Search results for 'economic liberties' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Jeppe von Platz (2014). Are Economic Liberties Basic Rights? Politics, Philosophy, and Economics 13 (1):23-44.score: 182.0
    In this essay I discuss a powerful challenge to high-liberalism: the challenge presented by neoclassical liberals that the high-liberal assumptions and values imply that the full range of economic liberties are basic rights. If the claim is true, then the high-liberal road from ideals of democracy and democratic citizenship to left-liberal institutions is blocked. Indeed, in that case the high-liberal is committed to an institutional scheme more along the lines of laissez-faire capitalism than property-owning democracy. To present and (...)
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  2. Jeppe von Platz (2013). Are Economic Liberties Basic Rights? Politics, Philosophy and Economics 13 (1):1470594-13483466.score: 122.0
    In this essay I discuss a powerful challenge to high-liberalism: the challenge presented by neoclassical liberals that the high-liberal assumptions and values imply that the full range of economic liberties are basic rights. If the claim is true, then the high-liberal road from ideals of democracy and democratic citizenship to left-liberal institutions is blocked. Indeed, in that case the high-liberal is committed to an institutional scheme more along the lines of laissez-faire capitalism than property-owning democracy. To present and (...)
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  3. Karl-Heinz Ladeur (2000). Discursive Ethics as Constitutional Theory. Neglecting the Creative Role of Economic Liberties? Ratio Juris 13 (1):95-116.score: 90.0
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  4. John Tomasi (2012). Democratic Legitimacy and Economic Liberty. Social Philosophy and Policy 29 (1):50-80.score: 72.0
    Libertarians and classical liberals typically defend private economic liberty as a requirement of self-ownership or on the basis of consequentialist arguments of various sorts. By contrast, this paper defends private economic liberty as a requirement of democratic legitimacy. In recent decades, many philosophers have converged upon a certain view about political justification. If a set of social institutions is to be just and legitimate, those institutions must be acceptable in principle to the citizens who are to lead their (...)
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  5. Monique Deveaux (2009). Normative Liberal Theory and the Bifurcation of Human Rights. Ethics and Global Politics 2 (3).score: 72.0
    This article argues that liberal arguments for human rights minimalism, such as those of John Rawls and Michael Ignatieff, contain fundamental inconsistencies in their treatment of core rights to life and liberty. Insofar as their versions of minimalism foreground rights to physical security and basic freedom of movement, they cannot coherently exclude certain social and economic protections and liberties that directly support or are even partly constitutive of these rights. Nor do they have good grounds for putting the (...)
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  6. Martin O'Neill (2008). Three Rawlsian Routes Towards Economic Democracy. Revue de Philosophie Economique 9 (1):29-55.score: 66.0
    This paper addresses ways of arguing fors ome form of economic democracy from within a broadly Rawlsian framework. Firstly, one can argue that a right to participate in economic decision-making should be added to the Rawlsian list of basic liberties, protected by the first principle of justice. Secondly,I argue that a society which institutes forms of economic democracy will be more likely to preserve a stable and just basic structure over time, by virtue of the effects (...)
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  7. Jason Brennan & John Tomasi (2012). Classical Liberalism. In David Estlund (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Political Philosophy. Oxford University Press, Usa. 115.score: 60.0
  8. Thaddeus Metz (forthcoming). An African Theory of Social Justice. In Camilla Boisen & Matt Murray (eds.), Distributive Justice Debates in the History of Political and Social Thought: Finding A Fair Share. Routledge.score: 54.0
    A comprehensive account of justice grounded on salient Afro-communitarian values, the article attempts to unify views about the distribution of economic resources, the protection of human rights and the provision of social recognition as ultimately being about proper ways to value loving relationships.
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  9. Christopher Freiman (2012). Equal Political Liberties. Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 93 (2):158-174.score: 42.0
    Formal guarantees of political equality are compatible with inequalities in the value of political liberties, as individuals may convert their socioeconomic advantages into political advantages. Perhaps the predominant strategy for limiting substantive political inequalities recommends limiting inequalities in the means of acquiring political power for private gain – most notably, economic means. I express a worry that measures instituted to restrict economic inequalities may do more to frustrate the cause of political equality than to further it. I (...)
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  10. Ana Luiza da Gama E. Souza, Individual Freedom in the Economic Global Market: A Defense of a Liberty to Realize Choices.score: 42.0
    Human life in contemporary society is extremely complex and there are various external factors that directly affect the realization in the individual ends. In this work I analyze the effects of the global market economy, manifested by a mode of production and distribution of goods and services in the form of a global network of economic relations, which involve people, transnational corporations and political and social institutions in moral sphere of people, affecting their choices and the realization of these (...)
