Search results for 'neutral politics' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Identity Politics (2007). Chapter Ten Agents of Change: Theology, Culture and Identity Politics Ibrahim Abraham. In Julie Connolly, Michael Leach & Lucas Walsh (eds.), Recognition in Politics: Theory, Policy and Practice. Cambridge Scholars. 175.score: 100.0
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  2. R. Audi (2009). Religion and the Politics of Science: Can Evolutionary Biology Be Religiously Neutral? Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (1-2):23-50.score: 74.0
    This article examines the permissibility of teaching evolution in the public schools of a religiously diverse society. Science is committed to methodological naturalism, which is a limited epistemological position that is silent on issues of religious importance. The article argues that it is possible to teach evolution under the assumptions of methodological naturalism without violating the principle, of secular rationale or the neutrality principle which apply to religion in a pluralistic democracy. However, neither creationism nor Intelligent Design qualify for inclusion (...)
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  3. Mark Fn Franke (2010). Responsible Politics of the Neutral: Rethinking International Humanitarianism in the Red Cross Movement Via the Philosophy of Roland Barthes. Journal of International Political Theory 6 (2):142-160.score: 74.0
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  4. Joseph Raz (1982). Liberalism, Autonomy, and the Politics of Neutral Concern. Midwest Studies in Philosophy 7 (1):89-120.score: 72.0
  5. Matthew B. O'Brien (2012). Why Liberal Neutrality Prohibits Same-Sex Marriage: Rawls, Political Liberalism, and the Family. British Journal of American Legal Studies 1 (2):411-466.score: 48.0
    John Rawls’s political liberalism and its ideal of public reason are tremendously influential in contemporary political philosophy and in constitutional law as well. Many, perhaps even most, liberals are Rawlsians of one stripe or another. This is problematic, because most liberals also support the redefinition of civil marriage to include same-sex unions, and as I show, Rawls’s political liberalism actually prohibits same- sex marriage. Recently in Perry v. Schwarzenegger, however, California’s northern federal district court reinterpreted the traditional rational basis review (...)
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  6. Gary Fooks, Anna Gilmore, Jeff Collin, Chris Holden & Kelley Lee (2013). The Limits of Corporate Social Responsibility: Techniques of Neutralization, Stakeholder Management and Political CSR. [REVIEW] Journal of Business Ethics 112 (2):283-299.score: 48.0
    Since scholarly interest in corporate social responsibility (CSR) has primarily focused on the synergies between social and economic performance, our understanding of how (and the conditions under which) companies use CSR to produce policy outcomes that work against public welfare has remained comparatively underdeveloped. In particular, little is known about how corporate decision-makers privately reconcile the conflicts between public and private interests, even though this is likely to be relevant to understanding the limitations of CSR as a means of aligning (...)
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  7. George Sher (1997). Beyond Neutrality: Perfectionism and Politics. Cambridge University Press.score: 46.0
    Many people, including many contemporary philosophers, believe that the state has no business trying to improve people's characters, elevating their tastes, or preventing them from living degraded lives. They believe that governments should remain absolutely neutral when it comes to the consideration of competing conceptions of the good. One fundamental aim of George Sher's book is to show that this view is indefensible. A second complementary aim is to articulate a conception of the good that is worthy of promotion (...)
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  8. E. Daly (2012). Laïcité, Gender Equality and the Politics of Non-Domination. European Journal of Political Theory 11 (3):292-323.score: 44.0
    The relationship between constitutional secularism and gender equality acquires peculiar dimensions in the context of the laïcité project in republican France – particularly, in the contemporary conflict between a laïcité interpreted as a politics of emancipatory social transformation, and the more minimalist liberal conception prevailing in French law. The dominant narrative in the republican establishment, shared between left and right, has been that laïcité will lead to gender emancipation not only by dissolving any sectarian dimensions of women’s citizenship – (...)
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  9. Fred D'Agostino (1995). Social Science as a Social Institution: Neutrality and the Politics of Social Research. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 25 (3):396-405.score: 42.0
    Philosophy of Social Science, that social scientific investigations do not and cannot meet the liberal requirement of "neutrality" most familiar to social scientists in the form of Max Weber's requirement of value-freedom. He argues, moreover, that this is for "institutional," not idiosyncratic, reasons: methodological demands (e.g., of validity) impel social scientists to pass along into their "objective" investigations the values of the people, groups, and cultures they are studying. In this paper, I consider the implications of Root's claims for the (...)
