iafor The IAFOR Journal of Ethics, Religion and Philosophy Volume 1 – Issue 1 – Autumn 2013 IAFOR Publications Executive Editor: Joseph Haldane The International Academic Forum The IAFOR Journal of Ethics, Religion and Philosophy Editor: Michael O'Sullivan, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Assistant Editor: Grant Hamilton, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Published by The International Academic Forum (IAFOR), Japan IAFOR Publications. Sakae 1-16-26-201, Naka-ward, Aichi, Japan 460-0008 Executive Editor, IAFOR Publications: Joseph Haldane Design: Thomas Haldane. Editorial Assistance: Melissa Choi The IAFOR Journal of Ethics, Religion and Philosophy Volume 1 – Issue 1 – Autumn 2013 IAFOR Publications © Copyright 2013 ISSN: 2187-0624 (Online) http://iafor.org/ethicsjournal.html IAFOR Journal of Ethics, Religion, and Philosophy Volume 1, Issue 1 1 2 Note on Contributors Willard Enrique R. Macaraan is an Assistant Professor in Theology and Religious Education Department (TRED) of De La Salle University, Manila, Philippines. He is currently finishing his dissertation entitled, "Towards Praxis of Compassion: A Mediated Theological Analysis of Economic Personalism," for the degree of Ph.D. in Applied Theology. His research interests include liberation theology, market economics, indigenous and cultural studies. Yusuke Kaneko Lecturer and Researcher of Meiji University (Japan) Doctor of Philosophy from the University of Tokyo (Japan) Main Research Field: Analytic Philosophy (Inductive Logic, Action Theory, Epistemology etc.), Modern Philosophy (Kant, Hume, Descartes, Utilitarianism etc.). Grant Hamilton is Assistant Professor of English Literature at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. His most recent work includes Reading Marechera (James Currey, 2013), On Representation: Deleuze and Coetzee on the Colonized Subject (Rodopi, 2011), as well as a number of articles on contemporary African, postcolonial, and world literatures. Ulas Basar Gezgin is a social science researcher (psychology, education, urban planning, Asian studies and Latin American studies) and academic with a decade of experience in various institutions in Turkey, Vietnam/Australia, Thailand and Malaysia/U.S.. He supervised many student research projects in various areas, teaching psychology, economics, cognitive science, anthropology and linguistics courses. Dr. Gezgin has published 9 books so far (the latest title is: Psychology of You 2.0: Psychology of Social Media). Apart from his academic works, he has been composing regular columns for various newspapers; and contributing to literature by his poetry, lyrics and essays. For more info: http://www.linkedin.com/in/ulasbasargezgin Eray Yağanak is currently Research Assistant in the Department of Philosophy in the Middle East Technical University (METU) in Turkey. Eray Yağanak has a wide range of research interests, including Philosophy, Political Science, Ethics, Religious Studies, Human Rights, Philosophy of Technology, and Environmental Ethics. He has published in these fields widely and has presented many papers in Conferences, Symposiums, and Congress. 3 Journal of Ethics, Religion and Philosophy Editors Editor: Michael O'Sullivan Ph.D. (Chinese University of Hong Kong) Michael O'Sullivan is Associate Professor of English at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. He writes on literature, philosophy, and religious studies. His publications include: Michel Henry, Incarnation, barbarism, and belief, The Incarnation of Language: Joyce, Proust, and a philosophy of the flesh, Weakness: a literary and philosophical history, and The humanities and the Irish University. Assistant editor: Grant Hamilton Ph.D. (Chinese University of Hong Kong) Biography can be found in Notes on Contributors. 4 Table of Contents Introduction p. 7 Michael O'Sullivan Articles The Man without Others: Deleuze's Structure-Other p. 11 Grant Hamilton Religion: A Tool of Dictators to Cleanse Ethnic Minority in Myanmar? p. 21 Mang Hre The Taking of Life: Killing Someone in the name of Preserving Another p. 31 Eray Yaganak Urban Biodiversity, Economics & Ethics p. 37 Ulas Basar Gezgin The Person in the Market: Threats and Possibilities p. 51 Willard Enrique R. Macaraan Three Utilitarians: Hume, Bentham, and Mill p. 61 Yusuke Kaneko 6 Introduction Michael O'Sullivan We, the editors, are delighted to publish the first issue of the IAFOR Journal of Ethics, Religion and Philosophy. The IAFOR Journal of Ethics, Religion and Philosophy is a journal that publishes a selection of papers each year from the IAFOR annual conference on Ethics, Religion and Philosophy. This conference is well-attended and it provides participants from a wide variety of backgrounds both religious and secular with a rare opportunity for discussing international concerns that influence how we understand such important issues as identity, responsibility, and community. This conference is also unique in bringing academics and researchers together to discuss these issues in English in an Asian academic environment. The editors feel that IAFOR is leading the way in providing such a forum at a time when Asian universities are gaining influence in today's global university, what, we believe, can still claim to be more than simply a 'marketplace of ideas'. The papers in this first issue respond to a range of issues. The canvas is broad but there is a shared motivation to speak for issues of ethical concern. In the first paper, "The Man without Others: Deleuze's Structure-Other," Grant Hamilton discusses a topic that is central to ethics, namely the question of the 'other'. Hamilton's argument is that even though Daniel Defoe's novel Robinson Crusoe and J. M. Coetzee's Crusoe-inspired novel Foe ostensibly embrace the thesis of the man without others, that they "nonetheless give very different accounts of Cruso(e) and his time on the island." Hamilton argues that the novels do this because "for Defoe's Crusoe the structure-other remains intact, while in Coetzee's novel the reader is introduced to a Cruso who suffers from its complete collapse". Hamilton employs Gilles Deleuze's notion of the "structure-other" to explain how otherness is still an important feature of these novels without 'others'. Hamilton argues that for Deleuze's "structure-other," the "Other makes itself felt as a necessary coordinate in the constitution of a coherent account of the world". Mang Hre's paper, "Religion: A Tool of Dictators to Cleanse Ethnic Minority in Myanmar?" gives a first-hand account of discriminatory practices in Myanmar perpetrated in the name of, most typically, the Buddhist religion. Hre argues that Buddhism has "become a tool of dictators to demolish ethnic minorities and it has been used as a form of legitimacy to maintain their power". Hre goes so far as to describe these discriminatory practices as a form of ethnic cleansing. For Hre, the "military government has sought to make the Burmese language, Buddhism and Burman culture the single cultural identity for the whole country. Non-Burman and non-Buddhists are excluded from government official positions, ranks, opportunities and all elections". Hre argues that Christianity has also been used as a tool for oppression for such ethnic groups in Myanmar as the Chin people. Hre argues that the "Muslim Rohingya minority in southwestern Myanmar" have perhaps suffered the most among all ethnic groups in the country. He also looks forward to an uncertain future for ethnic minority groups in Myanmar. 