Search results for 'liberal democracy' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Property-Owning Democracy (2012). Part One Property-Owning Democracy. In T. Williamson (ed.), Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond. Wiley-Blackwell. 15.score: 150.0
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  2. Property-Owning Democracy (2012). Toward a Practical Politics of Property-Owning Democracy: Program and Politics. In T. Williamson (ed.), Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond. Wiley-Blackwell. 223.score: 150.0
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  3. Thomas E. Doyle (2013). Liberal Democracy and Nuclear Despotism: Two Ethical Foreign Policy Dilemmas. Ethics and Global Politics 6 (3).score: 75.0
  4. Enzo Rossi (2008). Liberal Democracy and the Challenge of Ethical Diversity. Human Affairs 18 (1):10-22.score: 66.0
    What do we talk about when we talk about ethical diversity as a challenge to the normative justifiability of liberal democracy? Many theorists claim that liberal democracy ought to be reformed or rejected for not being sufficiently ‘inclusive’ towards diversity; others argue that, on the contrary, liberalism is desirable because it accommodates (some level of) diversity. Moreover, it has been argued that concern for diversity should lead us to favour (say) neutralistic over perfectionist, universalistic over particularistic, (...)
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  5. Roland Axtmann (1996). Liberal Democracy Into the Twenty-First Century: Globalization, Integration, and the Nation-State. Distributed Exclusively in the Usa by St. Martin's Press.score: 66.0
    This book offers a contemporary critique of liberal democracy, understood as a set of institutions and as a set of ideas.
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  6. Nicholas Wolterstorff (2012). Understanding Liberal Democracy. Oxford University Press.score: 66.0
    This volume presents influential work by Nicholas Wolterstorff at the intersection between political philosophy and religion, alongside nine new essays on the nature of liberal democracy, human rights, and political authority.
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  7. Alessandro Bonanno (1998). Liberal Democracy in the Global Era: Implications for the Agro-Food Sector. [REVIEW] Agriculture and Human Values 15 (3):223-242.score: 66.0
    In liberal thought, democracy is guaranteed by the unity of community and government. The community of citizens elects its government according to political preferences. The government rules over the community with powers that are limited by unalienable human, civil, and political rights. These assumptions have characterized Classical Liberalism, Revisionist Liberalism, and contemporary Neo-Liberal theories. However, the assumed unity of community and government becomes problematic in Global Post-Fordism. Recent research on the globalization of the economy and society has (...)
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  8. Chris Hughes (2011). Liberal Democracy as the End of History: Fukuyama and Postmodern Challenges. Routledge.score: 66.0
    Introduction -- Methodology : an approach to philosophical analysis -- Fukuyama I : the concept of a history with universal direction and end point -- Fukuyama II : why does history end in liberal democracy? -- Postmodern perspectives on the flow of time -- Questioning the universality of human nature -- The myth of the individual : how "I" is constructed and gives an account of itself -- A theory of a history which ends in liberal (...) through a reading of Fukuyama and postmodernism. (shrink)
     
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  9. John McGowan (2012). Pragmatist Politics: Making the Case for Liberal Democracy. University of Minnesota Press.score: 66.0
    Introduction: philosophy and democracy -- The philosophy of possibility -- Is progress possible? -- The democratic ethos -- Human rights -- Liberal democracy as secular comedy.
     
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  10. Arash Abizadeh (2002). Does Liberal Democracy Presuppose a Cultural Nation? Four Arguments. American Political Science Review 96 (3):495-509.score: 60.0
    This paper subjects to critical analysis four common arguments in the sociopolitical theory literature supporting the cultural nationalist thesis that liberal democracy is viable only against the background of a single national public culture: the arguments that (1) social integration in a liberal democracy requires shared norms and beliefs (Schnapper); (2) the levels of trust that democratic politics requires can be attained only among conationals (Miller); (3) democratic deliberation requires communicational transparency, possible in turn only within (...)
