Search results for 'neutral politics' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Identity Politics (2007). Chapter Ten Agents of Change: Theology, Culture and Identity Politics Ibrahim Abraham. In Julie Connolly, Michael Leach & Lucas Walsh (eds.), Recognition in Politics: Theory, Policy and Practice. Cambridge Scholars. 175.score: 140.0
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  2. R. Audi (2009). Religion and the Politics of Science: Can Evolutionary Biology Be Religiously Neutral? Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (1-2):23-50.score: 122.0
    This article examines the permissibility of teaching evolution in the public schools of a religiously diverse society. Science is committed to methodological naturalism, which is a limited epistemological position that is silent on issues of religious importance. The article argues that it is possible to teach evolution under the assumptions of methodological naturalism without violating the principle, of secular rationale or the neutrality principle which apply to religion in a pluralistic democracy. However, neither creationism nor Intelligent Design qualify for inclusion (...)
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  3. Mark Fn Franke (2010). Responsible Politics of the Neutral: Rethinking International Humanitarianism in the Red Cross Movement Via the Philosophy of Roland Barthes. Journal of International Political Theory 6 (2):142-160.score: 122.0
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  4. Joseph Raz (1982). Liberalism, Autonomy, and the Politics of Neutral Concern. Midwest Studies in Philosophy 7 (1):89-120.score: 120.0
  5. George Sher (1997). Beyond Neutrality: Perfectionism and Politics. Cambridge University Press.score: 70.0
    Many people, including many contemporary philosophers, believe that the state has no business trying to improve people's characters, elevating their tastes, or preventing them from living degraded lives. They believe that governments should remain absolutely neutral when it comes to the consideration of competing conceptions of the good. One fundamental aim of George Sher's book is to show that this view is indefensible. A second complementary aim is to articulate a conception of the good that is worthy of promotion (...)
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  6. Fred D'Agostino (1995). Social Science as a Social Institution: Neutrality and the Politics of Social Research. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 25 (3):396-405.score: 66.0
    Philosophy of Social Science, that social scientific investigations do not and cannot meet the liberal requirement of "neutrality" most familiar to social scientists in the form of Max Weber's requirement of value-freedom. He argues, moreover, that this is for "institutional," not idiosyncratic, reasons: methodological demands (e.g., of validity) impel social scientists to pass along into their "objective" investigations the values of the people, groups, and cultures they are studying. In this paper, I consider the implications of Root's claims for the (...)
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  7. Matthew B. O'Brien (2012). Why Liberal Neutrality Prohibits Same-Sex Marriage: Rawls, Political Liberalism, and the Family. British Journal of American Legal Studies 1 (2):411-466.score: 64.0
    John Rawls’s political liberalism and its ideal of public reason are tremendously influential in contemporary political philosophy and in constitutional law as well. Many, perhaps even most, liberals are Rawlsians of one stripe or another. This is problematic, because most liberals also support the redefinition of civil marriage to include same-sex unions, and as I show, Rawls’s political liberalism actually prohibits same- sex marriage. Recently in Perry v. Schwarzenegger, however, California’s northern federal district court reinterpreted the traditional rational basis review (...)
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  8. Gary Fooks, Anna Gilmore, Jeff Collin, Chris Holden & Kelley Lee (2013). The Limits of Corporate Social Responsibility: Techniques of Neutralization, Stakeholder Management and Political CSR. [REVIEW] Journal of Business Ethics 112 (2):283-299.score: 64.0
    Since scholarly interest in corporate social responsibility (CSR) has primarily focused on the synergies between social and economic performance, our understanding of how (and the conditions under which) companies use CSR to produce policy outcomes that work against public welfare has remained comparatively underdeveloped. In particular, little is known about how corporate decision-makers privately reconcile the conflicts between public and private interests, even though this is likely to be relevant to understanding the limitations of CSR as a means of aligning (...)
