Search results for 'Social phil master-slave dialectic politics' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. James Schmidt (1979). Lordship and Bondage in Merleau-Ponty and Sartre. Political Theory 7 (2):201-227.score: 250.3
    The article examines the use made of hegel's dialectic of lordship and bondage in kojeve, sartre and merleau-ponty as a means of discussing the problem of merging a phenomenology of social life with a dialectical conception of philosophical narration. it is argued that neither sartre nor merleau-ponty can reconcile phenomenology and dialectic without an ontologizing of politics which ultimately provides a misleadingly abstract account of political life. while concentrating on the period 1945-1955, the article draws out (...)
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  2. Jack Reynolds (2009). The Master-Slave Dialectic and the 'Sado-Masochistic Entity': Some Objections. Angelaki: Journal of the Theoretical Humanities 14 (3):11-25.score: 192.0
    Hegel’s famous analyses of the ‘master-slave dialectic’, and the more general struggle for recognition which it is a part of, have been remarkably influential throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Bound up with the dominance of this idea, however, has been a corresponding treatment of sadism and masochism as complicit projects that are mutually necessary for one another in a manner that is structurally isomorphic with the way in which master and slave depend on one another. In clinical (...)
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  3. Howard P. Kainz (1973). A Non-Marxian Application of the Hegelian Master-Slave Dialectic to Some Modern Politico-Social Developments. Idealistic Studies 3 (3):285-302.score: 148.5
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  4. Jack Reynolds (2008). Deleuze's Other-Structure: Beyond the Master-Slave Dialectic, But at What Cost? Symposium 12 (1):67-88.score: 144.0
    Deleuze suggests that his work grounds a new conception of the Other–the Other as expression of a possible world, as a structure that precedes any subsequent dialectical mediation, including the master-slave dialectic of social relations. I will argue, however, that the ethico-political injunction that Deleuze derives from his analysis of the 'other-structure' confronts a different problem. It commits Deleuze to either tacitly prescribing a romantic morality of difference that valorizes expressive encounters without 'relations of explication' and any (...)
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  5. Robert Stern (2012). Is Hegel's Master–Slave Dialectic a Refutation of Solipsism? British Journal for the History of Philosophy 20 (2):333-361.score: 121.0
    This paper considers whether Hegel's master/slave dialectic in the Phenomenology of Spirit should be considered as a refutation of solipsism. It focuses on a recent and detailed attempt to argue for this sort of reading that has been proposed by Frederick Beiser ? but it argues that this reading is unconvincing, both in the historical motivations given for it in the work of Jacobi and Fichte, and as an interpretation of the text itself. An alternative reading of the (...) is proposed, where it is argued that the central problem Hegel is concerned with is not solipsism, but the sociality of freedom. (shrink)
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  6. S. Bird-Pollan (2012). Hegel's Grounding of Intersubjectivity in the Master-Slave Dialectic. Philosophy and Social Criticism 38 (3):237-256.score: 117.0
    In this article I seek to explain Hegel’s significance to contemporary meta-ethics, in particular to Kantian constructivism. I argue that in the master–slave dialectic in the Phenomenology of Spirit , Hegel shows that self-consciousness and intersubjectivity arise at the same time. This point, I argue, shows that there is no problem with taking other people’s reasons to motivate us since reflection on our aims is necessarily also reflection on the needs of those around us. I further explore Hegel’s contribution (...)
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  7. Gregory Alan Phipps (2012). Desire, Death, and Women in the Master-Slave Dialectic: A Comparative Reading of Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit and Henry James's The Golden Bowl. Philosophy and Literature 35 (2):233-250.score: 114.0
    From Karl Marx to Alexandre Kojève to Luce Irigaray, many writers have explored the implications of the famous master-slave dialectic in Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit.1 An interesting debate has developed out of the possible gender connotations of this dialectic—a debate that has centered largely on the theory that the master could represent man, with the slave consequently representing woman. A close analysis of the Phenomenology reveals that both the master and the slave are, in fact, supposed to (...)