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  11. Barbara J. Thayer-Bacon (2006). Beyond Liberal Democracy: Dewey's Renascent Liberalism. Education and Culture 22 (2):19-30.score: 60.0
    : My project aims to develop a relational, pluralistic political theory that moves us beyond liberal democracy, and to consider how such a theory translates into our public school settings. In this essay I argue that Dewey offers us possibilities for moving beyond one key assumption of classical liberalism, individualism, with his theory of social transaction. I focus my discussion for this paper on Dewey's renascent liberal democracy. I move from a discussion of Dewey's liberal (...)
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  12. Edwin L. Goff (1984). Injustice in American Liberal Democracy: Foundations for a Rawlsian Critique. [REVIEW] Journal of Value Inquiry 18 (2):145-154.score: 60.0
    Rawls stipulates that nonideal theory must include theories of punishment and compensatory justice, as well as a justification for the forms of opposition to unjust regimes, from civil disobedience and conscientious refusal to militant resistance, rebellion and revolution. (TOJ, p. 8) Given the Kantian interpretation of nonideal theory we now can see that each of its parts must be constructed to contribute to the teaching of justice. The preferred theory of moral development enables us to understand how persons come to (...)
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  13. D. A. Reidy (2001). Creating Citizens: Political Education and Liberal Democracy. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 79 (3):431 – 434.score: 60.0
    Book Information Creating Citizens: Political Education and Liberal Democracy. By Eamonn Callan. Oxford University Press. New York. 1997. Pp. viii + 262. Hardback, £25.00.
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  14. Bruce R. Sievers (2010). Philanthropy's Role in Liberal Democracy. Journal of Speculative Philosophy 24 (4):380-398.score: 60.0
    Here is a contemporary social paradox: Modern liberal democracy rests upon a platform of a pluralistic civil society. Philanthropy, by providing vital resources, is an essential feature of that civil society. Yet philanthropy also plays an ambiguous role in democracy. Therefore philanthropy potentially both supports and detracts from democracy. This essay explores the nature of this paradox and its implications for the practice of contemporary philanthropy.Neither "civil society" nor "democracy" has a single, universally accepted meaning (...)
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  15. Ranjoo Seodu Herr (2008). Cultural Claims and the Limits of Liberal Democracy. Social Theory and Practice 34 (1):25-48.score: 60.0
    Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson’s theory of deliberative democracy has been widely influential and favorably viewed by many as a successful attempt to combine procedural and substantive aspects of democracy, while remaining quintessentially liberal. Although I admit that their conception is one of the strongest renditions of liberal democracy, I argue that it is inadequate in radically multicultural societies that house non-liberal cultural minorities. By focusing on Gutmann’s position on minority claims of culture in (...)
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  16. Helder De Schutter & Ronald Tinnevelt (2009). Is Liberal Nationalism Incompatible with Global Democracy? Metaphilosophy 40 (1):109-130.score: 60.0
  17. William L. McBride (2006). The End of Liberal Democracy as We Have Known It? Social Philosophy Today 22 (2):117-126.score: 60.0
    This paper takes aim at contemporary conceptions of liberal democracy and the accompanying loss of faith with liberal democratic theory which may be observed. There exist problems with procedure, outcomes, and the decline of universality in the face of liberal nationalism which only serve to reinforce boundaries. The clearest cases of these problems have arisen in the United States over the past few years, and especially since the events of September 11, 2001.
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  18. Brian M. Stern (2005). Immigration Restriction in a Liberal Democracy. Social Philosophy Today 21:125-135.score: 60.0
    This paper analyzes the case for justifiable immigration restriction in a liberal democratic state. A number of candidates for such justifications have been put forth, but many of them depend for their plausibility on the confirmation of highly disputed empirical evidence. Others are more philosophical in nature, and so are less dependent on, and vulnerable to defeat from, empirical study. These justifications are the focus of this paper. It is first briefly established that justifications for immigration restriction in a (...)