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  9. E. Daly (2012). Laïcité, Gender Equality and the Politics of Non-Domination. European Journal of Political Theory 11 (3):292-323.score: 56.0
    The relationship between constitutional secularism and gender equality acquires peculiar dimensions in the context of the laïcité project in republican France – particularly, in the contemporary conflict between a laïcité interpreted as a politics of emancipatory social transformation, and the more minimalist liberal conception prevailing in French law. The dominant narrative in the republican establishment, shared between left and right, has been that laïcité will lead to gender emancipation not only by dissolving any sectarian dimensions of women’s citizenship – (...)
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  10. John Drabinski (2000). The Possibility of an Ethical Politics: From Peace to Liturgy. Philosophy and Social Criticism 26 (4):49-73.score: 54.0
    This essay examines the possibility of developing an ethical politics out of the work of Emmanuel Levinas. Levinas' own work does not accomplish this kind of politics. He opts instead for a politics of peace, which, as this essay argues, falls short of the demands of the ethical. Thus, this essay both provides an account of Levinas' own politics and develops resources from within Levinas' own work for thinking beyond that politics. An alternative, liturgical (...) is sketched out. In a liturgical politics, law must be thought on a redistributive model. Redistribution, it is argued, responds more adequately to the extravagant generosity of ethics than the neutral 'droits de l'homme' developed in Levinas' political philosophy. Key Words: ethics • law • Levinas • liturgy • peace • politics • redistribution. (shrink)
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  11. Myra J. Christopher (2007). "Show Me" Bioethics and Politics. American Journal of Bioethics 7 (10):28 – 33.score: 54.0
    Missouri, the "Show Me State," has become the epicenter of several important national public policy debates, including abortion rights, the right to choose and refuse medical treatment, and, most recently, early stem cell research. In this environment, the Center for Practical Bioethics (formerly, Midwest Bioethics Center) emerged and grew. The Center's role in these "cultural wars" is not to advocate for a particular position but to provide well researched and objective information, perspective, and advocacy for the ethical justification of policy (...)
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  12. Hwa Yol Jung (1974). The Place of Valuation in the Theory of Politics: A Phenomenological Critique of Political Behavioralism. [REVIEW] Journal of Value Inquiry 8 (1):17-29.score: 54.0
    When it reaches its absolute limit, namely, when it comes to the question of good and evil, politics must seek ethics for help, for I do not wish to consider political power as an ultimate end in itself though it is an intermediary end. There is not only the reality of power but also an ethic of power as well. For “the concept of the ‘good life’ mutually implicates politics and ethics.” As a relationship between man and man, (...)
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  13. Don K. Price (1988). The Natural Sciences, the Social Sciences and Politics. Minerva 26 (3):416-428.score: 54.0
    The social sciences stand at a strange crossroads. There is a greater need for disciplined inquiry into the issues of policy facing the United States. Yet the incentives in the political system, and in the professional guilds of those performing social research, discourage a close involvement of many prominent social scientists with policy. The political system, fearing an elite imposing its values on society, welcomes the natural scientist who seems to conform to the model of the politically neutral expert (...)
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  14. H. Merskey (1978). Political Neutrality and International Cooperation in Medicine. Journal of Medical Ethics 4 (2):74-77.score: 48.0
    International cooperation is an integral part of furthering medical and scientific progress. Many specilist societies exist for that purpose and have written into their constitutions that such cooperation and coordination is their aim. They hope to achieve their aims by exchange, in all languages, of information and by so doing strengthen the relations between individual physicians and scentists as well as between corporate professional bodies from different countries. However, at the same time emphasis is laid on the political neutrality of (...)
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  15. Thomas L. Akehurst (2009). British Analytica Philosophy: The Politics of an Apolitical Culture. History of Political Thought 30 (4):678-692.score: 44.0
    There is a consensus that post-war British analytic philosophy was politically neutral. This view has been affirmed by the post-war analysts themselves, and by their critics. This paper argues that this consensus-view is false. Many central analytic philosophers claimed that their empirical philosophy had liberal outcomes, either through cultivating liberal habits of mind, or by revealing truths about the world that supported liberal conclusions. These beliefs were not subject to significant scrutiny or attempts at justification, but they do help (...)