7 Eray Yaganak's paper, "The Taking of Life: Killing Someone in the name of Preserving Another", explores another key area of investigation in philosophy and ethics, namely the question of whether we can ever justify murdering another person for a greater good. The question is often asked in relation to the 9/11 terrorist attack in New York. Would it have been justifiable to shoot down the second airplane if it was known that it was also targeting the Twin Towers? However, Yaganak takes us back to Kant's discussion of this problem. Yaganak argues, in quoting Schneewind, that no "external source of motivation is needed for our self-legislation to be effective in controlling our behaviour". Morality is therefore a "human creation and its legislation comes from the rational will of the human beings" and not from the "external authority". Yaganak argues that "Kant is emphatic that morality does not rest on religion but the other way around: Religious faith is founded on morality". Yaganak's intention in the remainder of his essay is to explore how religious worldviews such as Islam and his reading of the Kantian discussion of morality can ultimately come to a similar conclusion in regard to the killing of another. Ulas Bazar Gezgin's paper, "Urban Biodiversity, Economics & Ethics" examines a very different aspect of ethics in contemporary society. Gezgin examines how the "sustainability triangle," what relates to the "conflict that arises from economic, social and environmental perspectives in regard to urbanisation" can be dealt with most ethically in an era of urban biodiversity. Gezgin examines how the economic models of urban centres where cities are considered to be the "engine of growth" as seats of "industries, service sectors, and ICT companies" can accommodate other perspectives on urban life. Gezgin questions why "the success of a city government" must always be measured by "economic performance indicators such as the increase in foreign direct investment or the number of high rises etc.". Gezgin argues that urban biodiversity necessitates giving adequate time to such issues as " rapid urbanization, informal housing in outskirts, grassroots democratization initiatives, crime rates, [and] access to municipal services". Gezgin examines various ethical dilemmas that arise between the different persepctives on urban life as cities grom "formally through projects led by the construction sector and informally through the growth of slum dwellers". Willard Enrique R. Macaraan's paper, "The Person in the Market: Threats and Possibilities", moves our discussion towards a cultural materialist examination of market forces in the social network age. Macaraan argues that the market has become an "imposing superstructure that does not simply connote a place of production, exchange and purchase but has transcended the non-economic spheres of human life, even its moral-cultural order". Macaraan's paper examines how this process has enhanced the commodification of the person. He argues that "even the sphere of interpersonal relations has become limited" by the increase of "formal and impersonal interactions" such as "social networking [and] online selling and marketing". Macaraan ultimately uses the work of Talcott Parsons on "Social Structure and Personality" and the work of Sigmund Freud to argue that society is now generally conceived in terms of how tolerant 'subjects' validate the prevailing market system. The final paper in the collection returns us to perhaps more traditional philosophical figures. Yusuke Kaneko's paper, "Three Utilitarians: Hume, Bentham, and Mill", compares and contrasts the work of Hume, Bentham, and Mill on utilitarianism. Kaneko aims to clarify the 8 relationships between these three canonical philosophers in regard to their work on utilitarianism. Kaneko seeks to present us with an "integrated model" of Hume, Bentham, and Mill on utilitarianism by bringing them together around the theme of "ethical motivation". In alluding to the greatest happiness principle, Kaneko argues that the "pursuit of pleasure based on moral sense functions as an axis among plural motives toward ethical action". The papers collected here have therefore covered a wide range of issues in discussing such topics as murder, the notion of the "Other", urban biodiversity, religious despotism and ethnic cleansing, utilitarianism, and market values in the age of the social network. However, all of the papers have come back to ethics in striving to find a common ground between different belief systems and different philosophical views on how life should be lived and conceived. The aim of this journal is to promote discussion around ethics on topics such as those above that are of perennial interest to philosophy and religious studies. 9 10 The Man without Others: Deleuze's Structure-Other Dr. Grant Hamilton Assistant Professor, English Department, The Chinese University of Hong Kong For those of us who take an interest in literary theory, the notion of the constitutive other continues to play an important role. Indeed, the writing of Emmanuel Levinas, Jacques Derrida, and Edward Said ensures that the contemporary literary critic must at the very least keep in mind the conceptual figure of "the Other" as she engages the social, political, and psychological fields of a text. However, this kind of ubiquity in the critical literary landscape means that the concept of the Other falls easy prey to those who are quick to elide its intrinsic complexity. For many, the inauguration of a simple dialectic between the self and other is enough to make the concept behave as wished. Take for example Hélène Cixous's assertion, There has to be some "other" – no master without a slave, no econimco-political power without exploration, no dominant class without cattle under the yoke, no "Frenchmen" without wogs, no Nazi's without Jews, no property without exclusion – an exclusion that has its limits and is part of the dialectic. (70-71) Cixous goes on to add definition to this conceptualization, but for more than a few literary critics this is where the interrogation of the Other ceases. As such, it becomes regarded as little more than the site by which the self guarantees its own presence. One area of literary studies that can never be so casual in its treatment of the Other is that dedicated to postcolonial literature and theory. Indeed, at its very core stands the premise that Europe "consolidated itself as sovereign subject by defining its colonies as 'Others,' even as it constituted them, for purposes of administration and the expansion of markets, into programmed near-images of that very sovereign self" (Spivak 128). In one way or another, the vast majority of postcolonial theory emerges from this model in order to understand better the effects and affects of the colonial encounter – the colonial endeavor traced through the institutionalization of the Other. But, that is not to imply that the theorization of the Other in postcolonial thought is complete. Indeed, one lacuna in the literature is that which concerns the absence of others. Few have asked the important question, If the Other guarantees the self then what happens in its absence? Is it in fact possible not to conceive of the Other? It is by answering such questions that I hope to add further texture to this important concept. In order to do so I turn to the work of French philosopher Gilles Deleuze. In The Logic of Sense, Deleuze gives one of the most intriguing and productive accounts of the Other. His is an Other that is not reducible to either an alternative subject or particular object, but is rather that which announces the structure that makes possible a coherent account of the world. Given this intimate relationship, one is invited to contemplate further the parallels that emerge between Deleuze's and Levinas's image of the Other – the intersubjective life of the Other; the kind of ethics that are made possible; but this is matter for another paper. The purpose of this paper is simply to elucidate the structure that Deleuze sees the Other make manifest – something that I think is best rendered by bringing Deleuze into conversation with two literary texts that rely heavily on the idea of the absence of others: Daniel Defoe's Robinson Crusoe (1719) and its celebrated re-writing, J.M. Coetzee's Foe 11 (1986). My rather simple claim is that although both novels embrace the thesis of the man without others, they nonetheless give very different accounts of Cruso(e) and his time on the island.1 They do so because for Defoe's Crusoe the structure-other remains intact, while in Coetzee's novel the reader is introduced to a Cruso who suffers from its complete collapse. From the very first moment that Crusoe realizes he is safe from the ravages of the sea, one sees that his actions are determined by the idea of the Other. In what threatens to be a paralyzing appreciation of his situation, Crusoe's is caught between a desire for the Other – the simple wish to be with others – and the fear of what such an encounter might bring. In the first instance, it is his fear that wins out. As such, Crusoe immediately turns his attention to how he might best defend himself against that which may lurk with mal-intent upon this unknown island. It is in this spirit of survival, then, that he spends his first night on the island in "a thick bushy tree like a fir" (35), which sports thorns as a natural