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  10. John Drabinski (2000). The Possibility of an Ethical Politics: From Peace to Liturgy. Philosophy and Social Criticism 26 (4):49-73.score: 42.0
    This essay examines the possibility of developing an ethical politics out of the work of Emmanuel Levinas. Levinas' own work does not accomplish this kind of politics. He opts instead for a politics of peace, which, as this essay argues, falls short of the demands of the ethical. Thus, this essay both provides an account of Levinas' own politics and develops resources from within Levinas' own work for thinking beyond that politics. An alternative, liturgical (...) is sketched out. In a liturgical politics, law must be thought on a redistributive model. Redistribution, it is argued, responds more adequately to the extravagant generosity of ethics than the neutral 'droits de l'homme' developed in Levinas' political philosophy. Key Words: ethics • law • Levinas • liturgy • peace • politics • redistribution. (shrink)
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  11. Myra J. Christopher (2007). "Show Me" Bioethics and Politics. American Journal of Bioethics 7 (10):28 – 33.score: 42.0
    Missouri, the "Show Me State," has become the epicenter of several important national public policy debates, including abortion rights, the right to choose and refuse medical treatment, and, most recently, early stem cell research. In this environment, the Center for Practical Bioethics (formerly, Midwest Bioethics Center) emerged and grew. The Center's role in these "cultural wars" is not to advocate for a particular position but to provide well researched and objective information, perspective, and advocacy for the ethical justification of policy (...)
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  12. Hwa Yol Jung (1974). The Place of Valuation in the Theory of Politics: A Phenomenological Critique of Political Behavioralism. [REVIEW] Journal of Value Inquiry 8 (1):17-29.score: 42.0
    When it reaches its absolute limit, namely, when it comes to the question of good and evil, politics must seek ethics for help, for I do not wish to consider political power as an ultimate end in itself though it is an intermediary end. There is not only the reality of power but also an ethic of power as well. For “the concept of the ‘good life’ mutually implicates politics and ethics.” As a relationship between man and man, (...)
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  13. Don K. Price (1988). The Natural Sciences, the Social Sciences and Politics. Minerva 26 (3):416-428.score: 42.0
    The social sciences stand at a strange crossroads. There is a greater need for disciplined inquiry into the issues of policy facing the United States. Yet the incentives in the political system, and in the professional guilds of those performing social research, discourage a close involvement of many prominent social scientists with policy. The political system, fearing an elite imposing its values on society, welcomes the natural scientist who seems to conform to the model of the politically neutral expert (...)
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  14. Michael McCubbin & David Cohen (1999). A Systemic and Value-Based Approach to Strategic Reform of the Mental Health System. Health Care Analysis 7 (1):57-77.score: 36.0
    Most writers now recognize that mental health policy and the mental health system are extremely resistant to real changes that reflect genuine biopsychosocial paradigms of mental disorder. Writers bemoaning the intransigence of the mental health system tend to focus on a small analytical level, only to find themselves mired in the rationalities of the existing system. Problems are acknowledged to be system-wide, yet few writers have used a method of analysis appropriate for systemic problems. Drawing upon the General System Theory (...)
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  15. Elizabeth Frazer (2007). Depoliticising Citizenship. British Journal of Educational Studies 55 (3):249 - 263.score: 36.0
    One problem faced by teachers of citizenship is that 'politics' is negatively valued. The concept is actually ambiguous in value. The paper sets out a neutral, a negative, and a positive meaning of the term. It then goes on to explore the way that even on the positive construction there can seem to be ethical problems with politics. This explains both aspects of numerous projects to 'depoliticise' society and government, and to depoliticise citizenship education. But, the alternatives (...)
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  16. William E. Connolly (1983). The Terms of Political Discourse. Princeton University Press.score: 34.0
    William Connolly presents a lucid and concise defense of the thesis of "essentially contested concepts" that can well be read as a general introduction to political theory, as well as for its challenge to the prevailing understanding of political discourse. In Connolly's view, the language of politics is not a neutral medium that conveys ideas independently formed but an institutionalized structure of meanings that channels political thought and action in certain directions. In the new preface he pursues the (...)