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  16. Anne Donchin (2011). In Whose Interest? Policy and Politics in Assisted Reproduction. Bioethics 25 (2):92-101.score: 42.0
    This paper interprets the British legislative process that initiated the first comprehensive national regulation of embryo research and fertility services and examines subsequent efforts to restrain the assisted reproduction industry. After describing and evaluating British regulatory measures, I consider successive failures to control the assisted reproduction industry in the US. I discuss disparities between UK and US regulatory initiatives and their bearing on regulation in other countries. Then I turn to the political and social structures in which the assisted reproduction (...)
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  17. Bob Brecher (2006). The Politics of Medical and Health Ethics: Collapsing Goods and the Moral Climate. [REVIEW] Journal of Value Inquiry 40 (2-3):359-370.score: 42.0
    In responding to Thomas Magnell's notion of 'collapsing goods', I draw attention to how medical and health ethics practices are not innocent, but political; and to suggest something about their relation to the moral climate. More specifically, I show that to take them as innocent, or as politically neutral, is not only a misunderstanding, but one that is likely to impact on the moral climate as well as being already a reflection of it. Ethics, and the various practices and (...)
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  18. Jesús Zamora Bonilla, The Politics of Positivism: Disinterested Predictions From Interested Agents.score: 42.0
    Of the six sections composing «The Methodology of Posive Economics», the first one («The Relation between Positive and Normative Economics») is apparently the less discussed in the F53 literature, probably as a result of being the shortest one and the less relevant for the realism issue, all at once. In view of Milton Friedman’s subsequent career as a political preacher, it seems difficult not to wonder whether this first section ruled it the way the other five directed Friedman’s scientific performance. (...)
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  19. Robert Westmoreland (2011). Realizing 'Political' Neutrality. Law and Philosophy 30 (5):541-573.score: 40.0
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  20. Thomas Hurka (1998). George Sher, Beyond Neutrality: Perfectionism and Politics:Beyond Neutrality: Perfectionism and Politics. Ethics 109 (1):187-190.score: 40.0
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  21. Jonathan Seglow (2003). Neutrality and Equal Respect: On Charles Larmore's Theory of Political Liberalism. [REVIEW] Journal of Value Inquiry 37 (1):83-96.score: 40.0
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  22. Richard Kraut (1999). Politics, Neutrality, and the Good. Social Philosophy and Policy 16 (01):315-.score: 40.0
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  23. Donna-Dale L. Marcano (2009). White Racial Obligation and the False Neutrality of Political and Moral Liberalism. Southern Journal of Philosophy 47 (S1):16-24.score: 40.0
  24. Matt Matravers (2013). Political Neutrality and Punishment. Criminal Law and Philosophy 7 (2):217-230.score: 40.0
    This paper is concerned with the tensions that arise when one juxtaposes one important liberal understanding of the nature and use of state power in circumstances of pluralism and (broadly) retributive accounts of punishment. The argument is that there are aspects of the liberal theory that seem to be in tension with aspects of retributive punishment, and that these tensions are difficult to avoid because of the attractiveness of precisely those features of each account. However, a proper understanding of both (...)