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  8. Anne Morgan (2009). Simone de Beauvoir's Ethics, the Master/Slave Dialectic, and Eichmann as a Sub-Man. Hypatia 24 (2):39 - 53.score: 114.0
    Simone de Beauvoir incorporates a significantly altered form of the Hegelian master/slave dialectic into "The Ethics of Ambiguity." Her ethical theory explains and denounces extreme wrongdoing, such as the mass murder of millions of Jews at the hands of the Nazis. This essay demonstrates that, in the Beauvoirean dialectic, the Nazi value system (and Hitler) was the master, Adolf Eichmann was a slave, and Jews were denied human status. The analysis counters Robin May Schott's claims that "Beauvoir portrays (...)
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  9. Jason Brennan (2007). Dominating Nature. Environmental Values 16 (4):513-528.score: 106.5
    Something is wrong with the desire to dominate nature. In this paper, I explain both the causes and solution to anti-environmental attitudes within the framework of Hegel's master–slave dialectic. I argue that the master–slave dialectic (interpreted as a metaphor, rather than literally) can provide reasons against taking an attitude of domination, and instead gives reasons to seek to be worthy of respect from nature, though nature cannot, of course, respect us. I then discuss what the social and (...)
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  10. Ofelia M. Schutte (1990). The Master-Slave Dialectic in Latin America. The Owl of Minerva 22 (1):5-18.score: 85.5
  11. Debbie Evans (2009). Sartre and Beauvoir on Hegel's Master-Slave Dialectic and the Question of the 'Look'. In Christine Daigle & Jacob Golomb (eds.), Beauvoir and Sartre: The Riddle of Influence. Indiana University Press. 90--115.score: 85.5
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  12. Richard A. Lynch (2001). Mutual Recognition and the Dialectic of Master and Slave. International Philosophical Quarterly 41 (1):33-48.score: 81.0
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  13. William Callison (2011). Nietzsche and Hegel: Identity Formation and the Slave/Master Dialectic. Gnosis 9 (3).score: 81.0
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  14. Andreas Rasche, Dorothea Baur, Mariëtte van Huijstee, Stephen Ladek, Jayanthi Naidu, Cecilia Perla, Esther Schouten, Michael Valente & Mingrui Zhang (2008). Corporations as Political Actors – a Report on the First Swiss Master Class in Corporate Social Responsibility. Journal of Business Ethics 80 (2):151 - 173.score: 70.0
    This paper presents a report on the first Swiss Master Class in Corporate Social Responsibility, which was held between the 8th and 9th December 2006 at HEC Lausanne in Switzerland. The first section of the report introduces the topic of the master class – ‚Corporations as Political Actors – Facing the Postnational Challenge’ – as well as the concept of the master class. The second section gives an overview of papers written by nine young scholars that were selected to (...)
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  15. Dorothea Baur Andreas Rasche, Stephen Ladek Mariëtte van Huijstee, Cecilia Perla Jayanthi Naidu, Michael Valente Esther Schouten & Mingrui Zhang (2008). Corporations as Political Actors – a Report on the First Swiss Master Class in Corporate Social Responsibility. Journal of Business Ethics 80 (2).score: 68.0
    This paper presents a report on the first Swiss Master Class in Corporate Social Responsibility, which was held between the 8th and 9th December 2006 at HEC Lausanne in Switzerland. The first section of the report introduces the topic of the master class – ‚Corporations as Political Actors – Facing the Postnational Challenge’ – as well as the concept of the master class. The second section gives an overview of papers written by nine young scholars that were selected to (...)
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  16. Babacar M'Baye (2006). The Economic, Political, and Social Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade on Africa. The European Legacy 11 (6):607-622.score: 68.0
    The Transatlantic slave trade radically impaired Africa's potential to develop economically and maintain its social and political stability. The arrival of Europeans on the West African Coast and their establishment of slave ports in various parts of the continent triggered a continuous process of exploitation of Africa's human resources, labor, and commodities. This exploitative commerce influenced the African political and religious aristocracies, the warrior classes and the biracial elite, who made small gains from the slave trade, to participate in (...)
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  17. Remo Bodei (2007). The Roots of Hegel's "Master-Slave Relationship&Quot;. Critical Horizons 8 (1):33-46.score: 67.5
    Hegel continues to be credited with the discovery of a "master-slave dialectic". Critics, however, have established that there was no "master-slave dialectic" but rather a Knecht, that is, servant or footman, with the latter a member of an abstract relationship of Herrschaft-Knechtschaft, which is central to Hegel's idea of the journey from dependence to independence. This "primitive scene" sets up a cycle for the whole paradigm, which is a reformulation of the victory over animal life and (...)