     
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  17. Thomas L. Akehurst (2009). British Analytica Philosophy: The Politics of an Apolitical Culture. History of Political Thought 30 (4):678-692.score: 32.0
    There is a consensus that post-war British analytic philosophy was politically neutral. This view has been affirmed by the post-war analysts themselves, and by their critics. This paper argues that this consensus-view is false. Many central analytic philosophers claimed that their empirical philosophy had liberal outcomes, either through cultivating liberal habits of mind, or by revealing truths about the world that supported liberal conclusions. These beliefs were not subject to significant scrutiny or attempts at justification, but they do help (...)
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  18. H. Merskey (1978). Political Neutrality and International Cooperation in Medicine. Journal of Medical Ethics 4 (2):74-77.score: 32.0
    International cooperation is an integral part of furthering medical and scientific progress. Many specilist societies exist for that purpose and have written into their constitutions that such cooperation and coordination is their aim. They hope to achieve their aims by exchange, in all languages, of information and by so doing strengthen the relations between individual physicians and scentists as well as between corporate professional bodies from different countries. However, at the same time emphasis is laid on the political neutrality of (...)
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  19. W. Soffer (1995). Socrates' Proposals Concerning Women: Feminism or Fantasy? History of Political Thought 16 (2):157-173.score: 32.0
    Focusing on Socrates' proposals concerning women in The Republic Book V, in what follows I will attempt to show that Plato did not intend them as an argument for the desirability and feasibility of gender-neutral politics. A reading of Book V as the first feminist manifesto is thus anachronistic. I will also try to show that Socrates' rejection of gender-neutral politics is not to be explained as a chauvinist reaction to a perceived female incursion into the (...)
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  20. Emil Andersson (2011). Political Liberalism and the Interests of Children: A Reply to Timothy Michael Fowler. Res Publica 17 (3):291-296.score: 30.0
    Timothy Michael Fowler has argued that, as a consequence of their commitment to neutrality in regard to comprehensive doctrines, political liberals face a dilemma. In essence, the dilemma for political liberals is that either they have to give up their commitment to neutrality (which is an indispensible part of their view), or they have to allow harm to children. Fowler’s case for this dilemma depends on ascribing to political liberals a view which grants parents a great degree of freedom in (...)
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  21. Nils Holtug (2011). The Cosmopolitan Strikes Back: A Critical Discussion of Miller on Nationality and Global Equality. Ethics and Global Politics 4 (3).score: 30.0
    According to David Miller, we have stronger obligations towards our co-nationals than we have towards non-nationals. While a principle of equality governs our obligations of justice within the nation-state, our obligations towards non-nationals are governed by a weaker principle of sufficiency. In this paper, I critically assess Miller’s objection to a traditional argument for global egalitarianism, according to which nationalist and other deviations from equality rely on factors that are arbitrary from a moral point of view. Then I critically discuss (...)
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  22. Anne Donchin (2011). In Whose Interest? Policy and Politics in Assisted Reproduction. Bioethics 25 (2):92-101.score: 30.0
    This paper interprets the British legislative process that initiated the first comprehensive national regulation of embryo research and fertility services and examines subsequent efforts to restrain the assisted reproduction industry. After describing and evaluating British regulatory measures, I consider successive failures to control the assisted reproduction industry in the US. I discuss disparities between UK and US regulatory initiatives and their bearing on regulation in other countries. Then I turn to the political and social structures in which the assisted reproduction (...)
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  23. Bob Brecher (2006). The Politics of Medical and Health Ethics: Collapsing Goods and the Moral Climate. [REVIEW] Journal of Value Inquiry 40 (2-3):359-370.score: 30.0
    In responding to Thomas Magnell's notion of 'collapsing goods', I draw attention to how medical and health ethics practices are not innocent, but political; and to suggest something about their relation to the moral climate. More specifically, I show that to take them as innocent, or as politically neutral, is not only a misunderstanding, but one that is likely to impact on the moral climate as well as being already a reflection of it. Ethics, and the various practices and (...)
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  24. Peter Balint (2012). Not yet Making Sense of Political Toleration. Res Publica 18 (3):259-264.score: 30.0
    Abstract A growing number of theorists have argued that toleration, at least in its traditional sense, is no longer applicable to liberal democratic political arrangements—especially if these political arrangements are conceived of as neutral. Peter Jones has tried make sense of political toleration while staying true to its more traditional (disapproval yet non-prevention) meaning. In this article, while I am sympathetic to his motivation, I argue that Jones’ attempt to make sense of political toleration is not successful. Content Type (...)