defense against the world. It is also in this spirit that he quickly fashions a truncheon from a piece of wood, a weapon that is soon to be replaced by a musket which he manages to retrieve from his stricken ship. Through these actions the reader is made aware that for Crusoe the Other is first of all that which carries the threat of harm, and the shield and weapon – the defensive homestead and the truncheon/musket – the most immediate means of warding it off. However, as the days pass Crusoe begins to realize that the island upon which he finds himself is uninhabited. This revelation eases the fear that has until this moment conditioned all of his actions upon the island. Yet, as his sense of fear recedes, Crusoe experiences a growing anxiety over his isolation – about what it truly means to be alone, resident in a land without others. It is this anxiety, something that seems to be the expression of an almost primal need to be with others, which sees him try to affirm the existence of the Other in any way possible – even if that existence belongs to a people "over there," beyond the sight and immediate experience of the new castaway. Indeed, it is as if Crusoe finds the absence of others a more frightening prospect than a world populated by those who have the ability to take as their own the very things that one holds dear (including life). As such, the reader is made privy to the moment in which Crusoe's anticipation of a physical Other gives way to the seemingly fundamental need to maintain an idea of the Other. It is a subtle turn in the text but one that has a dramatic consequence on Crusoe's subsequent behavior, for his unabated toil proves to be the means by which he effectively "populates" the island and in so doing affirms the existence of the Other. In order to understand this point one must first recognize that Crusoe is made in the image of eighteenth century English society. As Louis Althusser knew well, we are all "called forth" by the ideological machinery of our society (1970). Because the family unit, the media, religion, and our educational institutions teach us how to form our desires, utter intentions, and make judgments, it is certain that the individual is always pressed in a certain image of the State. Crusoe is no different. His is a society that was comfortable striking out into "unknown" areas of the world in order to claim dominion over them; one that through the Protestant work ethic and principle of economic individualism, eventually constructed an empire that some have estimated brought nigh on one quarter of the world's total land mass and a similar fraction of the world's total population under the control of the British Crown (Ferguson 301). It is unsurprising, then, that Crusoe should feel so comfortable in "taming" 1 Coetzee chooses to alter the spelling of the castaway's name in his novel. So, while Defoe writes of the adventures of "Robinson Crusoe," Coetzee has the narrator of his story talk of "Cruso." It is for this reason that when I am able to talk about both figures simultaneously, I write of "Cruso(e)." 12 the wilderness of the island. However, it is upon the manner of the taming that we should concentrate. For the fact is that Crusoe brings the weight of eighteenth century English society to bear on the island. That is to say, he deploys an integrated set of theories, assertions, and aims concerning the world in order to figure out how best to make it bend to his will. In this sense, Crusoe is not one man struggling against the world on his own; he is a product and representative of a community of thought that has proven itself to be ruthlessly successful. For this reason, Crusoe's commitment to the Protestant work ethic is extremely important, not (just) because it keeps him busy but because it implicitly affirms the existence of others "elsewhere" – of a society that has crafted his mind. Indeed, his work ethic links Crusoe, however finely, to both England and God. From his first moments on the island Crusoe puts himself to work. Noting the way in which he set about transporting articles from the wrecked ship to the island, Crusoe writes, "I had been now thirteen days on shore, and had been eleven times on board the ship, in which time I had brought away all that one pair of hands could well be supposed capable to bring" (47). The novel pays tribute to toil in this way because it responds to the idea that God put people on this world to work. Thus, to work as we see Crusoe work is regarded as both Godly and just. Re-thought in a way that was used to justify British imperialism, to direct human energy to the transformation of the world around her – to shape it to human will – is in fact the will of God. One can take as evidence of this the very beginning of the Old Testament: And the LORD God took the man, and put him into the Garden of Eden to dress it and to keep it. And the LORD God commanded the man, saying, Of every tree of the garden thou mayest freely eat: but of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, thou shalt not eat of it: for in the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die. (King James Bible, Gen. 2: 15 – 17) To "dress and keep" the Garden is not only to have stewardship over the land, but "every beast of the earth [...] every fowl of the air, and [...] every thing that creepeth upon the earth" (Gen. 1: 30). Here, God directs man to tend to the earth – to cultivate it, to ensure that it does not lapse into wilderness. Now, given that nature tends towards what we think of as disorder, God's decree becomes an invitation to engage in endless toil – to combat the ceaseless march of nature with ceaseless endeavor. Such is the core to the Protestant work ethic. In hard work, in endless toil, one will not only find worldly success (which is not necessarily financial) but personal salvation. This is why Crusoe's successes on the island, however minor, are victories of the soul and thereby guarantors of the conceptual figure of the Other. It is unsurprising, then, that "infinite labor" becomes a refrain of the novel; but it does so at the expense of self-reflexivity and philosophical enquiry. Other than considering how best to conduct a particular work project, Crusoe spares little time thinking. For Crusoe, "doing" trumps "thinking." He comes close at times – for example, when he is first cast ashore, he questions the significance of money – but his thought is rarely sustained. Again raiding his stricken ship for valuable supplies, Crusoe stumbles across a not inconsiderable sum of money. He writes, I smiled to myself at the sight of this money: "O drug!" said I, aloud, "What art thou good for? Thou art not worth to me – no, not the taking off the ground; one of those knives is worth all this heap; I have no manner of use for thee" (48) 13 However, it is interesting to recall how the passage concludes: "upon second thoughts," Crusoe says, "I took it anyway" (48). If the irony is lost on Crusoe, it is not lost on the reader. Where has his philosophical musings on the true value of money got him? Nowhere. Yet, to question his choice in this way is to miss its significance. The fact that Crusoe takes the money, even though he knows it can have no value on the island, is truly noteworthy because it shows that on this island without others he has nonetheless retained a sense of the Other. That is to say, even in his condition of solitude he still has a sense of another place, another time, an other society in which these coins will prove to be valuable once again. Put another way, Crusoe's experience of isolation has not compromised his vision of a world of others that is at work beyond his visual horizon. Importantly, his notion of such a functioning world is maintained by those things which "prove" the idea of the other – the shield and the weapon he manufactures, the coins he cannot leave behind, the work ethic that he cannot abandon, and the God who has not abandoned him. For French philosopher Gilles Deleuze, this is a perfect example of the operation of the "structure-other" (Deleuze 308). Even in the absence of its physical, corporeal, concrete form, the Other makes itself felt as a necessary coordinate in the constitution of a coherent account of the world – Crusoe's coherent account of the world. Deleuze explains the mechanics of this in The Logic of Sense. For Deleuze, it is the conceptual figure of the Other who gives "depth" to the world, a depth that is formed by a recognition of the fundamental