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  11. Anthony Kenny (2006). Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Utility: Happiness in Philosophical and Economic Thought. Imprint Academic.score: 38.0
    A volume on nature, ingredients, causes and consequences of human happiness by father and son team of Antony and Charles Kenny.
     
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  12. Rodney G. Peffer, A Modified Rawlsian Theory of Social Justice: 'Justice as Fair Rights'.score: 36.0
    In my 1990 work – Marxism, Morality, and Social Justice – I argued for four modifications of Rawls’s principles of social justice and rendered a modified version of his theory in four principles, the first of which is the Basic Rights Principle demanding the protection of people’s security and subsistence rights. In both his Political Liberalism (1993) and Justice as Fairness (2001) Rawls explicitly refers to my version of his theory, clearly accepting three of my four proposed modifications but rejecting (...)
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  13. Gillian Brock (2009). Global Justice: A Cosmopolitan Account. Oxford University Press.score: 36.0
    OUP writes: Gillian Brock develops a viable cosmopolitan model of global justice that takes seriously the equal moral worth of persons, yet leaves scope for defensible forms of nationalism and for other legitimate identifications and affiliations people have. Brock addresses two prominent kinds of skeptic about global justice: those who doubt its feasibility and those who believe that cosmopolitanism interferes illegitimately with the defensible scope of nationalism by undermining goods of national importance, such as authentic democracy or national self-determination. The (...)
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  14. Martin J. De Nys (1987). Political Representation and Economic Liberty. Journal of Philosophy 84 (10):565-566.score: 36.0
  15. Henry Shue (1975). Liberty and Self-Respect. Ethics 85 (3):195-203.score: 30.0
    Although the thesis that equal basic liberties take priority over increases in wealth is one of the two most important theses in the rawlsian theory of justice, The argumentation for it is obscure. This article emphasizes the centrality of self-Respect in rawls' treatment of liberty, Specifies five particular assumptions he makes, And constructs a deductive argument from the rawlsian assumptions to the rawlsian conclusion about liberty. Of special interest are the premises of economic adequacy for the worst-Off man (...)
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  16. Christopher Toner (2007). Review of Anthony Kenny, Charles Kenny, Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Utility: Happiness in Philosophical and Economic Thought. [REVIEW] Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2007 (6).score: 30.0
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  17. Steven Wall (2013). Self-Government, Market Democracy, and Economic Liberty. Social Theory and Practice 39 (3):522-534.score: 30.0
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  18. Richard L. G. Deverall (1940). The Moral Foundations of Economic Liberty. Proceedings of the American Catholic Philosophical Association 16:172-177.score: 30.0
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  19. Jp Day (1985). Economic Liberty and Economic Justice. Cogito 3 (4).score: 30.0
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  20. Martin J. De Nys (1987). Political Representation and Economic Liberty. Journal of Philosophy 84 (10):565 - 566.score: 30.0
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  21. David Pearce (1992). Green Economics. Environmental Values 1 (1):3 - 13.score: 30.0
    Economists assume that people are fundamentally greedy, though not exclusively so. If environmental improvement is to be achieved, it will require policies that use selfishness rather than opposing it. Such policies are to be found in the basics of green economics in which market signals are modified by environmental taxes and tradeable pollution certificates to 'decouple' the economic growth process from its environmental impact. Green economic policies avoid the infringements of human liberties implied in ever stronger 'command (...)
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  22. Eyal Zamir & Barak Medina (2010). Law, Economics, and Morality. OUP USA.score: 30.0
    Law, Economics, and Morality examines the possibility of combining economic methodology and deontological morality through explicit and direct incorporation of moral constraints into economic models. Economic analysis of law is a powerful analytical methodology. However, as a purely consequentialist approach, which determines the desirability of acts and rules solely by assessing the goodness of their outcomes, standard cost-benefit analysis (CBA) is normatively objectionable. Moderate deontology prioritizes such values as autonomy, basic liberties, truth-telling, and promise-keeping over the (...)
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  23. Annabelle Lever, 'A Liberal Defence of Compulsory Voting': Some Reasons for Scepticism.score: 28.0
    Liberal egalitarians such as Rawls and Dworkin, insist that a just society must try to make sure that socio-economic inequalities do not undercut the value of the vote, and of other political liberties. They insist on this not just for instrumental reasons, but because they assume that democratic forms of political participation can be desirable ends in themselves. However, compulsory voting laws seem to conflict with respect for reasonable differences of belief and value, essential to liberal egalitarians. Nor (...)