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  25. Saladin Meckled-Garcia (2001). Toleration and Neutrality: Incompatible Ideals? Res Publica 7 (3):293-313.score: 30.0
    Toleration and neutrality are not always distinguished. When they are, they are often offered as two complementary solutions for the problem of achieving political unity and a degree of mutual acceptance within a pluralist liberal polity. The essay shows the concepts to be fundamentally distinct, and then argues that instead of being mutually supporting, they are mutually exclusive. Neutralist liberals, it is argued, must give up toleration in favour of the virtue of neutrality on the part of citizens.
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  26. Robert Streiffer & Thomas Hedemann (2005). The Political Import of Intrinsic Objections to Genetically Engineered Food. Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics 18 (2):191-210.score: 30.0
    Many people object to genetically engineerehd (GE) food because they believe that it is unnatural or that its creation amounts to playing God. These objections are often referred to as intrinsic objections, and they have been widely criticized in the agricultural bioethics literature as being unsound, incompatible with modern science, religious, inchoate, and based on emotion instead of reason. Many of their critics also argue that even if these objections did have some merit as ethicalobjections, their quasi-religious nature means that (...)
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  27. Peta Hinton (2013). The Divine Horizon: Rethinking Political Community in Luce Irigaray's “Divine Women”. Hypatia 28 (3):436-451.score: 30.0
    The question of the transcendent, that which operates above and beyond the material stuff of the world, remains an enduring one for feminism, bound up as it is with the foundations of feminism's corporeal politics and the definition of its political subject. With the specificity of the situated and meaningful body grounding feminist politics, the universal and neutral status of the speaking subject has been diagnosed as masculine, and unable to properly account for sexed differences. On this (...)
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  28. Kyle McGee (2010). Machining Fantasy: Spinoza, Hume and the Miracle in a Politics of Desire. Philosophy and Social Criticism 36 (7):837-856.score: 30.0
    Philosophy has long been fascinated by miracles, and with good reason. Where, however, the problem of the miracle once offered unparalleled insight into the inner workings of natural laws and of human knowledge, today, the attention commanded by it is essentially political. The sovereign’s miraculous suspension is the most well studied of these political dimensions, but this formulation is, in fact, ill-suited to the complexities inherent in the concept of the miracle. Political theology understands the miracle poorly, for it captures (...)
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  29. Jesús Zamora Bonilla, The Politics of Positivism: Disinterested Predictions From Interested Agents.score: 30.0
    Of the six sections composing «The Methodology of Posive Economics», the first one («The Relation between Positive and Normative Economics») is apparently the less discussed in the F53 literature, probably as a result of being the shortest one and the less relevant for the realism issue, all at once. In view of Milton Friedman’s subsequent career as a political preacher, it seems difficult not to wonder whether this first section ruled it the way the other five directed Friedman’s scientific performance. (...)
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  30. Jeroen Mettes (2012). Political Poetry: A Few Notes. Poetics for N30. Continent 2 (1):29-35.score: 30.0
    continent. 2.1 (2012): 29–35. Translated by Vincent W.J. van Gerven Oei from Jeroen Mettes. "Politieke Poëzie: Enige aantekeningen, Poëtica bij N30 (versie 2006)." In Weerstandbeleid: Nieuwe kritiek . Amsterdam: De wereldbibliotheek, 2011. Published with permission of Uitgeverij Wereldbibliotheek, Amsterdam. L’égalité veut d’autres lois . —Eugène Pottier The modern poem does not have form but consistency (that is sensed), no content but a problem (that is developed). Consistency + problem = composition. The problem of modern poetry is capitalism. Capitalism—which has no (...)
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  31. Timothy Fowler (2010). The Problems of Liberal Neutrality in Upbringing. Res Publica 16 (4):367-381.score: 28.0
    This paper considers the effect of political liberal principles on the children in society. Specifically, the paper argues that political liberalism faces a problem where parents or other adults want to pass on bizarre or dangerous beliefs to their offspring. This problem arises because in the political liberal framework the only limit on what doctrines a child may acquire is that the child becomes a reasonable citizen. Since this criterion is designed to be lax, this implies children may justly be (...)
