FNEP_A_969152 702xml October 28, 2014 15:22 FNEP #969152, VOL 20, ISS 4 Book Reviews QUERY SHEET This page lists questions we have about your paper. The numbers displayed at left can be found in the text of the paper for reference. In addition, please review your paper as a whole for correctness. There are no Editor Queries for this paper. TABLE OF CONTENTS LISTING The table of contents for the journal will list your paper exactly as it appears below: Book Reviews 0 FNEP_A_969152 702xml October 28, 2014 15:22 Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 20:1–3, 2014 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1353-7113 print / 1557-2986 online DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2014.969152 Book Reviews1 James Hampshire, The Politics of Migration. Cambridge, UK and Malden, MA:2 Polity Press, 2013. Pp. 224. $69.95 (hbk); $24.95 (pbk); ISBNs 07456389963 and 978-0-7456-3899-7.4 In 2013, the United States welcomed nearly a million lawful permanent res-5 idents. Simultaneously, Homeland Security detained tens of thousands of6 migrants-including thousands of unaccompanied minors fleeing violence7 in Central America-and an acrimonious Congress failed to pass compre-8 hensive immigration reform. The contradictory nature of US immigration9 policy is typical: Liberal states around the world exhibit a similar tension10 between openness and closure in their migration policies. What causes this11 paradoxical combination of inclusion and exclusion?12 James Hampshire's The Politics of Migration is an ambitious synthesis13 of what political science tells us about how the liberal state influences and14 regulates migration through policy. He argues that the response of liberal15 states to migration can be explained by four conflicting facets: representa-16 tive democracy, nationhood, constitutionalism, and capitalism. Nationalism17 and representative democracy generally encourage restrictive immigration18 policies, whereas constitutionalism and capitalism usually lead to more ex-19 pansive policies.20 Chapter 2 addresses the politics of closure. In the last century, liberal21 states carried out explicitly racist policies that treated immigrants as threats to22 national identity. Though explicitly racist language has largely disappeared23 from mainstream liberal politics, far-right political movements have seized24 on the language of culture to a similar effect. Since opposition to immigra-25 tion is largely identity based rather than driven by economic motives, it is26 hard to change. Surveys suggest that the public tends to be "moderately27 anti-immigrant" (p. 21), so nationalism affects democratic politics. Politicians28 respond to public opinion, often in a political environment partly shaped by29 far-right European parties with explicitly anti-immigrant platforms.30 Why, then, have liberal states not reduced the number of immigrants? In31 Chapter 3 on the politics of openness, Hampshire answers that nationalism32 and representative democracy are counterbalanced by capitalism and consti-33 tutionalism. In a competitive, global economic environment, politicians and34 administrators find that their own interests are closely aligned with the inter-35 ests of multinational corporations. Governments treat the global competition36 1 FNEP_A_969152 702xml October 28, 2014 15:22 2 Book Reviews for highly skilled migrants as a key element in promoting growth. They also37 support provisions for low-skilled labor migrants to meet the demand ei-38 ther for temporary migrants or for officially condemned but in fact tolerated39 irregular migrants to fill low-status, low-wage jobs.40 Legal and moral commitments to freedom and equality also constrain41 liberal states' migration policies. Liberal states can no longer use explicit42 racial or ethnic criteria to exclude migrants. National laws permit significant43 family migration and national and international laws create obligations to44 asylum-seekers. Finally, the measures that liberal states can take to exclude45 and remove irregular migrants are limited by rights enforced by courts and46 lobbied for by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). These four facets47 help explain why migration policies are so often fragmented, contradictory,48 and highly contested.49 After laying out his framework in the first three chapters, Hampshire uses50 it to analyze migration governance in the liberal state (Chapter 4), multilat-51 eral and international migration governance (Chapter 5), liberal citizenship52 (Chapter 6), and integration policy (Chapter 7). Hampshire judiciously can-53 vasses the literature, but he does not hesitate to take positions on contentious54 issues and to suggest future avenues of research. Hampshire's analyses are55 usually compelling, but, on occasion, he is insufficiently charitable to posi-56 tions in the literature that he opposes and too brief in making his case.57 One instance of Hampshire's lack of charity occurs in the account of58 why citizenship matters (pp. 110–16). His account rests on a rebuttal of the59 claim that postnational membership coupled with universal human rights is60 replacing territorially based citizenship. Hampshire's enumeration of ways61 that citizenship still matters for many rights refutes the radical claim that62 "citizenship has become irrelevant for rights" (p. 112), but this claim has been63 unambiguously rejected in the last decade of work by transnational scholars64 such as Thomas Faist, Nina Glick Schiller, and Peggy Levitt. Hampshire is65 correct that the state matters for migration studies, but transnational scholars66 do not deny this; rather, they contend that how it matters cannot be fully67 understood by approaches like Hampshire's that take the state as the only68 unit of analysis.69 This is partly a result of Hampshire's disciplinary blinders. The Politics70 of Migration exemplifies James Hollifield's call for political scientists to bring71 the state back into migration studies (p. 2). Given this goal, it offers an ex-72 cellent overview of the state of the art in the political science of migration73 by explaining migration policy as a function of domestic politics and-to74 a much more limited extent-by multilateral negotiation between states.75 Nonetheless, it also shows the limitations of work confined by the discipline76 of political science and the need for an interdisciplinary approach. For ex-77 ample, Hampshire includes capitalism as one of his four facets that explain78 migration policy but provides little sustained discussion of how it comes to79 affect policy. One reason for this is that an investigation of capitalism would80 FNEP_A_969152 702xml October 28, 2014 15:22 Book Reviews 3 necessarily require going beyond the state to consider how its policies are81 buffeted by transnational, multinational, and global institutions.82 These criticisms should not detract from Hampshire's accomplishment.83 The Politics of Immigration is one of the best books available on the pol-84 itics of migration and is the first place to turn for anyone looking for an85 introduction to the political science of migration.86 Alex Sager87 Portland State University