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  18. Roy Bhaskar (2008). Dialectic: The Pulse of Freedom. Routledge.score: 63.0
    Introduction: Critical realism, hegelian dialectic and the problems of philosophy preliminary considerations -- Objectives of the book -- Dialectic : an initial orientation -- Negation -- Four degrees of critical realism -- Prima facie objections to critical realism -- On the sources and general character of the hegelian dialectic -- On the immanent critique and limitations of the hegelian dialectic -- The fine structure of the hegelian dialectic -- Dialectic : the logic of absence, (...)
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  19. Eduardo Manuel Duarte (1999). Conscientizacion y Comunidad: A Dialectical Description of Education as the Struggle for Freedom. Studies in Philosophy and Education 18 (6):389-403.score: 63.0
    This paper contributes to those analyses that have discussed Hegel'sinfluence on Freire, and Freire's rethinking of Hegel. Yet, my narrative of the dialectic of conscientizacion, which I presenthere, is a novel attempt to read both thinkers simultaneously.Thus, in this paper I am exploring, and not didactically proving Gadotti's (1994) important, yet unqualified,claim that Hegel's dialectic ``can be considered the principaltheoretical framework of (Freire's) Pedagogy of the Oppressed.It could be said that the whole of his theory of conscientization has (...)
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  20. Seehwa Cho (2010). Politics of Critical Pedagogy and New Social Movements. Educational Philosophy and Theory 42 (3):310-325.score: 60.0
  21. Marjorie Reeves (ed.) (1999). Christian Thinking and Social Order: Conviction Politics From the 1930s to the Present Day. Cassell.score: 60.0
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  22. Ivana Spasic (2005). Politics and Everyday Life in Serbia in 2005: Views of Politics, Change of Social System, the Public Sphere. Filozofija I Drustvo 27:45-74.score: 60.0
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  23. Andrew Lawson (2011). William Faulkner: An Economy of Complex Words. Historical Materialism 19 (2):137-143.score: 57.0
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  24. Vincent W. J. Van Gerven Oei (2012). Cumposition: Theses on Philosophy's Etymology. Continent 2 (1).score: 57.0
    continent. 2.1 (2012): 44–55. Philosophers are sperm, poetry erupts sperm and dribbles, philosopher recodes term, to terminate, —A. Staley Groves 1 There is, in the relation of human languages to that of things, something that can be approximately described as “overnaming”—the deepest linguistic reason for all melancholy and (from the point of view of the thing) for all deliberate muteness. Overnaming as the linguistic being of melancholy points to another curious relation of language: the overprecision that obtains in the tragic (...)
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  25. Sean Sheeter (1982). On Law and Lawlessism. Process Press.score: 55.3
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  26. Justin Cruickshank (2000). Ethnocentrism, Social Contract Liberalism and Positivistic-Conservatism: Rorty's Three Theses on Politics. Res Publica 6 (1):1-23.score: 54.0
    In this article I argue that Rorty has three separatearguments for liberalism. The pragmatic-ethnocentric argument for liberalism,as a system which works for `us liberals'', is rejectedfor entailing relativism. The social contract argument results in an extreme formof individualism. This renders politics redundantbecause there is no need for the (liberal) state toprotect poetic individuals, who are capable ofdefending themselves. Even if the less able areharmed, the state could not prevent this, givenRorty''s arguments about discursive enrichment withina language game. Finally, (...)
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  27. Bruce Western (2004). Politics and Social Structure in The Culture of Control. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 7 (2):33-41.score: 54.0
    David Garland's The Culture of Control provides a powerful analysis of trends in crime and criminal justice policy over the last 30 years. This note re?examines two parts of the Garland thesis. First, it argues that punitive criminal justice policy is rooted in an authoritarian neoconservative politics that shares little with free?market ideology. Second, research on the collateral consequences of incarceration suggests that the penal system, at least in America, has become a significant influence on, rather than just a (...)