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  32. Burleight T. Wilkins (1997). A Third Principle of Justice. Journal of Ethics 1 (4):355-374.score: 28.0
    In this paper I argue that in order to secure the commitment of believers in reasonable comprehensive doctrines to political liberalism a third principle of justice needs to be adopted in the Original Position. Rawls acknowledges that neutral legislation by the liberal state may negatively affect some reasonable comprehensive doctrines, and I offer a third principle of justice to help alleviate this problem. This principle, which I believe is in keeping with the United States constitutional history especially where church-state (...)
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  33. Veit Bader (2003). Religious Diversity and Democratic Institutional Pluralism. Political Theory 31 (2):265-294.score: 26.0
    Strict separation of church from a presumed 'religion-blind' and strictly 'neutral' state still is the preferred model in liberal, democratic, feminist, and socialist political theory. Focusing on the full, reciprocal relationships between society-culture-politics-nation-state and (organized) religions, this article makes a case in favor of 'nonconstitutional pluralism' in general, associative democracy in particular. Associative democracy recognizes religious diversity both individually and organizationally; it stimulates legitimate religious diversity; it prevents a hidden majority bias; and it provides a legitimate role for (...)
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  34. Robert B. Talisse (2011). Pluralism and Liberal Politics. Routledge.score: 26.0
    In this book, Robert Talisse critically examines the moral and political implications of pluralism, the view that our best moral thinking is indeterminate and that moral conflict is an inescapable feature of the human condition. Through a careful engagement with the work of William James, Isaiah Berlin, John Rawls, and their contemporary followers, Talisse distinguishes two broad types of moral pluralism: metaphysical and epistemic. After arguing that metaphysical pluralism does not offer a compelling account of value and thus cannot ground (...)
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  35. John Kilcullen, Max Weber: On Bureaucracy.score: 24.0
    First, something about the word. 'Bureau' (French, borrowed into German) is a desk, or by extension an office (as in 'I will be at the office tomorrow'; 'I work at the Bureau of Statistics'). 'Bureaucracy' is rule conducted from a desk or office, i.e. by the preparation and dispatch of written documents - or, these days, their electronic equivalent. In the office are kept records of communications sent and received, the files or archives, consulted in preparing new ones. This kind (...)
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  36. John Z. Sadler (2005). Values and Psychiatric Diagnosis. Oxford University Press.score: 24.0
    The public, mental health consumers, as well as mental health practitioners wonder about what kinds of values mental health professionals hold, and what kinds of values influence psychiatric diagnosis. Are mental disorders socio-political, practical, or scientific concepts? Is psychiatric diagnosis value-neutral? What role does the fundamental philosophical question "How should I live?" play in mental health care? In his carefully nuanced and exhaustively referenced monograph, psychiatrist and philosopher of psychiatry John Z. Sadler describes the manifold kinds of values and (...)
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  37. Robert Westmoreland (2011). Realizing 'Political' Neutrality. Law and Philosophy 30 (5):541-573.score: 24.0
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  38. Elizabeth Potter (1995). Good Science and Good Philosophy of Science. Synthese 104 (3):423 - 439.score: 24.0
    I argue against the assumption that the influence of non-cognitive values must lead to bad science, opening the way for the thesis that non-cognitive values are compatible with good science. This, in turn, allows us to answer feminist questions, principally, How do gender politics influence science? without (1) having to reject the question a priori because theories of science assume that political values cannot influence good scientific work and (2) having made a case for the influence of gender (...) upon a particular bit of scientific work, being put into the ludicrous position of saying that it is bad science after all, even though the relevant community of scientists say it is good. Nevertheless, moral and political neutrality is held to be a norm of good science and a tacit metaphilosophical norm governing good philosophy of science, viz., a good philosophy of science reveals and analyzes the morally and politically neutral production of good science. This metaphilosophical norm insures that the philosophy of science (1) is blind to the influence of non-cognitive values on good science if and when these are present and so (2) acquiesces in the moral or political arrangements supported by the science in question. (shrink)
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  39. S. Ganghof (2013). Does Public Reason Require Super-Majoritarian Democracy? Liberty, Equality, and History in the Justification of Political Institutions. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 12 (2):179-196.score: 24.0
    The project of public-reason liberalism faces a basic problem: publicly justified principles are typically too abstract and vague to be directly applied to practical political disputes, whereas applicable specifications of these principles are not uniquely publicly justified. One solution could be a legislative procedure that selects one member from the eligible set of inconclusively justified proposals. Yet if liberal principles are too vague to select sufficiently specific legislative proposals, can they, nevertheless, select specific legislative procedures? Based on the work of (...)