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  24. Kevin Vallier (forthcoming). A Moral and Economic Critique of the New Property-Owning Democrats: On Behalf of a Rawlsian Welfare State. Philosophical Studies:1-22.score: 28.0
    Property-owning democracies combine the regulative and redistributive functions of the welfare state with the governmental aim of ensuring that wealth and capital are widely dispersed. John Rawls, political philosophy’s most famous property-owning democrat, argued that property-owning democracy was one of two regime types that best realized his two principles of justice, though he was notoriously vague about how a property-owning democracy’s institutions are meant to realize his principles. To compensate for this deficiency, a number of Rawlsian political philosophers have tried (...)
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  25. Peter Koslowski (ed.) (1987). Individual Liberty and Democratic Decision-Making: The Ethics, Economics, and Politics of Democracy. J.C.B. Mohr.score: 26.0
    Individual Liberty and Democratic Decision-Making Editor's Introduction Individual liberty is the basic value and justification for the political order of ...
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  26. Peter J. Preusse, “The Third Axiom, or A Logic of Liberty: On the Structure of Ethics and Economics as One Unified Aprioristic Science”.score: 26.0
    In this paper, the logical structure of ethics and economics as one unified science is investigated and found to be inhomogeneously represented in Austroliberal literature. This structure is here built from axioms, deductions, and definitions: It is first established in its self-supportive bareness, secondly represented by pivotal passages of libertarian [...].
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  27. Richard J. Arneson (1999). Against Rawlsian Equality of Opportunity. Philosophical Studies 93 (1):77-112.score: 24.0
    According to John Rawls, "Justice is the first virtue of social institutions."1 Like Gaul, justice is tripartite. Rawls affirms an Equal Liberty Principle that guarantees equal basic or constitutional liberties for all citizens and a Difference Principle that requires inequalities in the distribution of certain social and economic benefits, the primary social goods, to be set so that the long-term holdings of primary social goods are maximized for the citizens whose holdings are least. Sandwiched between these two principles (...)
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  28. Rivka Amado & Nevin M. Gewertz (2004). Intellectual Property and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Moral Crossroads Between Health and Property. [REVIEW] Journal of Business Ethics 55 (3):295 - 308.score: 24.0
    The moral justification of intellectual property is often called into question when placed in the context of pharmaceutical patents and global health concerns. The theoretical accounts of both John Rawls and Robert Nozick provide an excellent ethical framework from which such questions can be clarified. While Nozick upholds an individuals right to intellectual property, based upon its conformation with Lockean notions of property and Nozicks ideas of just acquisition and transfer, Rawls emphasizes the importance of basic liberties, such as (...)
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  29. Samuel Freeman (2006). The Law of Peoples, Social Cooperation, Human Rights, and Distributive Justice. Social Philosophy and Policy 23 (1):29-68.score: 24.0
    Cosmopolitans argue that the account of human rights and distributive justice in John Rawls's The Law of Peoples is incompatible with his argument for liberal justice. Rawls should extend his account of liberal basic liberties and the guarantees of distributive justice to apply to the world at large. This essay defends Rawls's grounding of political justice in social cooperation. The Law of Peoples is drawn up to provide principles of foreign policy for liberal peoples. Human rights are among the (...)
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  30. David O. Brink (2001). Millian Principles, Freedom of Expression, and Hate Speech. Legal Theory 7 (2):119-157.score: 24.0
    Hate speech employs discriminatory epithets to insult and stigmatize others on the basis of their race, gender, sexual orientation, or other forms of group membership. The regulation of hate speech is deservedly controversial, in part because debates over hate speech seem to have teased apart libertarian and egalitarian strands within the liberal tradition. In the civil rights movements of the 1960s, libertarian concerns with freedom of movement and association and equal opportunity pointed in the same direction as egalitarian concerns with (...)
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  31. Matt Ferkany (2009). Recognition, Attachment, and the Social Bases of Self-Worth. Southern Journal of Philosophy 47 (3):263-283.score: 24.0
    Recognition theorists have claimed that a culturally egalitarian societal environment is a crucial social basis of a sense of self-worth. In doing so they have often drawn on noncogntivist social-psychological theorizing. This paper argues that this theorizing does not support the recognition theorist's position. It is argued that attachment theory, together with recent empirical evidence, support a more limited vision of self-worth's social bases according to which associational ties, basic rights and liberties, and economic and educational opportunity are (...)
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  32. Lucas Stanczyk, From Each: Essays in the Theory of Productive Justice.score: 24.0
    A just society must provide a range of goods: police protection, education, medical care, legal representation, to name only a few. But how should a just society organize production of these goods? To ask this question is to broach the topic of productive justice. We need a theory of this topic in order to explain the content of the ideal of social justice. A certain theory of productive justice is now widely taken for granted. It has the following commitments. Every (...)
