Search results for 'political authority' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Mark C. Murphy (1997). Surrender of Judgment and the Consent Theory of Political Authority. Law and Philosophy 16 (2):115 - 143.score: 90.0
    The aim of this paper is to take the first steps toward providing a refurbished consent theory of political authority, one that rests in part on a reconception of the relationship between the surrender of judgment and the authoritativeness of political institutions. On the standard view, whatever grounds political authority implies that one ought to surrender one's judgment to that of one's political institutions. On the refurbished view, it is the surrender of one's judgment (...)
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  2. Andrés Rosler (2005). Political Authority and Obligation in Aristotle. Oxford University Press.score: 84.0
    It is commonly held that Aristotle's views on politics have little relevance to the preoccupations of modern political theory with authority and obligation. Andres Rosler's original study argues that, on the contrary, Aristotle does examine the question of political obligation and its limits, and that contemporary political theorists have much to learn from him. Rosler takes his exploration further, considering the ethical underpinning of Aristotle's political thought, the normativity of his ethical and political theory, (...)
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  3. Jeffery D. Smith (2007). Managerial Authority as Political Authority: A Retrospective Examination of Christopher McMahon's Authority and Democracy. [REVIEW] Journal of Business Ethics 71 (4):335 - 338.score: 81.0
    An introduction to the March, 2005 symposium “The Political Theory of Organizations: A Retrospective Examination of Christopher McMahon’s Authority and Democracy” held in San Francisco as part of the Society for Business Ethics Group Meeting at the Pacific Division Meetings of the American Philosophical Association.
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  4. Enzo Rossi (2012). Justice, Legitimacy, and (Normative) Authority for Political Realists. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):149-164.score: 75.0
    One of the main challenges faced by realists in political philosophy is that of offering an account of authority that is genuinely normative and yet does not consist of a moralistic application of general, abstract ethical principles to the practice of politics. Political moralists typically start by devising a conception of justice based on their pre-political moral commitments; authority would then be legitimate only if political power is exercised in accordance with justice. As an (...)
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  5. John T. Sanders (1983). Political Authority. The Monist 66 (4):545-556.score: 72.0
    I begin this essay with a notion of "authority" that makes a sharp distinction between authority and power, and grant that such authority is not only legitimate, but perhaps even necessary in human affairs. I then trace the devaluation of this idea through varying degrees of institutionalization, culminating in its political cooptation. I argue, finally, that what goes by the name of political authority is the very antithesis of the legitimate and necessary element that (...)
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  6. Bernd Krehoff (2008). Legitimate Political Authority and Sovereignty: Why States Cannot Be the Whole Story. Res Publica 14 (4):283-297.score: 66.0
    States are believed to be the paradigmatic instances of legitimate political authority. But is their prominence justified? The classic concept of state sovereignty predicts the danger of a fatal deadlock among conflicting authorities unless there is an ultimate authority within a given jurisdiction. This scenario is misguided because the notion of an ultimate authority is conceptually unclear. The exercise of authority is multidimensional and multiattributive, and to understand the relations among authorities we need to analyse (...)
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  7. Steven DeCaroli (2013). Political Life: Giorgio Agamben and the Idea of Authority. Research in Phenomenology 43 (2):220-242.score: 63.0
    This article explores the relation between biological life and political life, placing it in the context of the ancient Greek distinction between the life of the home (the oikos) and the realm of politics (the polis). In contrast with the oikos, the life of the polis was characterized by attempts to exclude from its sphere both the constraints of necessity that oblige human action to conform to the exigencies of survival as well as the violence that accompanies this pursuit. (...)
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  8. George Duke (2013). Gadamer and Political Authority. European Journal of Political Theory 13 (1):1474885112473722.score: 63.0
    The rehabilitation of the concept of authority is one of the more contentious positions advocated by Gadamer in Truth and Method (1960). Habermas in particular challenged the universality of Gadamer’s hermeneutic project by presenting this rehabilitation as a conservative legitimation of prevailing prejudices which truncates the role of critical reflection. Given that Gadamer’s primary focus is upon the ramifications of the Enlightenment dichotomy between reason and authority for historical hermeneutics, however, and that his examples are drawn primarily from (...)