role played by the marginal and the background in the transition of objects and ideas. Explaining the process by which thought and objects emerge into our consciousness from an unmediated space, Deleuze writes, "I regard an object, then I divert my attention, letting it fall into the background. At the same time, there comes forth from the background a new object of my attention" (305). Our image of the world is constructed in this manner – of thoughts and objects emerging from, and then receding into, unregarded spaces. Of those thoughts and objects that transition into our consciousness, Deleuze claims, we can only ever be partially aware. The reason for this is that our gaze is never total; we can never apprehend every dimension of a thought or object. That is to say, there will always be some part of the world that is facing away from us – the back of an object that is facing us; the far-side of a car that passes us by; an unanticipated quality of a thought. Again, the observer will always remain blind to a certain aspect of an object or thought. It is in this context that Deleuze notes, The part of the object I do not see I posit as visible to Others, so that when I will have walked around to reach its hidden part, I will have joined the Others behind the object, and I will have totalized it in the way that I had already anticipated. As for the objects behind my back, I sense them coming together and forming a world, precisely because they are visible to, and are seen by, Others. (305) In this way, Deleuze thinks of the Other as a vital element of our perception and understanding of the world. Here, the Other makes manifest a structure, one that describes a triadic relation-function of subject to object, and in so doing ensures a coherency to the world for the fact that it guarantees the existence of those dimensions that are forever unseen to the observer. In a very real sense, then, the Other "completes" our perception of the world, and from this arises the unrivalled comfort that one detects in Crusoe's narrative. It is the comfort found in the "benevolent murmuring" (Deleuze 305) of the Other – a murmuring which intimates a world that must exist even if it cannot be immediately apprehended. It is a murmuring, Deleuze says, that guards the margins of one's perception, ensuring an 14 "anticipated" coherency of the world, and thereby also stands sentry to prevent assaults from the aspect that remains perpetually unseen by the observer: "behind my back" (305). However, a certain amount of care is required here, for this characterization of the Other does not rely upon it being reducible to either a specific object or alternative subject within our perception of the world. Indeed, Deleuze is quite adamant about this point. He writes, "the Other is neither an object in the field of my perception nor a subject who perceives me: the Other is initially a structure of the perceptual field, without which the entire field could not function as it does" (307). Perhaps the case is made a little too forcefully here. We certainly can think of the Other as a corporeal reality, as a "someone" who can become the subject of another perceptual field, or the someone who can gaze at an Other as object; but we can only do so because it first inaugurates the fundamental structure of our perceptual field that gives us a coherent account of the world. This, I think, is Deleuze's point. In sharp distinction to the corporeal reality of the Other, it is the a priori Other, our belief in the existence of others, which makes possible the productive relationship between subject and object. Here, then, is how we can account for the significance of the Bible to Defoe's Crusoe – it is a means by which he can feel the continuing operation of the structure-other on an island without others. From his state of isolation, the Bible allows Crusoe the chance to initiate a dialogue that opens up a private relationship with God. Indeed, it is a dialogue that Crusoe uses to try to understand why the divine hand has guided him to what he regards as his current unsavory situation: And what am I, and all the other creatures, wild and tame, human and brutal, whence are we? Sure we are all made by some secret Power, who formed the earth and sea, the air and sky. And who is that? Then it followed most naturally, It is God that has made it all [...] if God has made all these things, He guides and governs them all, and all things that concern them [...] If so, nothing can happen in the great circuit of His works, either without His knowledge or appointment. And if nothing happens without His knowledge, He knows I am here, and am in this general condition [...] Why has God done this to me? What have I done to be used thus? (70-71) One may object that this is hardly the "benevolent murmuring" of the Other that Deleuze describes. Yet, we see here Crusoe's reflection on his current condition necessarily position him within a divine scheme; and that positioning ultimately means that he is no longer a solitary being upon a deserted island. With the Bible in hand, regardless of whether he is only a passive passenger of divine will, Crusoe thinks of himself as enveloped by a relationship with God. It is this that reinstates a sense of the benevolent murmuring of the Other or, put another way, restores a "hope founded on the encouragement of the Word of God" (74). It is a hope which ensures that possibility (of being rescued), chance (of the growth of the discarded barley), and order (of the divine will) remain constant elements of Crusoe's time upon the island. If Defoe's Robinson Crusoe is a thesis on the man without Others explored through the absence of the corporeal Other, then Coetzee's Foe is an exploration of solitude in perhaps its most profound state – the collapse of the structure-other. Coetzee's Cruso lives without the hope enjoyed by Defoe's Crusoe. As such, his is a world without possibility, good fortune, or order. The reader is told by Susan Barton that Cruso had "slain the monster of solitude" (Coetzee 38), but one is necessarily drawn to consider whether the cost of victory was too great. 15 Our suspicion that Coetzee's Cruso is suffering in a way that is fundamentally different to Defoe's is raised from the first moments Susan Barton is washed ashore. Her arrival is greeted without the slightest register of excitement, interest, or fright by Cruso, so that the reader immediately seeks to understand the genesis of such apathy. Of course, it stands in stark contrast to the footprint of the Other that leaves Defoe's Crusoe "thunderstruck." It happened one day, about noon, going towards my boat, I was exceedingly surprised with the print of a man's naked foot on the shore, which was very plain to be seen in the sand. I stood like one thunderstruck, or as if I had seen an apparition. I listened, I looked round me, I could hear nothing, nor see anything. I went up to a rising ground, to look farther. I went up the shore, and down the shore, but it was all one; I could see no other impression but that one. (117-118) The passage continues, tracing Crusoe's reaction to the depression: How it came thither I knew not, nor could in the least imagine. But after innumerable fluttering thoughts, like a man perfectly confused and out of myself, I came home to my fortification, not feeling, as we say, the ground I went on, but terrified to the last degree, looking behind me at every two or three steps, mistaking every bush and tree, and fancying every stump at a distance to be a man; nor is it possible to describe how many various shapes affrighted imagination represented things to me in, how many wild ideas were found every moment in my fancy, and what strange, unaccountable whimsies came into my thoughts by the way. (118) Here, then, is our clue to understanding Cruso's apathy. For Defoe, the Other is clearly an expression of a possible world. Indeed, the footprint acts in this way – filling the void between the possibility of a frightening world and the "not yet" frightened Crusoe. To all intents and purposes, this depression in the sand sends him back to his first moments on the island and reignites the fear that conditions the possibility of a physical encounter with a corporeal Other. To this extent, Crusoe exemplifies Deleuze's claims that "the self is the development and the explication of what is possible, the process of its realization in the actual" (307). From the moment Crusoe regards the footprint his way of