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  25. C. L. Ten (2001). Book Review. Beyond Neutrality: Perfectionism and Politics George Sher. [REVIEW] Mind 110 (438):558-562.score: 40.0
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  26. Shane Nicholas Glackin (2012). Kind-Making, Objectivity, and Political Neutrality; the Case of Solastalgia. Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C 43 (1):209-218.score: 40.0
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  27. Chant Al Mouffe (1994). Political Liberalism. Neutrality and the Political. Ratio Juris 7 (3):314-324.score: 40.0
  28. Govert Den Hartogh (1990). Rationality in Conversation and Neutrality in Politics. Analysis 50 (3):202 - 205.score: 40.0
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  29. Laura Grattan (2008). Rewriting Canonical Discourses: The Political Subject of Gender-Neutral Freedom. Theory and Event 11 (3).score: 40.0
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  30. P. M. Brennan (1998). Political Liberalism's Tertium Quiddity: Neutral "Public Reason". American Journal of Jurisprudence 43 (1):239-251.score: 40.0
  31. A. Phillips Griffiths, Andrew Graham, Leszek Kolakowski, Louis Marin, Alan Montefiore, Charles Taylor, C. L. Ten & W. L. Weinstein (1976). Neutrality and Impartiality: The University and Political Commitment. Philosophical Quarterly 26 (103):197.score: 40.0
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  32. Sandra Harding (forthcoming). After the Neutrality Ideal: Science, Politics, and" Strong Objectivity". Social Research.score: 40.0
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  33. Jonathan Suzman (1979). The Political Neutrality of Universities—Defending Some Classical Views. Philosophical Papers 8 (1):11-19.score: 40.0
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  34. Lyle Downing & Hobert B. Thigpen (1990). The Place of Neutrality in Liberal Political Theory. Social Philosophy Today 4:89-98.score: 40.0
  35. A. Ferrara (2002). Neutrality and Political Justification of Liberalism in the Nineties Between Perfection, Proceduralism and Public Reason. Rivista di Storia Della Filosofia 57 (4):583-600.score: 40.0
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  36. Kalle Grill (2012). Neutrality as a Constraint on Political Reasoning. Ethical Perspectives 19 (3):547-557.score: 40.0
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  37. David Kahane (1999). George Sher, Beyond Neutrality: Perfectionism and Politics Reviewed By. Philosophy in Review 19 (2):148-152.score: 40.0
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  38. David Kahane (1999). Michael J. White, Partisan or Neutral? The Futility of Public Political Theory Reviewed By. Philosophy in Review 19 (2):148-152.score: 40.0
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  39. Felix Kaufmann (forthcoming). The Issue of Ethical Neutrality in Political Science. Social Research.score: 40.0
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  40. Michael White (1997). Partisan or Neutral?: The Futility of Public Political Theory. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.score: 40.0
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  41. William E. Connolly (1983). The Terms of Political Discourse. Princeton University Press.score: 38.0
    William Connolly presents a lucid and concise defense of the thesis of "essentially contested concepts" that can well be read as a general introduction to political theory, as well as for its challenge to the prevailing understanding of political discourse. In Connolly's view, the language of politics is not a neutral medium that conveys ideas independently formed but an institutionalized structure of meanings that channels political thought and action in certain directions. In the new preface he pursues the (...)
     
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  42. Linda Barclay (1999). Rights, Intrinsic Values and the Politics of Abortion. Utilitas 11 (02):215-.score: 36.0
    In Life's Dominion Ronald Dworkin argues that disagreement over the morality ofabortion is about how best to respect the intrinsic value of human life, rather than about foetal rights as many people mistakenly suppose. Dworkin argues that the state should be neutral indebates about intrinsic value and thus it should be neutral in the abortion debate. Through a consideration of the notion of intrinsic value, it is argued in this article that Dworkin'sargument fails. On the interpretation of which (...)
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  43. Rosalind Edwards & Val Gillies (2011). Clients or Consumers, Commonplace or Pioneers? Navigating the Contemporary Class Politics of Family, Parenting Skills and Education. Ethics and Education 6 (2):141-154.score: 36.0
    An explicit linking of the minutiae of everyday parenting practices and the good of society as a whole has been a feature of government policy. The state has taken responsibility for instilling the right parenting skills to deal with what is said to be the societal fall-out of contemporary and family change. ?Knowledge? about parenting is seen as a resource that parents must access in order to fulfil their moral duty as good parents. In this policy portrait, caring for children (...)