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  9. Laura Valentini (2012). Human Rights, Freedom, and Political Authority. Political Theory 40 (5):573 - 601.score: 63.0
    In this article, I sketch a Kant-inspired liberal account of human rights: the freedom-centred view. This account conceptualizes human rights as entitlements that any political authority—any state in the first instance—must secure to qualify as a guarantor of its subjects' innate right to freedom. On this picture, when a state (or state-like institution) protects human rights, it reasonably qualifies as a moral agent to be treated with respect. By contrast, when a state (or state-like institution) fails to protect (...)
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  10. Dean J. Machin (2009). The Irrelevance of Democracy to the Public Justification of Political Authority. Res Publica 15 (2):103-120.score: 60.0
    Democracy can be a means to independently valuable ends and/or it can be intrinsically (or non-instrumentally) valuable. One powerful non-instrumental defence of democracy is based on the idea that only it can publicly justify political authority. I contend that this is an argument about the reasonable acceptability of political authority and about the requirements of publicity and that satisfying these requirements has nothing to do with whether a society is democratic or not. Democracy, then, plays no (...)
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  11. Kevin Thompson (2001). Kant's Transcendental Deduction of Political Authority. Kant-Studien 92 (1):62-78.score: 60.0
    The concept of political authority is the guiding problematic of Kant's mature political philosophy. The proper foundation of state authority lies, according to him, in the idea of an “original contract” and it is only in terms of this regulative principle that the sovereign nature of the state can even be conceived. By placing this doctrine at the core of his political thought Kant appears to affirm the fundamental tenet of the contractarian tradition: legitimate (...) authority arises only from the consent of those under such authority. (shrink)
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  12. Veronica Rodriguez-Blanco (2011). A Symposium on the Nature of Legal and Political Authority Accountability or Preemption. Jurisprudence 2 (1):99-102.score: 60.0
    An introduction by Veronica Rodriques-Blanco to A Symposium on the Nature of Legal and Political Authority.
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  13. C. M. (1997). Surrender of Judgment and the Consent Theory of Political Authority. Law and Philosophy 16 (2):115-143.score: 60.0
    The aim of this paper is to take the first steps toward providing a refurbished consent theory of political authority, one that rests in part on a reconception of the relationship between the surrender of judgment and the authoritativeness of political institutions. On the standard view, whatever grounds political authority implies that one ought to surrender one's judgment to that of one's political institutions. On the refurbished view, it is the surrender of one's judgment (...)
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  14. Emanuela Ceva & Enzo Rossi (eds.) (2012). Justice, Legitimacy, and Diversity: Political Authority Between Realism and Moralism. Routledge.score: 60.0
    Most contemporary political philosophers take justice—rather than legitimacy—to be the fundamental virtue of political institutions vis-à-vis the challenges of ethical diversity. Justice-driven theorists are primarily concerned with finding mutually acceptable terms to arbitrate the claims of conflicting individuals and groups. Legitimacy-driven theorists, instead, focus on the conditions under which those exercising political authority on an ethically heterogeneous polity are entitled to do so. But what difference would it make to the management of ethical diversity in liberal (...)
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  15. Stephen R. Perry, Political Authority and Political Obligation.score: 60.0
    Legitimate political authority is often said to involve a “right to rule,” which is most plausibly understood as a Hohfeldian moral power on the part of the state to impose obligations on its subjects (or otherwise to change their normative situation). Many writers have taken the state’s moral power (if and when it exists) to be a correlate, in some sense, of an obligation on the part of the state’s subjects to obey its directives. Thus legitimate political (...)