living on the island changes. However, what happens when the structure-other collapses – when the aura of such possibility as described above ceases to function? The collapse of the structure-other necessarily takes with it the engine of possibility; and in this environment all emotions are laid to waste. As such, Cruso can neither be excited, amazed, or fearful of Susan Baton's presence on the island. Where hope, possibility, chance, and order once resided there is now a profound exhaustion. Barton writes, "I had exhausted my questions to Cruso about the terraces, and the boat he would not build, and the journal he would not keep, and the tools he would not save from the wreck" (34). But this is not to be mistaken for a description of a lazy Cruso. After all, Cruso is seen to work restlessly on the construction and readying of terraces for the planting. It is, rather, a description of the exhaustion brought about by the collapse of the structure-other. If tiredness announces the inability to realize a possibility, then exhaustion announces the nullification of the very possibility that precedes realization. The reader sees this at play when Susan Barton asks Cruso what he will be planting in the terraces following its 16 completion. Clearly, the question she asks assumes that the terraces are being constructed for a purpose – that Cruso has a plan to which he is working. Indeed, it is not inconceivable that Barton expected Cruso to reply in the manner of Defoe's Crusoe, "I will plant barley, more specifically English barley" (as grows by chance on Defoe's island). Yet, the condition of exhaustion makes statements like this impossible. For Cruso, it seems as though there is a memory which intimates that endless toil is good and Godly, but he has long ago forgotten the connection between these things. He responds to Barton's question: "The planting is not for us [...] we have nothing to plant" (33). In this way, Cruso's work is devoid of all meaning because it is conducted without any purpose. Ultimately, there is no possibility that the terraces will provide any function (a purpose) or that the construction will ever be completed (a realization). Put simply, for Cruso there is simply no possibility. As such, the preferences, needs and goals that predicate the act of realizing the possible are renounced through the condition of exhaustion. Susan Barton asks Cruso about the possibility of fashioning candles but this need is dismissed, not because of Cruso's inability to fashion candles, but because of the condition of exhaustion that prevents him from realizing such a possibility. Cruso will mark this moment with a turn to the absurd, "which is easier: to learn to see in the dark, or to kill a whale and seethe it down for the sake of a candle?" (27). Indeed, the refrain of request and failure of realization appears throughout the first section of Foe – Susan Barton's request for shoes, which she will eventually fashion herself; her request to retrieve tools from the sunken wreck of the ship, which will also never be realized. Similarly, the exchange between Susan Barton and Cruso concerning the goal of escaping the island highlights the difference between the exhausted and the merely tired: "'Why in all these years have you not built a boat and made your escape from this island?' 'And where should I escape to?' he replied, smiling to himself as though no answer were possible" (13). Indeed, for Cruso, no answer is possible for the notion of possibility upon which an answer to such a question must rest had long ago deserted him. The result of Cruso's exhaustion – of the collapse of the structure-other – is felt everywhere in the novel. Another significant casualty of the failure of possibility is the notion of the past and the future. An inability to think of the future in light of the demise of possibility is easy enough to understand. Put simply, without possibility the world can have nothing into which to move. The result is a still world, a still-born world, in which nothing changes and, more importantly, in which nothing can change – hence, the death of a future. However, thinking about how the failure of possibility accounts for a lost sense of history requires a slightly more nuanced appreciation of Cruso's actions. "I would gladly now recount to you the history of this singular Cruso," Susan Barton explains at the beginning of the novel, "but the stories he told me were so various, and so hard to reconcile with one another, that I was more and more driven to conclude age and isolation had taken their toll on his memory" (11-12). Barton's comment is insightful, not because of the connotation of intellectual decrepitude that accompanies her observation but because she fingers memory as the cause of Cruso's contradictory accounts of his history. With his inability to conceive of the future, history loses its conceptual value and so Cruso draws it into the realm of his memory. As such, when Cruso announces that "Nothing I have forgotten is worth the remembering" (17), the reader begins to understand why he chooses not to record the passing of time – either by noting the passage of cycles of the moon or by maintaining a journal. For Cruso, history is a mere matter of memory, and memory nothing more than a means of being able to function on the island – where to find drinking water, where to find food, and so on. 17 However, that is not to say that Cruso's memory is infallible. Indeed, its function is compromised by the failure of the structure-other. Just like history, in order to function correctly memory must create the distinction between subject and object; but this is only possible through the structure made manifest by the a priori Other. For this reason, Cruso's incoherent recollections, which confuse more than elucidate, only intimate what Deleuze calls "the snares of memory" (313) – a memory that cannot determine the necessary relationship between Cruso and his past. Indeed, since the collapse of the structure-other necessarily leads to an incoherent account of the world, Cruso's memory can only draw from the most immediate of his experiences; and that is his time on the island. Therefore, it is not that Cruso "wished his story to begin with his arrival on the island" (Coetzee 34 – my italics) as Susan Barton suspects, but rather that he cannot even conceive of a history before his arrival on the island. It is in this sense, then, that Cruso seemingly lives an eternal present – without the possibility of either a history or a future. His days coalesce into an indistinguishable moment of repetitive existence, perhaps in sympathy with the cycle of the island's weather: "wind, rain, wind, rain: such was the pattern of the days in that place, and had been, for all I knew, since the beginning of time" (14-15). Such repetition is only broken by episodes of Cruso's "old fever." While one might be keen to think of these bouts of fever as history trying to reassert itself, of the structure-other trying to re-establish itself, it seems that such episodes are never anything more than mere hallucinations of memory. Barton tells the reader how Cruso "beat with his fists and shouted in Portuguese at figures he saw in the shadows" (27). But this is nothing more than a demonstration of the way in which his inability to access the structureother ensures an end to the transgression of an individuating consciousness, from past to future, and equally ensures an end to a secure separation between consciousness and the world. Thus, Cruso's hallucinations of memory designate an "end of history" and condition his consciousness so that it cannot be meaningfully divided between the temporalities to which we are all naturalized – the past, present, and future. The loss of the structure-other instructs a debilitating slip into solipsism where the objectively "real" immediately becomes a matter of subjectivity. History, truth, and reality lose all coherence as the referee to judgements of truth or falsity is nowhere to be found. By way of brief conclusion, I would like to return to the question with which I began this paper – If the Other guarantees the self then what happens in its absence? Defoe and Coetzee give us very different answers. Defoe's Crusoe suffers no ill effects from his solitude because he retains a strong appreciation of the a priori Other. Coetzee's Cruso, on the other hand, suffers a profound ontological re-working. The others that he meets do nothing to stop the slow erosion of the structure-other. With the withering away of this structure that makes possible a coherent account of the world, goes the vital energies of life. Because of this Coetzee's Cruso is left a profoundly isolated figure – exhausted and incapable of working his way out of a solipsistic mire. Here, then, is the true threat of a world without others – a stillborn world that lacks the very possibility of the new. 18 WORKS CITED Althusser, Louis. Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays, tr. Ben Brewster (1970; London: Monthly Review Press, 1971) Cixous, Hélène and Catherine Clément. The Newly Born Woman, tr. Betsy Wing (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1986). Coetzee, J.M. Foe (1986; London: Penguin, 1987). Defoe, Daniel. Robinson Crusoe (1719; London: Penguin, 2003). Deleuze, Gilles. The Logic of Sense, ed. Constantin V. Boundas, tr. Mark Lester with Charles Stivale (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990). Ferguson, Niall. Empire: The Rise and Demise of the British World Order and the Lessons for Global Power (London: Allen Lane, 2002). King James Bible, ed. Robert Carroll and Stephen Prickett (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. "The Rani of Sirmur," in Europe and Its Others, ed. Francis Barker, Peter Hulme, Margaret Iversen and Diana Loxley (Colchester: University of Exeter, 1985), vol. 1: 128-151. 19 20 Religion: A Tool of Dictators to Cleanse Ethnic Minority in Myanmar? Mang Hre Victorian Chin Baptist Church 153-157 Hull Road, Mooroolbark, VIC 3138 Email: manghre@gmail.com Religion plays a vitally important role among the people of Myanmar. In this paper, I will use the name "Myanmar" as a country name and "Burma" for the ethnic Barma people. "Burma" was the country name before the military government changed "Burma" to "Myanmar." The USA, the EU, and some ethnic groups in Myanmar as well as the opposition party, National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi, do not recognize the name and still use the word "Burma' for the country name. I prefer to use Burma to denote the "Burma ethnic group" because it is traditionally the word used to denote the Burma ethnicity. Even from ancient times religion has been firmly rooted in the heart of the people. They worshipped and adored "nats" or "spirit" which displays a form of reverence for the spirit of nature. Buddhism was first introduced around 241 BC but it was only in the time of King Anawrahta who unified the Burmese kingdom in 1044 AD that Buddhism in Myanmar began to influence political events (Guruge 2004:105-107). From this time Theravada Buddhism was considered the State religion. Today, the Therevada Buddhism is practiced by the Burman, Mon, Shan, Rakhine, and some Karens, peoples. In 1962, General Ne Win, who ruled the country from 1962 to 1988, promised that the government would not involve itself in mixing religion and politics. Against his promise, his government had clamped down on all forms of organization, including many Buddhist organizations (Houtman 1999, p. 269). All of the foreign Christian missionaries were expelled from Myanmar and their properties and mission schools became the property of government. Religion for the Ne Win regime only means Buddhism. When the Ne Win regime was ousted in the 1988 uprising, General Than Shwe succeeded in power to control the country. Like Ne Win, Than Shwe declared that there would be no discrimination in regard to religion. In practice, however, the military government has increasingly taken to representing itself as both piously Buddhist and of the Burma ethnic group. General Than Shwe has said, 'As you know, I am a soldier, but at the same time, I am also a Buddhist. I faithfully try to follow the Buddhist teaching (cited in Houtman 1999, p.269).' Buddhism then becomes a tool of dictators to demolish ethnic minorities and it has been used as a form of legitimacy to maintain their power. In this paper, I will try explore the situation in regard to the ethnic minorities in Myanmar and will focus upon the pain and suffering inflicted by the military government. Who are the Ethnic Minorities? Myanmar is an ethnically diverse nation. The government officially recognized that there are 135 distinct races. These 135 races are grouped into eight: 1. Chin, 2. Kachin, 3. Kayah, 4. Kayin, 5. Mon, 6. Bamar or Burman, 7. Rakhine, and 8. Shan. Most of the ethnic minorities are grouped according to region rather than linguistic or ethnic affiliation. For example the Shan includes 33 tribal groups and the Chin includes more than 60 ethnic tribal groups. There is no clear census of ethnic population after 1988 since the dictators tried to minimize the minority population. According to the 1983 census records 69 percent of the population belongs to the majority Burman (Bama) group, while 8.5 percent is Shan (including sub21 nationalities), 6.2 percent is Karen, 4.5 percent is Rakhine, 2.4 percent is Mon, 2.2 percent is Chin, 1.4 percent is Kachin and 1 percent is Wa (South 2008). Whenever we talk about Myanmar before the colonial period (1886-1948), we are excluding other ethnic groups such as Chin, Kachin, Kayin, Shan and others since they never had been part of the Burma kingdom but each had their own territory. Only after the British invaded and began ruling over the country in 1886 was it easy for them to unite all other ethnic groups under the administration of Rangoon (now Yangon). And from that time, the ethnic minority groups in Myanmar became part of Myanmar. Some of the ethnic groups were separated into two countries or more than one territory. For example, the North-Western part of the Chin territory became part of India, in Mizoram State, Manipur State, Assam State, and Nagaland state and some Chins known as Bawm are also living in Bangladesh. Some of the Chin people are also living in Chin State of Myanmar, Magwe division, and Sagaing division. After independence was gained from the British colonials, these ethnics groups have launched armed struggles against the army demanding self-determination, democracy, and they have even tried to regain their previous territories. Each of these groups practiced their own cultures, languages and religions. Most of the nonBurman ethnic minorities are living along the country's mountainous frontiers. During the colonial period the British referred to the land of the ethnic minorities as "Frontier Burma" or "Excluded Area" (Safman 2007:54). Myanmar has experienced a long history of conflict among various ethnic groups along these fluid frontiers. The boundaries between their states were finally fixed only during British imperial rule between 1820-1948. Most of the nonBurman ethnic groups were not satisfied with the British policies under the administration of Yangon, who were mostly of the Burma ethnicity. As a result they had different interests during WWII. Many of the Burman peoples joined the Japanese forces during WWII while many minority ethnic groups remained loyal to Britain. This reflected a genuine desire for independence on the part of both groups; the Burmans were struggling to be free of the British colonialism and the ethnic minorities were wishing to escape Burman domination (Veen 2005, p. 7). During the time of preparation for independence from Britain, General Aung San had tried hard negotiating with the ethnic minority groups to join the new union promising that after a decade they would consider their independence. With this promise, the Chin, Kachin and Shan leaders signed the Panglong Agreement on February 12, 1947. This date was called as the "Union Day." It was the date when the ethnic minorities-Chin, Kachin and Shan-joined the Union of Myanmar. The Karen ethnic group did not sign the Panglong agreement because they did not put their trust in the Burma leaders including General Aung San. In spite of the promise and the guarantees of the Panglong Agreement, successive Burman governments underestimated the size of the ethnic minorities and brutally started ethnic wars as soon as the declaration of independence from Britain. Ethnic Cleansing and Burmanization Despite many ethnicities, cultures, religions and ethnics, the military dictators recognized only one that which is male, Burman and Buddhist. The military government has sought to make the Burmese language, Buddhism and Burman culture the single cultural identity for the whole country. Non-Burman and non-Buddhists are excluded from government official positions, ranks, opportunities