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  19. James P. Zappen (1994). The Rhetoric of Science and the Challenge of Post-Liberal Democracy. Social Epistemology 8 (3):261 – 271.score: 60.0
    (1994). The rhetoric of science and the challenge of post‐liberal democracy. Social Epistemology: Vol. 8, Public Indifference to Population Issues, pp. 261-271.
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  20. Walter Lippmann (1982). The Essential Lippmann: A Political Philosophy for Liberal Democracy. Harvard University Press.score: 60.0
    A comprehensive selection of the political analyst's works which present his views on such topics as the dilemma of liberal democracy.
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  21. Emanuela Ceva & Federico Zuolo (2013). A Matter of Respect: On Majority‐Minority Relations in a Liberal Democracy. Journal of Applied Philosophy 30 (3):239-253.score: 60.0
    In this article, we engage critically with the understanding of majority-minority relations in a liberal democracy as relations of toleration. We make two main claims: first, that appeals to toleration are unable to capture the procedural problems concerning the unequal socio-political participation of minorities, and, second, that they do not offer any critical tool to establish what judgements the majority is entitled to consider valid reasons for action with respect to some minority. We suggest supplementing the reference to (...)
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  22. Fred Dallmayr (2012). Liberal Democracy and Its Critics. Journal of Philosophical Research 37 (Supplement):1-18.score: 60.0
    Liberalism and democracy are not identical. In the phrase “liberal democracy” the two terms are conflated—with the result that liberalism tends to trump democracy. My paper challenges this tendency. It first examines critically central features of “minimalist” liberal democracy as formulated by some leading theorists. The discussion then shifts to critical assessments in both the East and the West. Turning first to South Asia, the focus is placed on Gandhi’s teachings regarding popular self-rule (swaraj) (...)
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  23. Jamie T. Kelly & Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij (2013). Epistemic Perfectionism and Liberal Democracy. Social Philosophy Today 29:49-58.score: 60.0
    Robert Talisse’s recent attempt to justify liberal democracy in epistemic terms is in many ways a breath of fresh air. However, in the present paper we argue that his defense faces two inter-related problems. The first problem pertains to his defense of liberalism, and owes to the fact that a commitment to the folk-epistemological norms in terms of which he makes his case does not commit one to partaking in liberal institutions. Consequently, our (alleged) commitment to the (...)
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  24. Gabriel Vargas Lozano (2001). Liberal Democracy and Radical Democracy. The Proceedings of the Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy 11:97-103.score: 60.0
    While the word “democracy” has proliferated in social and political discourse in recent decades, I suggest that the liberal democracy of the past, connected as it is (especially in the West) to the market economy, is insufficient for the challenges facing the contemporary Latin American context. I assess and criticize democratic ideas in order to suggest that the way forward is radical democracy based on socio-economic and political justice. These, however, have to be articulated at a (...)
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  25. Eamonn Callan (2004). Creating Citizens: Political Education and Liberal Democracy. OUP Oxford.score: 60.0
    Oxford Political Theory presents the best new work in contemporary political theory. It is intended to be broad in scope, including original contributions to political philosophy, and also work in applied political theory. The series contains works of outstanding quality with no restriction as to approach or subject matter. The series editors are Will Kymlicka, David Miller, and Alan Ryan. -/- Any liberal democratic state must honour religious and cultural pluralism in its educational policies. To fail to honour them (...)
     
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  26. Raymond Dennehy (2006). Liberal Democracy as a Culture of Death: Why John Paul II Was Right. Telos 2006 (134):31-63.score: 60.0
    Pope John Paul II's encyclical The Gospel of Life is the locus classicus for the claim that a culture of death is enshrouding the modern world. His identification and critique of what he calls the “culture of death” directly challenge liberal democracy, particularly on its separation of freedom from truth. This essay will focus on that challenge. The first part offers an analytic introduction to the term “culture of death,” the second part unfolds the late pope's argument, and (...)
