Search results for 'political authority' (try it on Scholar)

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  1.  14
    Fabian Wendt (2016). Political Authority and the Minimal State. Social Theory and Practice 42 (1):97-122.
    Robert Nozick and Eric Mack have tried to show that a minimal state could be just. A minimal state, they claim, could help to protect people’s moral rights without violating moral rights itself. In this article, I will discuss two challenges for defenders of a minimal state. The first challenge is to show that the just minimal state does not violate moral rights when taxing people and when maintaining a monopoly on the use of force. I argue that this challenge (...)
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  2.  37
    Danny Frederick (2015). A Critique of Michael Huemer’s 'The Problem of Political Authority'. Reason Papers 37 (2):178-97.
    How could a state have the moral authority to promulgate and enforce laws that citizens are thereby obliged to obey? That is the problem of political authority. The Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority contends that great social benefits depend upon there being a state with political authority. In his book, The Problem of Political Authority, Michael Huemer considers different types of explanation of political authority and he rejects them (...)
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  3.  55
    Mark C. Murphy (1997). Surrender of Judgment and the Consent Theory of Political Authority. Law and Philosophy 16 (2):115 - 143.
    The aim of this paper is to take the first steps toward providing a refurbished consent theory of political authority, one that rests in part on a reconception of the relationship between the surrender of judgment and the authoritativeness of political institutions. On the standard view, whatever grounds political authority implies that one ought to surrender one's judgment to that of one's political institutions. On the refurbished view, it is the surrender of one's judgment (...)
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  4.  15
    Fabian Wendt (2015). Justice and Political Authority in Left-Libertarianism. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 14 (3):316-339.
    From a left-libertarian perspective, it seems almost impossible for states to acquire political authority. For that reason, left-libertarians like Peter Vallentyne understandably hope that states without political authority could nonetheless implement left-libertarian justice. Vallentyne has argued that one can indeed assess a state’s justness without assessing its political authority. Against Vallentyne, I try to show that states without political authority have to be judged unjust even if they successfully promote justice. The reason (...)
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  5.  90
    Andrés Rosler (2005). Political Authority and Obligation in Aristotle. Oxford University Press.
    It is commonly held that Aristotle's views on politics have little relevance to the preoccupations of modern political theory with authority and obligation. Andres Rosler's original study argues that, on the contrary, Aristotle does examine the question of political obligation and its limits, and that contemporary political theorists have much to learn from him. Rosler takes his exploration further, considering the ethical underpinning of Aristotle's political thought, the normativity of (...)
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  6.  22
    Jeffery D. Smith (2007). Managerial Authority as Political Authority: A Retrospective Examination of Christopher McMahon's Authority and Democracy. [REVIEW] Journal of Business Ethics 71 (4):335 - 338.
    An introduction to the March, 2005 symposium “The Political Theory of Organizations: A Retrospective Examination of Christopher McMahon’s Authority and Democracy” held in San Francisco as part of the Society for Business Ethics Group Meeting at the Pacific Division Meetings of the American Philosophical Association.
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  7. Enzo Rossi (2012). Justice, Legitimacy, and (Normative) Authority for Political Realists. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):149-164.
    One of the main challenges faced by realists in political philosophy is that of offering an account of authority that is genuinely normative and yet does not consist of a moralistic application of general, abstract ethical principles to the practice of politics. Political moralists typically start by devising a conception of justice based on their pre-political moral commitments; authority would then be legitimate only if political power is exercised in accordance with justice. As an (...)
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  8.  26
    Anthony R. Reeves (2015). Practical Reason and Legality: Instrumental Political Authority Without Exclusion. Law and Philosophy 34 (3):257-298.
    In a morally non-ideal legal system, how can law bind its subjects? How can the fact of a norm’s legality make it the case that practical reason is bound by that norm? Moreover, in such circumstances, what is the extent and character of law’s bindingness? I defend here an answer to these questions. I present a non-ideal theory of legality’s ability to produce binding reasons for action. It is not a descriptive account of law and its claims, it is (...)
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  9. John T. Sanders (1983). Political Authority. The Monist 66 (4):545-556.
    I begin this essay with a notion of "authority" that makes a sharp distinction between authority and power, and grant that such authority is not only legitimate, but perhaps even necessary in human affairs. I then trace the devaluation of this idea through varying degrees of institutionalization, culminating in its political cooptation. I argue, finally, that what goes by the name of political authority is the very antithesis of the legitimate and necessary element that (...)