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  33. Colin Farrelly, Dualism, Incentives and the Demands of Rawlsian Justice.score: 24.0
    In “Institutions and the Demands of Justice,” Liam Murphy ~1999! makes a distinction between two approaches to normative political theory. He labels these two positions “dualism” and “monism.” The former maintains that “the two practical problems of institutional design and personal conduct require, at the fundamental level, two different kinds of practical principle” ~1999: 254!. The most influential proponent of dualism is John Rawls. In A Theory of Justice Rawls defends his theory of “justice as fairness,” which recognizes a division (...)
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  34. Ulrich Diehl (2005). On the Art of Intercultural Dialogue. Some Forms, Conditions and Structures. In P. N. Liechtenstein & Ch M. Gueye (eds.), Peace and Intercultural Dialogue. Universitätsverlag Winter.score: 24.0
    This essay begins with the claim that intercultural dialogue is an art rather than a science or technique and it attempts to point out what it takes to learn the art of intercultural dialogue. In PART ONE some basic forms of intercultural dialogue are presented which correlate to some basic forms of human life, such as family, politics, economy, science, art and religion. Also a few common traits about how intercultural dialogue is practised today are specified. PART TWO is pointing (...)
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  35. Percy B. Lehning (1998). The Coherence of Rawls's Plea for Democratic Equality. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 1 (4):1-41.score: 24.0
    In 1971, John Rawls published A Theory of Justice, the burden of which was strongly egalitarian. But Rawls eventually came to the conclusion that the project of working out a stable, well?ordered society as argued in A Theory of Justice had failed. In 1993, in Political Liberalism, Rawls sought to establish a sounder theoretical foundation for a stable, well?ordered society. Rawls was widely viewed, however, as having given up egalitarianism in Political Liberalism ? the commitment to a fair distribution, or (...)
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  36. Nevin M. Gewertz & Rivka Amado (2004). Intellectual Property and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Moral Crossroads Between Health and Property. [REVIEW] Journal of Business Ethics 55 (3):295 - 308.score: 24.0
    The moral justification of intellectual property is often called into question when placed in the context of pharmaceutical patents and global health concerns. The theoretical accounts of both John Rawls and Robert Nozick provide an excellent ethical framework from which such questions can be clarified. While Nozick upholds an individual's right to intellectual property, based upon its conformation with Lockean notions of property and Nozick's ideas of just acquisition and transfer, Rawls emphasizes the importance of basic liberties, such as (...)
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  37. Thaddeus Metz (2014). African Values, Human Rights and Group Rights: A Philosophical Foundation for the Banjul Charter. In Oche Onazi (ed.), African Legal Theory and Contemporary Problems: Critical Essays. Springer. 131-51.score: 24.0
    A communitarian perspective, which is characteristic of African normative thought, accords some kind of primacy to society or a group, whereas human rights are by definition duties that others have to treat individuals in certain ways, even when not doing so would be better for others. Is there any place for human rights in an Afro-communitarian political and legal philosophy, and, if so, what is it? I seek to answer these questions, in part by critically exploring one of the most (...)
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  38. Christopher L. Pines (1988). The Bishops' Dilemma with Capitalism: A Critical Analysis. [REVIEW] Journal of Business Ethics 7 (6):445 - 452.score: 24.0
    One of the major criticisms of contemporary capitalist society which the bishops' pastoral letter raises is the increasing economic, political and social marginalization resulting from the concentration of wealth and power in the form of monopoly capital. The bishops condemn these contemporary inequalities as unjust, undemocratic and antithetical to the teachings of the Church and Catholic humanism. Given this criticism, we can better understand the bishops' policy prescriptions as intended to show how monopoly capital can be reconciled with the (...)
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  39. Jonathan Wright (2010). Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Utility: Happiness in Philosophical and Economic Thought (St Andrews Studies in Philosophy and Public Affairs, 7). By Anthony Kenny and Charles Kenny. Heythrop Journal 51 (2):353-354.score: 24.0
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  40. Michael McPherson (1983). Review: Efficiency and Liberty in the Productive Enterprise: Recent Work in the Economics of Work Organization. [REVIEW] Philosophy and Public Affairs 12 (4):354 - 368.score: 24.0
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  41. Simon Glynn (2008). Liberal Democracy and Torture. Proceedings of the Xxii World Congress of Philosophy 50:195-203.score: 24.0
    Of the many ideological blind spots that have afflicted US and, to a lesser extent, European, perceptions and analysis of the economic, political and social milieu, none have been more debilitating than the equation of democracy with political liberalism. Thus those who attempt to derive propaganda value from such an equation are vulnerable, as the US government has found, to the rhetorical counter attack that in opposing democratically elected governments, such as that of Hamas or Hugo Chavez, they are (...)