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  28. Stephen Hay (2009). Transforming Social and Educational Governance: Trade Training Centres and the Transition to Social Investment Politics in Australia. British Journal of Educational Studies 57 (3):285 - 304.score: 54.0
    Prior to its election to office in 2007, the Australian Labor Party announced a commitment to introduce Trade Training Centres (TTCs) into all Australian secondary schools as an initiative of its Education Revolution. TTCs were proposed as a key element of Federal Labor's education and training policy that aimed to manage future risks to Australia's competitiveness in the emerging global economy and to support school-to-employment transitions for young people. This analysis adopts a governmentality framework to conceptualise the Federal Government's introduction (...)
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  29. Graham Riches (1999). Advancing the Human Right to Food in Canada: Social Policy and the Politics of Hunger, Welfare, and Food Security. [REVIEW] Agriculture and Human Values 16 (2):203-211.score: 54.0
    This article argues that hunger in Canada, while being an outcome of unemployment, low incomes, and inadequate welfare, springs also from the failure to recognize and implement the human right to food. Food security has, however, largely been ignored by progressive social policy analysis. Barriers standing in the way of achieving food security include the increasing commodification of welfare and the corporatization of food, the depoliticization of hunger by governments and the voluntary sector, and, most particularly, the neglect by (...)
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  30. Earl Zimmerman (2007). Practicing the Politics of Jesus: The Origin and Significance of John Howard Yoder's Social Ethics. Herald Press, Cascadia Pub. House ;.score: 54.0
    Yoder rearranges the theological landscape -- North American Mennonite experience -- Amsterdam 1952 -- American church and society in the postwar era -- Mennonite mentors at Goshen College -- European experience and the debate about war -- A European assignment -- Relating to European Mennonite churches -- Confronting the moral question of war -- The world council of churches debate -- Doctoral studies with Barth and Cullman -- The theology of Karl Barth -- Oscar Cullmann and biblical studies -- Other (...)
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  31. Matteo Bianchin (2003). Reciprocity, Individuals and Community: Remarks on Phenomenology, Social Theory and Politics. Philosophy and Social Criticism 29 (6):631-654.score: 51.0
    The contribution of Husserl's phenomenology to the foundations of social and political theory can be appraised at both the methodological and the normative level. First, it makes intersubjective interaction central to the constitution of social reality. Second, it stresses reciprocity as a constitutive feature of intersubjectivity. In this context, individuals can be seen to be both ‘constituting’ and ‘constituted by’ their participation in communities, under a constraint of mutual recognition as intentional agents. This view is in no way (...)
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  32. Steve Fuller (1995). The Voices of Rhetoric and Politics in Social Epistemology: For a Critical-Rationalist Multiculturalism. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 25 (4):512-522.score: 51.0
    Although Wes Shrum advertised my critics as representing quite distinct points of view, they nevertheless managed to converge on a set of concerns that revolve around the meanings of "rhetoric," "politics," and "multiculturalism" in the project of social epistemology. Either the critics were not chosen correctly or the book under discussion is quite obviously flawed! Rather than make that Hobson's choice, I will address my critics' concerns in a way that I hope will prove illuminating to other normatively (...)
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  33. Anthony Mansueto (1996). From Dialectic to Organization: Bogdanov's Contribution to Social Theory. Studies in East European Thought 48 (1):37 - 61.score: 51.0
    This paper situates Bogdanov in the context of social theory generally and socialist theory in particular. It outlines briefly the principal characteristics of his mature system, and assesses the strengths and weaknesses of his approach to the fundamental problems of social thought. The paper devotes particular attention to the problem of just how systems develop from less complex to more complex forms of organization, and evaluates Bogdanov’s solution to this problem against the background of populist, social democratic, (...)
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  34. Reiland Rabaka (2008). Du Bois's Dialectics: Black Radical Politics and the Reconstruction of Critical Social Theory. Lexington Books.score: 51.0
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  35. Jeroen Van Bouwel (2005). The Division of Labour in the Social Sciences Versus the Politics of Metaphysics. Questioning Critical Realism's Interdisciplinarity. Graduate Journal of Social Science 2 (2):32-39.score: 51.0
    Some scholars claim that Critical Realism promises well for the unification of the social sciences, e.g., "Unifying social science: A critical realist approach" in this volume. I will first show briefly how Critical Realism might unify social science. Secondly, I focus on the relation between the ontology and methodology of Critical Realism, and unveil the politics of metaphysics. Subsequently, it is argued that the division of labour between social scientific disciplines should not be metaphysics-driven, but (...)