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  10.  80
    Bernd Krehoff (2008). Legitimate Political Authority and Sovereignty: Why States Cannot Be the Whole Story. Res Publica 14 (4):283-297.
    States are believed to be the paradigmatic instances of legitimate political authority. But is their prominence justified? The classic concept of state sovereignty predicts the danger of a fatal deadlock among conflicting authorities unless there is an ultimate authority within a given jurisdiction. This scenario is misguided because the notion of an ultimate authority is conceptually unclear. The exercise of authority is multidimensional and multiattributive, and to understand the relations among authorities we need to analyse (...)
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  11. Shannon Hoff (2015). Locke and the Nature of Political Authority. Review of Politics 77 (1):1-22.
    This paper aims to illuminate the ongoing significance of Locke’s political philosophy. It argues that the legitimacy of political authority lies, for Locke, in the extent to which it collaborates with individuals so as to allow them to be themselves more effectively, and in its answerability in principle to the consent such individuals should thereby give it. The first section discusses how the free will inevitably asserts its authority; the second shows the inevitability of the will’s (...)
     
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  12. G. Duke (2014). Gadamer and Political Authority. European Journal of Political Theory 13 (1):25-40.
    The rehabilitation of the concept of authority is one of the more contentious positions advocated by Gadamer in Truth and Method. Habermas in particular challenged the universality of Gadamer’s hermeneutic project by presenting this rehabilitation as a conservative legitimation of prevailing prejudices which truncates the role of critical reflection. Given that Gadamer’s primary focus is upon the ramifications of the Enlightenment dichotomy between reason and authority for historical hermeneutics, however, and that his examples are drawn primarily from educational (...)
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  13.  22
    Stephen J. Kobrin (2009). Private Political Authority and Public Responsibility. Business Ethics Quarterly 19 (3):349-374.
    Transnational corporations have become actors with significant political power and authority which should entail responsibility and liability, specifically direct liability for complicity in human rights violations. Holding TNCs liable for human rights violations is complicated by the discontinuity between the fragmented legal/political structure of the TNC and its integrated strategic reality and the international state system which privileges sovereignty and non-intervention over the protection of individual rights. However, the post-Westphalian transition—the emergence of multiple authorities, increasing ambiguity of (...)
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  14.  29
    Laura Valentini (2012). Human Rights, Freedom, and Political Authority. Political Theory 40 (5):573 - 601.
    In this article, I sketch a Kant-inspired liberal account of human rights: the freedom-centred view. This account conceptualizes human rights as entitlements that any political authority—any state in the first instance—must secure to qualify as a guarantor of its subjects' innate right to freedom. On this picture, when a state (or state-like institution) protects human rights, it reasonably qualifies as a moral agent to be treated with respect. By contrast, when a state (or state-like institution) fails to protect (...)
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  15.  21
    Stephen R. Perry, Political Authority and Political Obligation.
    Legitimate political authority is often said to involve a “right to rule,” which is most plausibly understood as a Hohfeldian moral power on the part of the state to impose obligations on its subjects (or otherwise to change their normative situation). Many writers have taken the state’s moral power (if and when it exists) to be a correlate, in some sense, of an obligation on the part of the state’s subjects to obey its directives. Thus legitimate political (...)
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  16.  66
    Dean J. Machin (2009). The Irrelevance of Democracy to the Public Justification of Political Authority. Res Publica 15 (2):103-120.
    Democracy can be a means to independently valuable ends and/or it can be intrinsically (or non-instrumentally) valuable. One powerful non-instrumental defence of democracy is based on the idea that only it can publicly justify political authority. I contend that this is an argument about the reasonable acceptability of political authority and about the requirements of publicity and that satisfying these requirements has nothing to do with whether a society is democratic or not. Democracy, then, plays no (...)
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  17.  3
    John P. McCormick (2011). Post-Enlightenment Sources of Political Authority: Biblical Atheism, Political Theology and the Schmitt–Strauss Exchange. History of European Ideas 37 (2):175-180.
    This essay reevaluates the Weimar writings of Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss, specifically, their intellectual efforts to replace the political authority of Kantian liberalism with, respectively, a ‘political theology’ and ‘Biblical atheism’ derived from the thought of early-modern state theorists like Hobbes and Spinoza. Schmitt and Strauss each insisted that post-Kantian Enlightenment rationality was unraveling into a way of thinking that violently rejected ‘form’ of any kind, fixated myopically on material things and lacked any conception of the (...)