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  16. Olli Lagerspetz (2012). Peter Winch on Political Authority and Political Culture. Philosophical Investigations 35 (3-4):277-302.score: 60.0
    Peter Winch, in his political philosophy, wanted to rethink the concepts of political authority, legitimacy and political culture, with a starting point in Wittgensteinian ideas. This essay brings together Winch's thoughts on political authority. Developing insights from Wittgenstein's work on certainty, Winch emphasised the unstated background behind any normative stand concerning authority. Ideas of legitimacy and civil society are formed within historically specific political cultures. In the 1990s, Winch was increasingly inclined to (...)
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  17. George Duke (forthcoming). Hobbes on Political Authority, Practical Reason and Truth. Law and Philosophy:1-23.score: 60.0
    The role of sovereign authority in Hobbes' political philosophy is to establish peace and stability by serving as a definitive and unambiguous source of law. Although these broad outlines of Hobbes' account of political authority are uncontentious, matters quickly become more complicated once one seeks its normative basis. This much is evident from recent debates on the normative status of the laws of nature and the related issue as to whether Hobbes is better categorised as an (...)
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  18. William A. Edmundson (2010). Political Authority, Moral Powers and the Intrinsic Value of Obedience. Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 30 (1):179-191.score: 57.0
    Three concepts—authority, obedience and obligation—are central to understanding law and political institutions. The three are also involved in the legitimation of the state: an apology for the state has to make a normative case for the state’s authority, for its right to command obedience, and for the citizen’s obligation to obey the state’s commands. Recent discussions manifest a cumulative scepticism about the apologist’s task. Getting clear about the three concepts is, of..
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  19. Stephen J. Kobrin (2009). Private Political Authority and Public Responsibility. Business Ethics Quarterly 19 (3):349-374.score: 57.0
    Transnational corporations have become actors with significant political power and authority which should entail responsibility and liability, specifically direct liability for complicity in human rights violations. Holding TNCs liable for human rights violations is complicated by the discontinuity between the fragmented legal/political structure of the TNC and its integrated strategic reality and the international state system which privileges sovereignty and non-intervention over the protection of individual rights. However, the post-Westphalian transition—the emergence of multiple authorities, increasing ambiguity of (...)
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  20. Werner Bonefeld (2013). Human Economy and Social Policy On Ordo-Liberalism and Political Authority. History of the Human Sciences 26 (2):106-125.score: 57.0
    The article expounds the ordo-liberal tradition that emerged as a distinct neo-liberal conceptualization of free economy as a political practice. According to this tradition there are things more important than GDP in as much as free economy depends on the formation of the moral and the social preconditions of market freedom. The social facilitation and moral embedding of free economy are fundamental to the ordo-liberal conception of a human economy, which entails a social policy of Vitalpolitik – a politics (...)
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  21. Susan Herbst (2003). Political Authority in a Mediated Age. Theory and Society 32 (4):481-503.score: 57.0
    The nature and impact of authority have been central to social theory since antiquity, and most students of politics, culture and organizations have – in one manner or another – visited the topic. Theorists recognize that the exercise of authority is conditioned by the environment, but their work has not always integrated fundamental changes in communication infrastructure, and in particular the diffusion of mass media. With the daily evolution of telecommunications, this is a good historical moment to re-evaluate (...)
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  22. Fabienne Peter, Political Legitimacy. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.score: 54.0
    Political legitimacy is a virtue of political institutions and of the decisions—about laws, policies, and candidates for political office—made within them. This entry will survey the main answers that have been given to the following questions. First, how should legitimacy be defined? Is it primarily a descriptive or a normative concept? If legitimacy is understood normatively, what does it entail? Some associate legitimacy with the justification of coercive power and with the creation of political authority. (...)
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  23. William A. Edmundson (1998). Legitimate Authority Without Political Obligation. Law and Philosophy 17 (1):43 - 60.score: 51.0
    It is commonly supposed that citizens of a reasonably just state have a prima facie duty to obey its laws. In recent years, however, a number of influential political philosophers have concluded that there is no such duty. But how can the state be a legitimate authority if there is no general duty to obey its laws? This article is an attempt to explain how we can make sense of the idea of legitimate political authority without (...)
