned correctly. We argue that this preference purification approach implicitly uses a dualistic model of the human (...)
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  41.  29
    Robert Sugden (1990). Michael Slote, Beyond Optimizing, Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, Harvard University Press, 1989, Pp. Xi + 192. Utilitas 2 (2):336.
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  42. Robert Sugden (2008). Capability, Happiness And Opportunity. In Luigino Bruni, Flavio Comim & Maurizio Pugno (eds.), Capabilities and Happiness. OUP Oxford
     
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  43.  11
    Robert Sugden (1998). Measuring Opportunity: Toward a Contractarian Measure of Individual Interest. Social Philosophy and Policy 15 (2):34.
    Liberals have often been attracted by contractarian modes of argument— and with good reason. Any system of social organization requires that some constraints be imposed on individuals' freedom of action; it is a central problem for any liberal political theory to show which constraints can be justified, and which cannot. A contractarian justification works by showing that the constraints in question can be understood as if they were the product of an agreement, voluntarily entered into by every member of society. (...)
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  44.  4
    Gerardo Infante, Guilhem Lecouteux & Robert Sugden (2016). ‘On the Econ Within’: A Reply to Daniel Hausman. Journal of Economic Methodology 23 (1):33-37.
    This note replies to a comment by Daniel Hausman on our paper ‘Preference purification and the inner rational agent: a critique of the conventional wisdom of behavioural welfare economics’. We clarify our characterisation of behavioural welfare economics and acknowledge that Hausman does fully endorse this approach. However, we argue that Hausman’s response to our critique, like behavioural welfare economics itself, implicitly uses a model of an inner rational agent.
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  45.  8
    Robert Sugden (2015). Looking for a Psychology for the Inner Rational Agent. Social Theory and Practice 41 (4):579-598.
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  46.  34
    Robert Sugden (2012). Must Group Agents Be Rational? List and Pettit's Theory of Judgement Aggregation and Group Agency. Economics and Philosophy 28 (2):265-273.
    Review Articles Robert Sugden, Economics and Philosophy, FirstView Article.
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  47.  35
    Robert Sugden (1990). Contractarianism and Norms. Ethics 100 (4):768-786.
  48.  41
    Robert Sugden (1996). Paul Anand, Foundations of Rational Choice Under Risk, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1993, Pp. Xi + 161. Utilitas 8 (2):254.
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  49. Robert Sugden & Alan Williams (1978). The Principles of Practical Cost-Benefit Analysis. Oxford University Press Uk.
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  50.  46
    Robert Sugden (2004). Review: Prelude to Political Economy: A Study of the Social and Political Foundations of Economics. [REVIEW] Mind 113 (452):730-732.
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