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  18.  57
    Kevin Thompson (2001). Kant's Transcendental Deduction of Political Authority. Kant-Studien 92 (1):62-78.
    The concept of political authority is the guiding problematic of Kant's mature political philosophy. The proper foundation of state authority lies, according to him, in the idea of an “original contract” and it is only in terms of this regulative principle that the sovereign nature of the state can even be conceived. By placing this doctrine at the core of his political thought Kant appears to affirm the fundamental tenet of the contractarian tradition: legitimate (...) authority arises only from the consent of those under such authority. (shrink)
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  19.  62
    Sven Arntzen (1996). Kant on Duty to Oneself and Resistance to Political Authority. Journal of the History of Philosophy 34 (3):409-424.
    Kant on Duty to Oneself and Resistance to Political Authority SVEN ARNTZEN in ms DOCTRI~tE OF Law and related writings? Kant denies the subject's right to resist political authority in the strongest terms. His argumentation to sup- port this denial is conceptual in character. The denial of a right of resistance follows from the relevant legal concepts of civil society, of the people as sub- ject, of the head of state as the supreme power in civil (...)
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  20.  13
    George Duke (2014). Hobbes on Political Authority, Practical Reason and Truth. Law and Philosophy 33 (5):605-627.
    The role of sovereign authority in Hobbes' political philosophy is to establish peace and stability by serving as a definitive and unambiguous source of law. Although these broad outlines of Hobbes' account of political authority are uncontentious, matters quickly become more complicated once one seeks its normative basis. This much is evident from recent debates on the normative status of the laws of nature and the related issue as to whether Hobbes is better categorised as an (...)
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  21.  20
    Veronica Rodriguez-Blanco (2011). A Symposium on the Nature of Legal and Political Authority Accountability or Preemption. Jurisprudence 2 (1):99-102.
    An introduction by Veronica Rodriques-Blanco to A Symposium on the Nature of Legal and Political Authority.
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  22.  11
    Olli Lagerspetz (2012). Peter Winch on Political Authority and Political Culture. Philosophical Investigations 35 (3-4):277-302.
    Peter Winch, in his political philosophy, wanted to rethink the concepts of political authority, legitimacy and political culture, with a starting point in Wittgensteinian ideas. This essay brings together Winch's thoughts on political authority. Developing insights from Wittgenstein's work on certainty, Winch emphasised the unstated background behind any normative stand concerning authority. Ideas of legitimacy and civil society are formed within historically specific political cultures. In the 1990s, Winch was increasingly inclined to (...)
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  23. C. M. (1997). Surrender of Judgment and the Consent Theory of Political Authority. Law and Philosophy 16 (2):115-143.
    The aim of this paper is to take the first steps toward providing a refurbished consent theory of political authority, one that rests in part on a reconception of the relationship between the surrender of judgment and the authoritativeness of political institutions. On the standard view, whatever grounds political authority implies that one ought to surrender one's judgment to that of one's political institutions. On the refurbished view, it is the surrender of one's judgment (...)
     
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  24.  28
    Emanuela Ceva & Enzo Rossi (eds.) (2012). Justice, Legitimacy, and Diversity: Political Authority Between Realism and Moralism. Routledge.
    Most contemporary political philosophers take justice—rather than legitimacy—to be the fundamental virtue of political institutions vis-à-vis the challenges of ethical diversity. Justice-driven theorists are primarily concerned with finding mutually acceptable terms to arbitrate the claims of conflicting individuals and groups. Legitimacy-driven theorists, instead, focus on the conditions under which those exercising political authority on an ethically heterogeneous polity are entitled to do so. But what difference would it make to the management of ethical diversity in liberal (...)
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  25. Andrew I. Cohen (1994). Hobbesian Political Authority and the Right of Resistance. Dissertation, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
    Besides commanding coercive power, a political authority is supposed to offer directives which ought to exclude private judgment. Any defense of inalienable rights or limited rights of resistance suggests some legitimate residual private judgment. Such retained rights threaten to undermine the binding force of authoritative directives. ;The case of Hobbesian sovereignty typifies this problem. Hobbes claims agents must establish permanent and absolute political authorities, and they can do so only by completely submitting themselves to a sovereign power (...)
     
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  26. William A. Edmundson (2010). Political Authority, Moral Powers and the Intrinsic Value of Obedience. Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 30 (1):179-191.