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  24. Timothy Stanton (2011). Authority and Freedom in the Interpretation of Locke's Political Theory. Political Theory 39 (1):6 - 30.score: 51.0
    This essay argues that many modern discussions of Locke's political theory are unconsciously shaped by an imaginative picture of the world inherited from the past, on which authority and freedom are fundamentally antipathetic. The consequences of this picture may be seen in the distinction made customarily in Locke studies between the 'authoritarian' Locke of Two Tracts on Government, for whom authority descends from God, and the later, 'liberal,' Locke, for whom authority arises from the will and (...)
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  25. William A. Edmundson (2013). Politics in a State of Nature. Ratio Juris 26 (2):149-186.score: 48.0
    Aristotle thought we are by nature political animals, but the state-of-nature tradition sees political society not as natural but as an artifice. For this tradition, political society can usefully be conceived as emerging from a pre-political state of nature by the exercise of innate normative powers. Those powers, together with the rest of our native normative endowment, both make possible the construction of the state, and place sharp limits on the state's just powers and prerogatives. A (...)
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  26. Michael Philips (1986). The Justification of Punishment and the Justification of Political Authority. Law and Philosophy 5 (3):393 - 416.score: 48.0
    Philosophical accounts of punishment are primarily concerned with punishment by the (or: a) state. More specifically, they attempt to explain why the (a) state may justifiably penalize those who are judged to violate its laws and the conditions under which it is entitled to do so. But any full account of these matters must surely be grounded in an account of the nature and purpose of the state and the justification of state authority. Because they are not so grounded, (...)
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  27. David Lefkowitz (2004). Legitimate Political Authority and the Duty of Those Subject to It: A Critique of Edmundson. Law and Philosophy 23 (4):399 - 435.score: 48.0
    According to <span class='Hi'>William</span> Edmundson, a legitimatepolitical authority is one that claims tocreate in its subjects a general duty ofobedience to the law, and that succeeds increating in its subjects a duty to obey stateofficials when they apply the law in particularcases. His argument that legitimate politicalauthority does not require the state''s claim tobe true rests on his analysis of legitimatetheoretical authority, and the assumption thattheoretical and practical authority are thesame in the relevant respects, both of whichare (...)
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  28. Keith Hyams (2008). Political Authority and Obligation. In Catriona McKinnon (ed.), Issues in Political Theory. Oup Oxford.score: 48.0
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  29. Abrahim H. Khan (1994). Kierkegaard on Authority and Leadership: Political Logic in Religious Thought. Sophia 33 (3):74-88.score: 48.0
    This paper examines a political theory implict in Kierkegaard's critique of the novel Two Ages. To achieve that aim, it views Kierkegaard as a political radical relative to modern liberalism and aristocratic conservatism of the 1840's in Denmark, by juxtaposing him to Locke. Basic to the theory is a notion of individuality which relies on three interlocking concepts: will, equality, and autonomy. That notion in turn supports ideas of authority and leadership that throw further light on Kierkegaard's (...)
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  30. Pat Moloney (1997). Leaving the Garden of Eden: Linguistic and Political Authority in Thomas Hobbes. History of Political Thought 18 (2):242-266.score: 48.0
  31. Aaron Maltais (2008). Global Warming and Our Natural Duties of Justice. Dissertation, Uppsala Universityscore: 45.0
    Compelling research in international relations and international political economy on global warming suggests that one part of any meaningful effort to radically reverse current trends of increasing green house gas (GHG) emissions is shared policies among states that generate costs for such emissions in many if not most of the world’s regions. Effectively employing such policies involves gaining much more extensive global commitments and developing much stronger compliance mechanism than those currently found in the Kyoto Protocol. In other words, (...)