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  40. Stuart P. Green (2004). Cheating. Law and Philosophy 23 (2):137-185.score: 24.0
    The concept of cheating is ubiquitous in ourmoral lives: It occurs in contexts as varied asbusiness, sports, taxpaying, education,marriage, politics, and the practice of law. Yet despite its seeming importance, it is aconcept that has been almost completely ignoredby moral theorists, usually regarded either asa morally neutral synonym for non-cooperativebehavior, or as a generalized, unreflectiveterm of moral disapprobation. This articleoffers a ``normative reconstruction'''' of theconcept of cheating by showing both whatvarious cases of cheating have in common, andhow cheating (...)
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  41. Thomas Hurka (1998). George Sher, Beyond Neutrality: Perfectionism and Politics:Beyond Neutrality: Perfectionism and Politics. Ethics 109 (1):187-190.score: 24.0
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  42. Alan Thomas (2003). Nagel's `Paradox' of Equality and Partiality. Res Publica 9 (3):257-284.score: 24.0
    Nagel' s pessimistic conclusion that current welfare state arrangements approximate to the most pragmatically effective way of reconciling the demands of morality and of an egalitarian liberalism, while not removing a deep seated incoherence between these view, can be resisted. The objective/subjective dichotomy, in this case applied via the agent-neutral/agent-relative distinction, is identified as his problematic assumption: understood in Hegelian terms as the "placing" of different categories of reason, even a minimal realism makes it difficult to understand how embedding (...)
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  43. Jonathan Seglow (2003). Neutrality and Equal Respect: On Charles Larmore's Theory of Political Liberalism. [REVIEW] Journal of Value Inquiry 37 (1):83-96.score: 24.0
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  44. Richard Kraut (1999). Politics, Neutrality, and the Good. Social Philosophy and Policy 16 (01):315-.score: 24.0
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  45. Donna-Dale L. Marcano (2009). White Racial Obligation and the False Neutrality of Political and Moral Liberalism. Southern Journal of Philosophy 47 (S1):16-24.score: 24.0
  46. Linda Barclay (1999). Rights, Intrinsic Values and the Politics of Abortion. Utilitas 11 (02):215-.score: 24.0
    In Life's Dominion Ronald Dworkin argues that disagreement over the morality ofabortion is about how best to respect the intrinsic value of human life, rather than about foetal rights as many people mistakenly suppose. Dworkin argues that the state should be neutral indebates about intrinsic value and thus it should be neutral in the abortion debate. Through a consideration of the notion of intrinsic value, it is argued in this article that Dworkin'sargument fails. On the interpretation of which (...)
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  47. Matt Matravers (2013). Political Neutrality and Punishment. Criminal Law and Philosophy 7 (2):217-230.score: 24.0
    This paper is concerned with the tensions that arise when one juxtaposes one important liberal understanding of the nature and use of state power in circumstances of pluralism and (broadly) retributive accounts of punishment. The argument is that there are aspects of the liberal theory that seem to be in tension with aspects of retributive punishment, and that these tensions are difficult to avoid because of the attractiveness of precisely those features of each account. However, a proper understanding of both (...)
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  48. C. L. Ten (2001). Book Review. Beyond Neutrality: Perfectionism and Politics George Sher. [REVIEW] Mind 110 (438):558-562.score: 24.0
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  49. Vicente Medina (2002). Locke's Militant Liberalism: A Reply to Carl Schmitt's State of Exception. History of Philosophy Quarterly 19 (4):345 - 365.score: 24.0
    Carl Schmitt contends that liberal constitutionalism or the rule of law fails because it neglects the state of exception and the political, namely politics viewed as a distinction between friend and enemy groups. Yet, as a representative of liberal constitutionalism, Locke grapples with the state of exception by highlighting a magistrate prerogative and/or the right of the majority to act during a serious political crisis. Rather than neglecting the political, Locke’s state of war presupposes it. My thesis is that (...)
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  50. Wade Mansell (2004). A Critical Introduction to Law. Cavendish Pub..score: 24.0
    This book challenges the usual introductions to the study of law. It argues that law is inherently political and reflects the interests of the few even while presenting itself as neutral. It considers law as ideology and as politics, and critically assesses its contribution to the creation and maintenance of a globalised and capitalist world. The clarity of the arguments is admirably suited to provoking discussions of the role of law in our contemporary world. The third edition provides (...)
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