    Three concepts—authority, obedience and obligation—are central to understanding law and political institutions. The three are also involved in the legitimation of the state: an apology for the state has to make a normative case for the state’s authority, for its right to command obedience, and for the citizen’s obligation to obey the state’s commands. Recent discussions manifest a cumulative scepticism about the apologist’s task. Getting clear about the three concepts is, of..
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  27. William A. Edmundson (2000). Three Anarchical Fallacies: An Essay on Political Authority. Mind 109 (436):896-900.
    How is a legitimate state possible? Obedience, coercion and intrusion are three ideas that seem inseparable from all government and seem to render state authority presumptively illegitimate. This book exposes three fallacies inspired by these ideas and in doing so challenges assumptions shared by liberals, libertarians, cultural conservatives, moderates and Marxists. In three clear and tightly argued essays William Edmundson dispels these fallacies and shows that living in a just state remains a worthy ideal. This is an important book (...)
     
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  28.  18
    Susan Herbst (2003). Political Authority in a Mediated Age. Theory and Society 32 (4):481-503.
    The nature and impact of authority have been central to social theory since antiquity, and most students of politics, culture and organizations have – in one manner or another – visited the topic. Theorists recognize that the exercise of authority is conditioned by the environment, but their work has not always integrated fundamental changes in communication infrastructure, and in particular the diffusion of mass media. With the daily evolution of telecommunications, this is a good historical moment to re-evaluate (...)
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  29.  3
    Carl Fox (2015). Political Authority, Practical Identity, and Binding Citizens. International Journal of Philosophical Studies 23 (2):168-186.
    Allen Buchanan argues that it doesn’t matter whether a state has authority in the sense of being able to create binding obligations for its citizens, so long as it is morally justified in wielding political power. In this paper, I look at this issue from a slightly different angle. I argue that it matters a great deal whether citizens relate to their state in an obligatory fashion. This is for two reasons. First, a fully morally justified state must (...)
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  30.  5
    Werner Bonefeld (2013). Human Economy and Social Policy On Ordo-Liberalism and Political Authority. History of the Human Sciences 26 (2):106-125.
    The article expounds the ordo-liberal tradition that emerged as a distinct neo-liberal conceptualization of free economy as a political practice. According to this tradition there are things more important than GDP in as much as free economy depends on the formation of the moral and the social preconditions of market freedom. The social facilitation and moral embedding of free economy are fundamental to the ordo-liberal conception of a human economy, which entails a social policy of Vitalpolitik – a politics (...)
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  31. William A. Edmundson (2011). Three Anarchical Fallacies: An Essay on Political Authority. Cambridge University Press.
    How is a legitimate state possible? Obedience, coercion and intrusion are three ideas that seem inseparable from all government and seem to render state authority presumptively illegitimate. This book exposes three fallacies inspired by these ideas and in doing so challenges assumptions shared by liberals, libertarians, cultural conservatives, moderates and Marxists. In three clear and tightly argued essays William Edmundson dispels these fallacies and shows that living in a just state remains a worthy ideal. This is an important book (...)
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  32. William A. Edmundson (2007). Three Anarchical Fallacies: An Essay on Political Authority. Cambridge University Press.
    How is a legitimate state possible? Obedience, coercion and intrusion are three ideas that seem inseparable from all government and seem to render state authority presumptively illegitimate. This book exposes three fallacies inspired by these ideas and in doing so challenges assumptions shared by liberals, libertarians, cultural conservatives, moderates and Marxists. In three clear and tightly argued essays William Edmundson dispels these fallacies and shows that living in a just state remains a worthy ideal. This is an important book (...)
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  33. William A. Edmundson (1998). Three Anarchical Fallacies: An Essay on Political Authority. Cambridge University Press.
    How is a legitimate state possible? Obedience, coercion and intrusion are three ideas that seem inseparable from all government and seem to render state authority presumptively illegitimate. This book exposes three fallacies inspired by these ideas and in doing so challenges assumptions shared by liberals, libertarians, cultural conservatives, moderates and Marxists. In three clear and tightly argued essays William Edmundson dispels these fallacies and shows that living in a just state remains a worthy ideal. This is an important book (...)
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  34.  46
    David Lefkowitz (2004). Legitimate Political Authority and the Duty of Those Subject to It: A Critique of Edmundson. Law and Philosophy 23 (4):399-435.