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  42. Timothy Macklem (2006). Entrenching Bills of Rights. Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 26 (1):107-129.score: 24.0
    The entrenchment of a bill of rights, and the consequent removal of the matters covered in the bill from the domain of the legislature, is commonly thought to constitute a transfer of power from the legislature to the courts. Yet the simple answer to this thought is that, strictly speaking, no such transfer takes place, for in acquiring power to determine the content of a bill of rights the courts do not acquire the power to legislate that the bill denies (...)
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  43. Roman Míčka (2009). Faith and Liberty. The Economic Thought of the Late Scholastics. Studia Neoaristotelica 6 (1):138-153.score: 24.0
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  44. Desh Raj Sirswal, Dr. B.R.Ambedkar ‘s Critique of Democracy in India.score: 24.0
    Various philosophers, political scientists and writers have given numerous ideas on democracy. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was a relentless champion of human rights and staunch believer in democracy, he said: “Democracy is not a form of government, but a form of social organisation.” In “Prospects of Democracy in India” he analyzed Indian Democracy and said a democracy is more than a form of government. It is primarily a mode of associated living. The roots of democracy are to be searched in the (...)
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  45. Thaddeus Metz (forthcoming). African Values and Human Rights as Two Sides of the Same Coin: Reply to Oyowe. African Human Rights Law Journal 14 (2).score: 24.0
    In an article previously published in this Journal, Anthony Oyowe critically engages with my attempt to demonstrate how the human rights characteristic of South Africa’s Constitution can be grounded on a certain interpretation of Afro-communitarian values that are often associated with talk of ‘ubuntu’. Drawing on recurrent themes of human dignity and communal relationships in the sub-Saharan tradition, I have advanced a moral-philosophical principle that I argue entails and plausibly explains a wide array of individual rights to civil liberties, (...)
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  46. Anand Bertrand Commissiong (2011). Cosmopolitanism in Modernity: Human Dignity in a Global Age. Lexington Books.score: 24.0
    Ancient and modern cosmopolitanisms -- The rise of economic individualism and the development of the commercial community -- Martha Nussbaum and the individual at the center: liberties and capabilities, theory and practice -- Jürgen Habermas and the individual in community: freedom and responsibility in the nation-state -- David Held: freedom and accountability beyond the nation-state -- Cosmopolitan virtues for a modern world -- Cosmopolitanism law -- Conclusion: our futures, together.
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  47. Gary Doherty & Tim Gray (1993). Herbert Spencer and the Relation Between Economic and Political Liberty. History of Political Thought 14 (3):475-490.score: 24.0
  48. Kevin A. Kordana & David H. Blankfein Tabachnick (2008). The Rawlsian View of Private Ordering. Social Philosophy and Policy 25 (2):288-307.score: 24.0
    The Rawlsian texts appear not to be consistent with regard to the status of the right of freedom of association. Interestingly, Rawls's early work omits mention of freedom of association as among the basic liberties, but in his later work he explicitly includes freedom of association as among the basic liberties. However, freedom of association would appear to have an economic component as well (e.g., the right to form a firm). If one turns to such (e.g., contract, (...)
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  49. Pierre Manent (2012). Machine Generated Contents Note: Introduction / Eve Grace and Christopher Kelly; Part I. Politics and Economics: 1. Rousseau and the Illustrious Montesquieu / Christopher Kelly; 2. Political Economy and Individual Liberty / Ryan Patrick Hanley; Part II. Science and Epistemology: 3. The Presence of Sciences in Rousseau's Trajectory and Works / Bruno Bernardi and Bernadette Bensaud-Vincent; 4. Epistemology and Political Perception in the Case of Rousseau / Terence Marshall; Part III. The Modern or Classical, Theological or Philosophical, Foundations of Rousseau's System: 5. On the Intention of Rousseau / Leo Strauss; 6. On Strauss on Rousseau / Victor Gourevitch; 7. Built on Sand: Moral Law in Rousseau's Second Discourse / Victor Gourevitch; 8. Rousseau and Pascal / Matthew W. Maguire; Part IV. Rousseau as Educator and Legislator: 9. The Measure of the Possible: Imagination in Rousseau's Philosophical Pedagogy / Richard Velkley; 10. Rousseau's French Revolution / Pamela K. Jensen; 11. Ro. [REVIEW] In Eve Grace & Christopher Kelly (eds.), The Challenge of Rousseau. Cambridge University Press.score: 24.0
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