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  27. Mislav Kukoc (2008). Liberal Democracy Vs. Neo-Liberal Globalization. Proceedings of the Xxii World Congress of Philosophy 50:399-406.score: 60.0
    Although the accelerated globalization of recent decades has flourished in tandem with a notable growth of liberal democracy in many states where it was previously absent, it would be hard to say that the prevailed processes of neo-liberal globalization foster development of global democracy and the rule of law. On the contrary, globalization has undercut traditional liberal democracy and created the need for supplementary democratic mechanisms. In fact, neo-liberalism i.e.libertarianism, which has generally prevailed as (...)
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  28. Macpherson (2012). The Life and Times of Liberal Democracy. OUP Canada.score: 60.0
    In this brief but powerful book, acclaimed political philosopher C.B. Macpherson sets out in bold relief the essence of liberal democracy, both as it is currently conceived and as it might be reimagined. Macpherson argues that from its beginnings liberal democracy has accepted the underpinning principle of capitalist societies, that the "market maketh man." If that remains the central assumption of liberal democracy, Macpherson declares, then as an organizing framework for society, liberal (...) has reached the end of its useful life. But if a broader concept of liberal democracy is accepted-"if [Macpherson writes] liberal democracy is taken to mean a society striving to ensure that all its members are equally free to realize their capabilities"-the great days of liberal democracy may yet lie ahead. The Wynford edition includes a new Introduction by Frank Cunningham of the University of Toronto. (shrink)
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  29. Jerry Z. Muller (1991). Carl Schmitt, Hans Freyer and Theradical Conservative Critique of Liberal Democracy in the Weimar Republic. History of Political Thought 12 (4):695-715.score: 60.0
    In the case of Schmitt, much of recent scholarship in English has overlooked or even denied the radical conservatism of his Weimar writings. The approach pursued here will, I hope, put his works into more historically accurate perspective. In the case of both Freyer and Schmitt, their intellectual and rhetorical gifts helped undermine support for liberal democracy in Germany, and indeed were intended to do so; this paper, however, focuses on their social and political thought rather than on (...)
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  30. Graham Smith (2004). Liberal Democracy and the Shaping of Environmentally Enlightened Citizens. In M. L. J. Wissenburg & Yoram Levy (eds.), Liberal Democracy and Environmentalism: The End of Environmentalism? Routledge.score: 60.0
     
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  31. Richard Vernon (2001). Political Morality: A Theory of Liberal Democracy. Continuum.score: 58.0
    The book also points to some of the ways in which polities currently termed 'liberal democracies' fall clearly short of the values that might legitimize them.
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  32. Simon Glynn (2008). Liberal Democracy and Torture. Proceedings of the Xxii World Congress of Philosophy 50:195-203.score: 58.0
    Of the many ideological blind spots that have afflicted US and, to a lesser extent, European, perceptions and analysis of the economic, political and social milieu, none have been more debilitating than the equation of democracy with political liberalism. Thus those who attempt to derive propaganda value from such an equation are vulnerable, as the US government has found, to the rhetorical counter attack that in opposing democratically elected governments, such as that of Hamas or Hugo Chavez, they are (...)
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  33. Mostapha Benhenda (2011). Liberal Democracy and Political Islam: The Search for Common Ground. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 10 (1):88-115.score: 57.0
    We seek to establish a dialogue between democratic and Islamic normative political theories. To that aim, we show that the conception of democracy underlying a prominent Islamic political model is procedural. We distinguish proceduralism from a liberal conception of democracy. Then, we explain how bringing together Islamic political theory and democracy alters the meaning of the latter. In other words, we show that democracy within Islam often means democracy within Islamic limits.
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  34. Alan Thomas (2012). Property Owning Democracy, Liberal Republicanism, and the Idea of an Egalitarian Ethos. In T. Williamson (ed.), Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond. Wiley-Blackwell.score: 57.0
    It is argued that only the embedding of Rawlsian political liberalism within a republican framework secures the content of his view against Cohen's critique of Rawlsian special incentives. That content is fully specified in the form of a property-owning democracy; only this background set of institutions (or one functionally equivalent to it) will secure the stability of Rawls's egalitarian principles. A liberal-republicanism, rather than political liberalism alone, offers deeper grounding for our commitment to a property-owning democracy as (...)