     
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  36. Molly Macdonald (2013). Hegel and Psychoanalysis: A New Interpretation of "Phenomenology of Spirit". Routledge.score: 49.5
    Both Hegel's philosophy and psychoanalytic theory have profoundly influenced contemporary thought, but they are traditionally seen to work in separate rather than intersecting universes. This book offers a new interpretation of Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit and brings it into conversation the work of two of the best-known contemporary psychoanalysts, Christopher Bollas and André Green. Hegel and Psychoanalysis centers a consideration of the Phenomenology on the figure of the Unhappy Consciousness and the concept of Force, two areas that are often overlooked (...)
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  37. Elizabeth A. Armstrong & Mary Bernstein (2008). Culture, Power, and Institutions: A Multi-Institutional Politics Approach to Social Movements. Sociological Theory 26 (1):74 - 99.score: 49.0
    We argue that critiques of political process theory are beginning to coalesce into new approach to social movements--a "multi-institutional politics" approach. While the political process model assumes that domination is organized by and around one source of power, the alternative perspective views domination as organized around multiple sources of power, each of which is simultaneously material and symbolic. We examine the conceptions of social movements, politics, actors, goals, and strategies supported by each model, demonstrating that the (...)
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  38. Shannon Dunn (2013). Virtue Ethics, Social Difference, and the Challenge of an Embodied Politics. Journal of Religious Ethics 41 (1):27-49.score: 48.3
    Following the revival of virtue theory, some moral theorists have argued that virtue ethics can provide the basis for a radical politics. Such a politics essentially departs from the liberal model of the moral agent as an autonomous reason-giver. It instead privileges an understanding of the agent as conditioned by her community, and in the case of social oppression and marginalization, communal virtues may become a vehicle for social change. This essay compares political appropriations of virtue (...)
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  39. Don K. Price (1988). The Natural Sciences, the Social Sciences and Politics. Minerva 26 (3):416-428.score: 48.3
    The social sciences stand at a strange crossroads. There is a greater need for disciplined inquiry into the issues of policy facing the United States. Yet the incentives in the political system, and in the professional guilds of those performing social research, discourage a close involvement of many prominent social scientists with policy. The political system, fearing an elite imposing its values on society, welcomes the natural scientist who seems to conform to the model of the politically (...)
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  40. Carl-Göran Heidegren (2002). Anthropology, Social Theory, and Politics: Axel Honneth's Theory of Recognition. Inquiry 45 (4):433 – 446.score: 48.0
    This article presents and discusses Axel Honneth's theory of recognition as a specific constellation, i.e. as a theoretical endeavour spanning over and interrelating positions in the fields of anthropology, social theory, and politics. As essential components in this constellation I discern an anthropology of recognition, a social philosophy of different forms of recognition, a morality of recognition, a theory of democratic ethical life as a social ideal, and a notion of political democracy as an ambitious reflexive (...)
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  41. Andrew Robinson (2010). Symptoms of a New Politics: Networks, Minoritarianism and the Social Symptom in Žižek, Deleuze and Guattari. Deleuze Studies 4 (2):206-233.score: 48.0
    This article explores the contemporary ‘symptomatic’ position of radically excluded social groups through a critical engagement with the work of Žižek, Deleuze and Guattari. It begins with a presentation and critique of Žižek's theorisation, arguing that while he correctly perceives the symptomatic status of certain social groups and issues, his approach is insufficiently radical because of its reliance on inappropriate structuralist assumptions and metaphysical negativity. It then compares this theory to Deleuze and Guattari's theory of minoritarianism, viewed as (...)
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  42. Emily Zakin (2000). Bridging the Social and the Symbolic: Toward a Feminist Politics of Sexual Difference. Hypatia 15 (3):19-44.score: 48.0
    : By clarifying the psychoanalytic notion of sexual difference (and contrasting it with a feminist analysis of gender as social reality), I argue that the symbolic dimension of psychical life cannot be discarded in developing political accounts of identity formation and the status of women in the public sphere. I discuss various bridges between social reality and symbolic structure, bridges such as body, language, law, and family. I conclude that feminist attention must be redirected to the unconscious since (...)