and all elections. The ethnic minorities in Myanmar are clearly 22 aware that Buddhism is a tool of the dictators to clean and demolish the ethnic minorities since the military rulers belong to the Burma ethnic group who are also Buddhists. The assimilation process of ethnic minorities even started before the independence period. This process has been known as 'Burmanization." The word Burmanization means to make all ethnic people Burmans and Buddhists. Before the independence period, the national motto was, "Amyo, bartha, thatana" which meant 'Burmese race, Burmese language, and Burmese religion (Buddhism) (Lynn). Since the formation of the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) and the Military Revolution Council in 1962, Myanmar was administered by the military in which there were no ethnic leaders in government administration. All of the authority rested in the Burma group. The Burmanization movements started as a variety of policies that led to the assimilation of peoples into a common culture, which is known as the Burma culture. The introduction of the 1974 Constitution, the coup of 1988, the replacement of the BSPP by the National Unity Party, and the 1990 elections have not reduced either the centralization or the Burman domination (Brown 1994: 50) All the enacted laws reveal the dominance of the Burman group in the state elites and the superiority of the Burman people and culture and this has led to the assimilation of ethnic minorities. After 1991, the military government started the most intensive war against ethnic minorities along the borders of China, Thailand, and Bangladesh. This military operation was not only aimed at ending the ethnic insurgencies but also at promoting the Burma culture and the Burma people (Thomas 1993: 10-11). In Myanmar the largest Christian group are from the Chin ethnic group. They live in Chin State in the North-West of the country near the Indian border. According to Human rights activists, the Chin Christians are subject to "systematic persecution". The military government has sent hundreds of Buddhist monks to the Chin state to convert Christians to Buddhism. Those who become Buddhists are promised special privileges and opportunities (Asia News 2004). Publishing the Chin Bible is prohibited and it is considered illegal. According to Asia News, in 2000 alone, about 16,000 copies were seized and burnt. The government has also closed down more than 80 churches around the capital Yangon in 2001 and has denied Christians the right to meet in places built in the last one hundred years. Since 1994 all applications for new churches have been turned down. Gatherings that exceed five people other than for Sunday mass require a permit from the authorities (Asia News 2004). David Mathieson from Human Rights Watch is reported to have said that the military rulers use Buddhism, the majority religion, to prop up their rule: "There are a lot of stories of people who either in the military or in the public service or even in business -find that their career is coming to a halt at a certain level if they do not convert to Buddhism (Physicians for Human Right 2011). Today, religious persecution and ethnic cleaning still go hand in hand. Human rights violation and ethnic wars against the Rohingyas, Chins, Kachin, Karen are still happening in Myanmar. Many of the ethnic minorities have fled to India, Bangladesh, China, Thailand and Malaysia. Most of the ethnic minorities were not allowed to vote in the 2010 election. According to the "Physicians for Human Rights" report, about three million from the ethnic minority groups are not allowed to vote in the November 7, 2010 general election (Physicians for Human Rights 2011). 23 Religion as a tool to cleanse minority ethnic In Myanmar, 85% of the population professes Theravada Buddhism (roughly 48 million), 6% Christianity (1.65 million Baptists and 550,000 Roman Catholics), 4% Islam (2.2 million), 1% Hinduism (550,000) and the remaining 1 % consists of Mahayana Buddhism, Vajrayana Buddhism and Animism. Converting to Buddhism meant losing their previous cultures and practicing the Burma group's culture. In other word it is becoming Burma. The wish of the Burma Buddhists is for other people to convert to Buddhism. In 1882, Shway Yoe wrote, "The Best thing a Burman can wish for a good Englishman is that in some future existence, as a reward for good works, he may be born a Buddhist and if possible a Burman"( Shway Yoe 1963: ix). The Shway Yoe's words reflect the real Burma's thoughts regarding other religions. It is not only Buddhism, but also Christianity, that has been the destroyer of ethnic identities and cultures. The Chin people, for instance, felt this case more than other ethnics group in Myanmar. Before the arrival of the Christian missionaries to the Chin land, the Chin had their distinct cultures, and practices. But when the missionaries taught about Christianity, they taught them to abandon all of their cultures and practices, teaching them that all these preChristians elements in Chin cultures were evils. Instead, they were taught to practice the culture of western life. This kind of teaching meant that many of the Chin Christians abandoned their identity and that they lost their culture, and even their history. But now that the Church leaders, theological lecturers, and professors have realized the importance of preserving culture, the Chin Association of Christian Communication (CACC) has been formed by some of the Church leaders to rediscover the lost elements of the Chin culture and literature. Today, Christianity has become the religion that protects the Chin peoples from the danger of assimilation into the Burma Buddhists. The Christian organizations are working hard in promoting ethnic languages, literatures, and cultures and in preserving the ethnic identities of these peoples. The ethnic minority languages and literatures were taught for five years in the primary schools before 1964. During the socialist period, they were taught for three years. But they were finally banned in public schools about the end of Ne Win's regime (Lynn). The promotion of ethnic languages and literatures plays an essential part in respecting ethnic cultural identity. But today, many young ethnic minorities cannot speak nor write in their own languages. Today, Burmese language has become the official common language of all ethnic groups and it is also the only medium of instruction for all education in Myanmar. A crucial problem for the minority ethnic groups is the dictators' attempts to eliminate the native languages of these minority ethnic groups. Buddhism as A Tool of Legitimacy Religion has been used as a tool for legitimizing their power. The dictators clearly understand that more than two thirds of the population are Buddhist. In every state activity the military leaders are on the side of Buddhists. They publicly announced that Buddhism is the most suitable religion for Myanmar. Therefore, the government applies pressure on students and poor youths to convert to Buddhism. Adherence or conversion to Buddhism is generally a prerequisite for promotion to senior government and military ranks. 24 It was U Nu, the first Prime Minister of the Union of Myanmar, who pushed to make Buddhism the state religion in 1961. The idea of Buddhism as the State religion was continued by General Ne Win and again by General Than Shwe's regime. For instance, the official Ministry of Religious Affairs includes a department for the Promotion and Propagation of Sasana (Buddhist teaching). State-controlled news media frequently depict or describe the government officials paying homage to Buddhist monks, making donations at pagodas throughout the country and officiating at ceremonies to open Buddhist shrines. Nearly all the popular books on Buddhist religious teaching have been published by the government. The two Buddhist universities in Yangon and Mandalay are running the statesponsored program of "State Monk Coordination Committee" (Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee or SMNC). The state-sponsored International Theravada Buddhist Missionary University (ITBMU) in Yangon was also opened in 1998. While supporting the Buddhist religion, the military government has been trying to eliminate the other religions such as Christianity, Islam and Hinduism. The government prohibited publishing the teaching of other religions since the 1960s. All publications of religious sermons and teachings in