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  44. Michael McCubbin & David Cohen (1999). A Systemic and Value-Based Approach to Strategic Reform of the Mental Health System. Health Care Analysis 7 (1):57-77.score: 36.0
    Most writers now recognize that mental health policy and the mental health system are extremely resistant to real changes that reflect genuine biopsychosocial paradigms of mental disorder. Writers bemoaning the intransigence of the mental health system tend to focus on a small analytical level, only to find themselves mired in the rationalities of the existing system. Problems are acknowledged to be system-wide, yet few writers have used a method of analysis appropriate for systemic problems. Drawing upon the General System Theory (...)
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  45. Elizabeth Frazer (2007). Depoliticising Citizenship. British Journal of Educational Studies 55 (3):249 - 263.score: 36.0
    One problem faced by teachers of citizenship is that 'politics' is negatively valued. The concept is actually ambiguous in value. The paper sets out a neutral, a negative, and a positive meaning of the term. It then goes on to explore the way that even on the positive construction there can seem to be ethical problems with politics. This explains both aspects of numerous projects to 'depoliticise' society and government, and to depoliticise citizenship education. But, the alternatives (...)
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  46. Mary Tiles (1997). Science and the Politics of Hunger. Philosophy of Science 64 (4):174.score: 36.0
    The problem of hunger is a problem of the inequitable distribution of food entitlements. I argue that 'modern' science is implicated in the current form of this problem and that it can only contribute to its resolution, rather than exacerbation, if the forms of its implication are acknowledged. But this requires acceptance of the claim that science is not value-neutral. In part this paper is also an examination, in a particular problem context, of some dimensions of disputes over the (...)
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  47. Ian Duncanson (2000). Mr Hobbes Goes to Australia: Law, Politics and Difference. International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue Internationale de Sémiotique Juridique 13 (3):279-303.score: 36.0
    Using current conservative discourses about the nation state in Australia as an example,the paper notices how the image of the (male-sexed) body is used to enhance theauthority of the same (white ``neutral'' agents of largely foreign capital)against the claims of difference (non-white refugees, women, Aboriginal people).The paper notices that far from protecting minority and difference, as liberalismleads one to expect, the law uses the same body image of itself to repeat theoppression. Legal education inscribes the masculinity of the phallus (...)
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  48. Emil Andersson (2011). Political Liberalism and the Interests of Children: A Reply to Timothy Michael Fowler. Res Publica 17 (3):291-296.score: 34.0
    Timothy Michael Fowler has argued that, as a consequence of their commitment to neutrality in regard to comprehensive doctrines, political liberals face a dilemma. In essence, the dilemma for political liberals is that either they have to give up their commitment to neutrality (which is an indispensible part of their view), or they have to allow harm to children. Fowler’s case for this dilemma depends on ascribing to political liberals a view which grants parents a great degree of freedom in (...)
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  49. Robert B. Talisse (2011). Pluralism and Liberal Politics. Routledge.score: 34.0
    In this book, Robert Talisse critically examines the moral and political implications of pluralism, the view that our best moral thinking is indeterminate and that moral conflict is an inescapable feature of the human condition. Through a careful engagement with the work of William James, Isaiah Berlin, John Rawls, and their contemporary followers, Talisse distinguishes two broad types of moral pluralism: metaphysical and epistemic. After arguing that metaphysical pluralism does not offer a compelling account of value and thus cannot ground (...)
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  50. Peter Balint (2012). Not yet Making Sense of Political Toleration. Res Publica 18 (3):259-264.score: 34.0
    Abstract A growing number of theorists have argued that toleration, at least in its traditional sense, is no longer applicable to liberal democratic political arrangements—especially if these political arrangements are conceived of as neutral. Peter Jones has tried make sense of political toleration while staying true to its more traditional (disapproval yet non-prevention) meaning. In this article, while I am sympathetic to his motivation, I argue that Jones’ attempt to make sense of political toleration is not successful. Content Type (...)
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