    According to William Edmundson, a legitimatepolitical authority is one that claims tocreate in its subjects a general duty ofobedience to the law, and that succeeds increating in its subjects a duty to obey stateofficials when they apply the law in particularcases. His argument that legitimate politicalauthority does not require the state''s claim tobe true rests on his analysis of legitimatetheoretical authority, and the assumption thattheoretical and practical authority are thesame in the relevant respects, both of whichare challenged (...)
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  35.  49
    Daniel Viehoff (2014). Democratic Equality and Political Authority. Philosophy and Public Affairs 42 (4):337-375.
  36.  73
    Ruth Sample (2000). Locke on Political Authority and Conjugal Authority. Locke Newsletter 31:115-146.
  37.  87
    William A. Edmundson (1998). Legitimate Authority Without Political Obligation. Law and Philosophy 17 (1):43 - 60.
    It is commonly supposed that citizens of a reasonably just state have a prima facie duty to obey its laws. In recent years, however, a number of influential political philosophers have concluded that there is no such duty. But how can the state be a legitimate authority if there is no general duty to obey its laws? This article is an attempt to explain how we can make sense of the idea of legitimate political authority without (...)
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  38.  7
    Pat Moloney (1997). Leaving the Garden of Eden: Linguistic and Political Authority in Thomas Hobbes. History of Political Thought 18 (2):242-266.
    An account of the transition from the Edenic to the state of nature discourse in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries has yet to be written. The contention of this paper is that Hobbes's work is a useful place to begin an investigation of this process of change. Though not the initiator of this transformation, Hobbes must take much of the credit for the eventual eclipse of one discourse by the other. An exposition of the Edenic discourse, kept alive (...)
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  39.  2
    J. R. Martel (2015). Walter Benjamin's Black Flashlight: Promoting Misreading Over Persuasion to Decenter Textual and Political Authority. Political Theory 43 (5):575-599.
    Many theorists promote a decentralized politics but very few of them practice this decentralization textually. In this essay, I engage with three techniques Benjamin employs to decenter his authority in the text: allegory, montage and the production of text as “pure means.” Taken together, these practices amount to what I am calling Benjamin’s use of a “black flashlight.” Rather than illuminate his text with his own knowledge, seeking to win the reader over by persuasion and textual authority, Benjamin (...)
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  40. Westel W. Willoughby (1931). The Ethical Basis of Political Authority. Journal of Philosophy 28 (10):273-275.
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  41. W. W. Willoughby (1930). The Ethical Basis of Political Authority. By G. S. Brett. [REVIEW] Ethics 41:238.
     
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  42.  38
    Bruno Leipold (2015). Political Anarchism and Raz’s Theory of Authority. Res Publica 21 (3):309-329.
    This article argues that using Joseph Raz’s service conception of authority to reject philosophical anarchism can be affected by political anarchism. Whereas philosophical anarchism only denies the authority of the state, political anarchism claims that anarchism is a better alternative to the state. Raz’s theory holds that an institution has authority if it enables people to better conform with reason. I argue that there are cases where anarchism is an existing alternative to the state and (...)
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  43.  59
    Michael Philips (1986). The Justification of Punishment and the Justification of Political Authority. Law and Philosophy 5 (3):393 - 416.
    Philosophical accounts of punishment are primarily concerned with punishment by the (or: a) state. More specifically, they attempt to explain why the (a) state may justifiably penalize those who are judged to violate its laws and the conditions under which it is entitled to do so. But any full account of these matters must surely be grounded in an account of the nature and purpose of the state and the justification of state authority. Because they are not so grounded, (...)
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  44.  2
    L. Valentini (2012). Human Rights, Freedom, and Political Authority. Political Theory 40 (5):573-601.
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  45. C. L. Carr (1989). Kant's Theory of Political Authority. History of Political Thought 10 (4):719.
     
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  46.  1
    David Held (2015). Sovereignty, Political Authority, and Gridlock. Japanese Journal of Political Science 16 (3):414-428.
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  47. Keith Hyams (2008). Political Authority and Obligation. In Catriona McKinnon (ed.), Issues in Political Theory. OUP Oxford
     
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  48.  34
    D. Viehoff (2015). The Problem of Political Authority: An Examination of the Right to Coerce and the Duty to Obey, by Michael Huemer. Mind 124 (494):630-636.
  49. David Estlund (2005). Political Authority and the Tyranny of Non‐Consent. Philosophical Issues 15 (1):351–367.
  50. Thomas Christiano (1999). Justice and Disagreement at the Foundations of Political Authority. Ethics 110 (1):165-187.
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