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  35. Simon Căbulea May (2009). Religious Democracy and the Liberal Principle of Legitimacy. Philosophy and Public Affairs 37 (2):136-170.score: 54.0
    I argue against Rawls's claim that the liberal principle of legitimacy would be selected in the original position in addition to a democratic principle. Since a religious democracy could satisfy the democratic principle, the parties in the original position would not exclude it as illegitimate.
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  36. Deen Chatterjee (2009). The Conflicting Loyalties of Statism and Globalism: Can Global Democracy Resolve the Liberal Conundrum? Metaphilosophy 40 (1):65-76.score: 54.0
    Abstract: The cosmopolitan ideal of liberal universalism seems to be at odds with liberalism's insistence on national borders for liberal democratic communities, creating disparate standards of distributive justice for insiders and outsiders. The liberal's dilemma on the question of cosmopolitan justice would seem to be an extension of this broader conundrum of conflicting loyalties of statism and globalism. The challenge for liberalism, then, seems to be to show how the practices of exclusive membership embody the principle of (...)
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  37. Tongdong Bai (2008). A Mencian Version of Limited Democracy. Res Publica 14 (1):19-34.score: 54.0
    The compatibility between Western democracy and other cultures, and the desirability of democracy, are two important problems in democratic theory. Following an insight from John Rawls’s later philosophy, and using some key passages in Mencius, I will show the compatibility between a ‘thin’ version of liberal democracy and Confucianism. Moreover, elaborating on Mencius’s ideas of the responsibility of government for the physical and moral well-being of the people, the respectability of the government and the ruling elite, (...)
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  38. Nicholas Wolterstorff (2005). Jeffrey Stout on Democracy and its Contemporary Christian Critics. Journal of Religious Ethics 33 (4):633-647.score: 54.0
    Jeffrey Stout addresses two of the main criticisms of liberal democracy by its contemporary neotraditionalist Christian critics: that liberal democracy is destructive of social tradition, and thereby of virtue in the citizenry, and that liberal democracy is inherently secular, committed to expunging religious voices from the public arena. I judge that Stout effectively answers these charges: liberal democracy has its own tradition, it cultivates the virtues relevant to that, and it is not (...)
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  39. Alexandre Franco de Sá (2012). Liberal Democracy and Domination: A Cryptopolitics of Populations. Telos 2012 (161):16-27.score: 52.0
    ExcerptContemporary Western societies have a peculiar relationship with their political foundations. On the one hand, after the collapse of big metaphysical narratives and the appearance of what has been called the “weak thought” of postmodernity, liberal democracies developed the idea that they were the fulfillment of multicultural “open societies,” societies that, characterized by the coexistence of different moral and religious beliefs, do not allude to any comprehensive doctrine of the good or to any public philosophical or theological-political background. On (...)
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  40. M. L. J. Wissenburg & Yoram Levy (eds.) (2004). Liberal Democracy and Environmentalism: The End of Environmentalism? Routledge.score: 51.0
    This work provides a reflective assessment of recent developments, social relevance and future of environmental political theory, concluding that although the alleged pacification of environmentalism is more than skin deep, it is not yet quite deep enough. This book will appeal to students and researchers of social science and philosophers with an interest in environmental issues.
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  41. Robert Paul Churchill (ed.) (1994). The Ethics of Liberal Democracy: Morality and Democracy in Theory and Practice. Berg.score: 51.0
  42. Steve Davis (2009). Not Fit to Govern: Essays on Liberal Democracy. Ginninderra Press.score: 51.0
  43. J. L. Talmon & Zeev Sternhell (eds.) (1996). The Intellectual Revolt Against Liberal Democracy, 1870-1945: International Conference in Memory of Jacob L. Talmon. Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities.score: 51.0
     
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  44. Arash Abizadeh (2004). Historical Truth, National Myths and Liberal Democracy: On the Coherence of Liberal Nationalism. Journal of Political Philosophy 12 (3):291–313.score: 48.0
    The claim that liberal democratic normative commitments are compatible with nationalism is challenged by the widely acknowledged fact that national identities invariably depend on historical myths: the nationalist defence of such publicly shared myths is in tension with liberal democratic theory’s commitment to norms of publicity, public justification, and freedom of expression. Recent liberal nationalist efforts to meet this challenge by justifying national myths on liberal democratic grounds fail to distinguish adequately between different senses of myth. (...)