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  32. Peter Winch (2002). How is Political Authority Possible? Philosophical Investigations 25 (1):20–32.score: 45.0
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  33. Sven Arntzen (1996). Kant on Duty to Oneself and Resistance to Political Authority. Journal of the History of Philosophy 34 (3):409-424.score: 45.0
  34. David Estlund (2005). Political Authority and the Tyranny of Non‐Consent. Philosophical Issues 15 (1):351–367.score: 45.0
  35. Paul J. Weithman (1992). Augustine and Aquinas on Original Sin and the Function of Political Authority. Journal of the History of Philosophy 30 (3):353-376.score: 45.0
  36. Thomas Christiano (1999). Justice and Disagreement at the Foundations of Political Authority. Ethics 110 (1):165-187.score: 45.0
  37. John Horton (2005). Peter Winch and Political Authority. Philosophical Investigations 28 (3):235–252.score: 45.0
  38. Katrin Flikschuh (2012). Elusive Unity: The General Will in Hobbes and Kant. Hobbes Studies 25 (1):21-42.score: 45.0
    According to one interpretation of Leviathan, Hobbes sinks the democratic argument in favour of government by representation into his own argument in favour of absolute rule. This paper argues that Kant in turn sinks Hobbes' argument for coercive political authority into Rousseau's construction of the volonté générale . Why does Kant reject Rousseau's argument in favour of popular sovereignty; why does he revert to Hobbes' endorsement of a coercively unifying political authority? The paper examines the different (...)
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  39. Edward Song (2012). Political Naturalism and State Authority. Journal of Social Philosophy 43 (1):64-77.score: 45.0
    For the political naturalist, skepticism about political obligations only arises because of a basic confusion about the necessity of the state for human well-being. From this perspective, human beings are naturally political animals and cannot flourish outside of political relationships. In this paper, I suggest that this idea can be developed in two basic ways. For the thick naturalist, political institutions are constitutive of the best life. For the thin naturalist, they secure the basic background (...)
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  40. Harry Beran (1983). What is the Basis of Political Authority? The Monist 66 (4):487-499.score: 45.0
  41. Derek Kelly (1973). Reason and Political Authority. Journal of Value Inquiry 7 (4):261-273.score: 45.0
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  42. David Schmidtz (1988). Public Goods and Political Authority. Philosophical Papers 17 (3):185-191.score: 45.0
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  43. Rex Martin (1975). Two Models for Justifying Political Authority. Ethics 86 (1):70-75.score: 45.0
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  44. William J. Meyer (1975). Political Ethics and Political Authority. Ethics 86 (1):61-69.score: 45.0
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  45. Michael Seidler (1993). Religion, Populism, and Patriarchy: Political Authority From Luther to Pufendorf:Luther and Calvin on Secular Authority Martin Luther, John Calvin, Harro Hopfl; The Radical Reformation Michael G. Baylor; Political Writings Francisco de Vitoria, Anthony Pagden, Jeremy Lawrance; Patriarcha and Other Writings Robert Filmer, Johann P. Sommerville; On the Duty of Man and Citizen According to Natural Law Samuel Pufendorf, James Tully, Michael Silverthorne. Ethics 103 (3):551-.score: 45.0
  46. Joseph Chan (2012). Political Authority and Perfectionism: A Response to Quong. Philosophy and Public Issues - Filosofia E Questioni Pubbliche.score: 45.0
  47. Graham McAleer (1999). Giles of Rome on Political Authority. Journal of the History of Ideas 60 (1):21-36.score: 45.0
  48. Diana M. Judd (2008). Questioning Authority: Political Resistance and the Ethic of Natural Science. Transaction Publishers.score: 45.0
    Francis Bacon : a new interpretation of nature -- Thomas Hobbes' scientific approach to politics -- John Locke and the origins of political resistance -- The ethic and practice of modern natural science -- Critical theory and the critique of modernity -- Michel Foucault and the postmodern reaction.
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  49. Malcolm Schofield (2007). Rosler (A.) Political Authority and Obligation in Aristotle. Pp. Xiv + 298. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2005. Cased, £40. ISBN: 978-0-19-925150-6. 49. [REVIEW] The Classical Review 57 (01):47-.score: 45.0
  50. Charles Frankel (1972). Political Disobedience and the Denial of Political Authority. Social Theory and Practice 2 (1):85-98.score: 45.0
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