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  43. Barbara Hobson, Jane Lewis & Birte Siim (eds.) (2002). Contested Concepts in Gender and Social Politics. E. Elgar Pub..score: 48.0
    This is a major contribution to the theoretical and comparative literature on welfare states, written by some of the most original and challenging feminist ...
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  44. Ibrahim Seaga Shaw (2011). The Politics of Humanitarian Intervention: A Critical Analogy of the British Response to End the Slave Trade and the Civil War in Sierra Leone. Journal of Global Ethics 6 (3):273-285.score: 48.0
    A leading scholar of humanitarian intervention, Brown (2002) refers to British internal politics to satisfy the influential church and other non-conformist libertarian community leaders, and above all ?undermining Britain's competitors, such as Spain and Portugal, who were still reliant on slave labour to power their economies, as the principal motivation for calls to end the slave trade than any genuine humanitarian concerns of racial equality or global justice?. Drawing on an empirical exploration, this article seeks to draw a parallel (...)
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  45. Robert Talisse (2005). Social Epistemology and the Politics of Omission. Episteme 2 (2):107-118.score: 48.0
    Contemporary liberal democracy employs a conception of legitimacy according to which political decisions and institutions must be at least in principle justifiable to all citizens. This conception of legitimacy is difficult to satisfy when citizens are deeply divided at the level of fundamental moral, religious, and philosophical commitments. Many have followed the later Rawls in holding that where a reasonable pluralism of such commitments persists, political justification must eschew appeal to any controversial moral, religious, or philosophical premises. In this way, (...)
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  46. David A. Dilworth (2012). The Politics of Survival: Peirce, Affectivity, and Social Criticism. Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society 47 (4):524-528.score: 48.0
    In this book Lara Trout provides provocative but problematic food for thought. She crafts an exegesis of Peirce's concepts of evolutionary agapism and critical commonsensism as resources for a theory of social justice aligned with contemporary race and gender theories. Conforming Peirce's tenets to her own agenda, she develops a radical politics of societal inclusiveness by way of analyzing and critiquing putative "nonconscious biases" in the "background" beliefs of broad segments of the contemporary populace. Unfortunately, this steers Peirce's (...)
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  47. Darren Schreiber (2012). On Social Attribution: Implications of Recent Cognitive Neuroscience Research for Race, Law, and Politics. Science and Engineering Ethics 18 (3):557-566.score: 48.0
    Interpreting the world through a social lens is a central characteristic of human cognition. Humans ascribe intentions to the behaviors of other individuals and groups. Humans also make inferences about others’ emotional and mental states. This capacity for social attribution underlies many of the concepts at the core of legal and political systems. The developing scientific understanding of the neural mechanisms used in social attribution may alter many earlier suppositions. However, just as often, these new methods will (...)
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  48. Murray E. G. Smith (1992). The Value Abstraction and the Dialectic of Social Development. Science and Society 56 (3):261 - 290.score: 48.0
    The idea that human history evinces a pattern of development rooted in the propensity of human beings toward technical forms of rationality is fundamental to Marx's materialist conception of history. Yet the "dialectic of forces and relations of production" as traditionally conceived in historical-materialist discourse has found only weak expressions in social formations dominated by precapitalist modes of production. The hypothesis is advanced that the role of simple commodity production and exchange in such formations may be decisive to (...)
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  49. Lisa Guenther (2012). Fecundity and Natal Alienation: Rethinking Kinship with Emmanuel Levinas and Orlando Patterson. Levinas Studies 7 (1):1-19.score: 48.0
    In his 1934 essay, “Reflections on the Philosophy of Hitlerism,” Levinas raises important questions about the subject’s relation to nature and to history. His account of the ethical significance of paternity, maternity, and fraternity in texts such as Totality and Infinity and Otherwise Than Being suggest powerful new ways to understand the meaning of kinship, beyond the abstractions of Western liberalism. How does this analysis of race and kinship translate into the context of the Transatlantic slave trade, which not only (...)
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  50. Barbara S. Andrew, Jean Clare Keller & Lisa H. Schwartzman (eds.) (2005). Feminist Interventions in Ethics and Politics: Feminist Ethics and Social Theory. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.score: 48.0
     
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