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  45. Colin Koopman (2009). Morals and Markets: Liberal Democracy Through Dewey and Hayek. Journal of Speculative Philosophy 23 (3):pp. 151-179.score: 48.0
    One of the most vexing problems in contemporary liberal democratic theory and practice is the relation between ethics and economics. This article presents a way of bringing this relation into focus in the terms offered by two incredibly influential but too-often neglected twentieth-century political philosophers: John Dewey and Friedrich Hayek. I describe important points of contact between Dewey and Hayek that enable us to begin the project of reframing contemporary debates between ethical egalitarians and economic libertarians. Cautiously recognizing these (...)
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  46. Ronald Tinnevelt Helder de Schutter (2009). Is Liberal Nationalism Incompatible with Global Democracy? Metaphilosophy 40 (1):109-130.score: 48.0
    Abstract: To respond to globalization-related challenges, many contemporary political theorists have argued for forms of democracy beyond the level of the nation-state. Since the early 1990s, however, political theory has also witnessed a renewed normative defense of nationhood. Liberal nationalists have been influential in claiming that the state should protect and promote national identities, and that it is desirable that the boundaries of national and political units coincide. At first glance, both positions—global democracy and nationalism—seem to contradict (...)
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  47. John Kilcullen, Liberal Democracy.score: 48.0
    In Democracy in Australia I argued that the Australian system is a mixture of features, some democratic and some oligarchical. In this lecture I want to outline the thinking behind this mixture. It is not an inconsistency or an accident, as if the drafters of our constitution meant to make a democracy but did not quite succeed. Rather, the Australian constitution is an intelligent and successful solution to certain problems which worried educated people in the 19th century but (...)
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  48. William L. McBride (2005). Sartre at the Twilight of Liberal Democracy as We Have Known It. Sartre Studies International 11 (s 1-2):311-318.score: 48.0
    From the very beginning of his explicitly political thinking until the end of his life, Jean-Paul Sartre was always cognizant of the fact that the typical electoral system, whether dominated by two or by several "parties," that is to be found in Western countries and that is vaunted as the pinnacle of real democracy amounted to a profound mystification. That is why, at the time of the centenary of his birth, he is owed a renewed respect for his ideas (...)
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  49. Robert E. Foelber (1994). Can an Historicist Sustain a Diehard Commitment to Liberal Democracy? The Case of Rorty's Liberal Ironist'. Southern Journal of Philosophy 32 (1):19-48.score: 48.0
    Traditional liberals have questioned whether Richard Rorty's postmodern hero--the "ironist"--can be a committed liberal democrat, as Rorty maintains. The article examines Rorty's argument for liberal historicism in _Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity and concludes that postmodern historicists can indeed be diehard liberals because historicists cannot philosophically question their moral-political beliefs. As Rorty shows, historicism is theoretically incoherent. It reduces to a practical stance: at the end of our historicist musings we return to where we were before we began to (...)
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  50. Barry Hindess (2000). Democracy and the Neo‐Liberal Promotion of Arbitrary Power. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 3 (4):68-84.score: 48.0
    Liberal political thought has traditionally been hostile to the arbitrary power of rulers. It has, however, qualified this hostility through its promotion of what Locke calls ?prerogative?, the need for rulers to act in defence of the public good ? but on occasion outside the constraints of law. Liberal thought has tended to overlook the arbitrary powers of citizens and private organisations. This is due, first, to its commitment to individual liberty. But it is also due ?more substantially (...)
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