ethnic languages remain subject to control and censorship. It is illegal to import translations of the Bible in indigenous languages. The other religious organizations must register with the Ministry of Home Affairs with the endorsement of the Ministry for Religious Affairs. The government never funded or supported non-Buddhist religions while they fully support Buddhism. The military government has used different masks to gain its goal. Recently, the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a government-sponsored mass organization which won over 80 percent of vote in 2010 election, has been actively involved in the Buddhist movements. They build Buddhist shrines and schools in the ethnic minority areas which are mostly inhabited by poor Christians. These peoples are taught the Buddhist cultures and doctrines so that they will convert to Buddhism. In short, we can summarize that the military government has used Buddhism as a state religion and it fully supports that religion in order to legitimize its power to control the country where two thirds of the population is Buddhist. Restrictions on minority ethnic religious freedom The Government has continued to show a preference for Theravada Buddhism while controlling the other organizations and restricting the activities and expressions of the Buddhist clergy (Sangha). Any organization that does not support the government is denounced as an illegal organization. Based on the 1990 Sangha Organization Law, the Government banned any organization of Buddhist monks other than the nine state-recognized monastic orders. Authorities frequently refused to approve requests for gatherings to celebrate traditional Christian and Islamic holidays and restricted the number of Muslims that could gather in one place. For instance, in late 2006 a prominent Muslim religious organization planned to hold a golden jubilee in Mawlamyine, Mon State, to celebrate the founding of their organization. After they requested permission to hold the event, the local Division Commander, Brigadier General Thet Naing Win, called representatives of all nonBuddhist religious organizations in the area to a meeting. He informed them that permission would not be granted to hold any religious functions or ceremonies due to security reasons. None of the Buddhists ever faced such restrictions and difficulties in holding their religious events and feast. 25 On January 23, 2007, Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) released a report that documented the Government's restrictions, discrimination, and persecution against Christians. Afterward, the Ministry of Religious Affairs pressured religious organizations in the country to publish statements in government-controlled media denying they had any connection with CSW or advising them to condemn the report and to reject the idea that religious discrimination existed in the country. The Government continued to discriminate against members of minority religious groups. Many house churches in Yangon are closed because they did not have proper authorization to hold religious meetings. On October 1, 2006, the Agape Zomi Baptist Church, with more than 1,000 members, had to stop its weekly services at Asia Plaza Hotel in Rangoon after the hotel management refused to continue renting them a conference room. The hotel managers claimed that the township authorities had ordered them to stop renting its facility to the group, which had worshipped at the hotel for approximately one year. In November 2005 authorities in Insein Township, Rangoon, pressured evangelical Christians of the 20-year-old Phawkkan Evangelical Church to sign "no worship" agreements. Some signed the agreements out of fear, but others refused. In February 2006 the authorities issued an order banning worship at the church. The Religious Affairs Ministry does not allow any building of churches. However, the Burma Buddhists are building a lot of pagodas in the Christian lands, where there is no Buddhist at all. The Catholic Church established new dioceses in Kachin and Shan states. The bishop of the new diocese in Pekon, Shan State, decided to build his residence on a plot of land owned by the church. Brigadier General Myo Lwin, commander of Military Operation Command Seven at Pekon, ordered the partially built structure demolished, confiscated the land, and extended his own compound fence to enclose the church property. Despite appeals to higher authorities, the Church has not recovered its property. In the past, pagodas or government buildings often have been built on confiscated Christian land. In Kachin State, authorities have constructed Buddhist shrines in Christian communities where few or no Buddhists reside and have tried to coerce Christians into forced labor to carry bricks and other supplies for the shrine's construction. In September 2006 government officials inaugurated a pagoda near the Kachin Independence Organization's headquarters at Laiza, Kachin State. Kachin sources reported there were no Buddhists living in the community. In northern Rakhine State, authorities frequently forced Rohingyas to help construct Buddhist shrines, even though Buddhists there account for approximately 2 percent of the population Some Christians in Chin State claimed that the authorities have not authorized the construction of any new churches since 1997. A Christian leader in Chin State stated that to obtain permission to repair or build a church he first had to obtain permission from the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the Ministry of Progress of Border Areas and National Races and Development Affairs (NaTaLa), the Immigration Department and the Township Peace and Development Committee. State censorship authorities continued to enforce special restrictions on local publication of the Bible, the Qur'an, and Christian and Islamic publications. Authorities also restricted the quantity of Bibles and Qur'ans brought into the country. In general, the Government has not allowed permanent foreign religious missions to operate in the country since the mid-1960s. It expelled nearly all foreign missionaries and nationalized all private schools and hospitals, which were extensive and affiliated mostly with Christian religious organizations. 26 Non-Buddhists continued to experience employment discrimination at upper levels of the public sector. Few have ever been promoted to the level of Director General or higher. There were no non-Buddhists who held flag rank in the armed forces, although a few Christians reportedly achieved the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. The Central Executive Committee of the largest opposition group-the National League for Democracy-also included no nonBuddhists, although individual members from most religious groups in the country supported the party. The Government discouraged Muslims from enlisting in the military, and Christian or Muslim military officers who aspired for promotion beyond the rank of major were encouraged by their superiors to convert to Buddhism. Some Muslims who wished to join the military reportedly had to list "Buddhist" as their religion on their application, though they were not required to convert. In 2007, Burmese language document titled, "Program to Eliminate Christianity." The document suggested 17 points for countering Christianity in the country; however, the source of the documents was unreliable because of some grammatical errors. However, there are some elements that mention the government campaign for "Burmanization." For instance, the NaTaLa, the Buddhist movement in the Chin States, focuses on converting poor Christians to Buddhism with the aim of assimilating them to the Burma group. Muslim minority not recognized as citizens The Muslim Rohingya minority in southwestern Myanmar is perhaps suffering the most among all ethnic groups in the country. The regime does not even recognize the Rohingya as citizens of Myanmar. The government destroyed their houses, buildings and burnt their crops so thousands had to move to neighbouring Bangladesh (Asia News 2004). According to "International Religious Report 2007", there are approximately 25,000 Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh (International Religious Freedom Report 2007). The government does not give them citizenship. Instead, some of them were given 'Temporary Registration Cards (TRC)." According to UNHCR, there are 800,000 Rohingyas in Myanmar and only 650,000 possessed TRC. In order to apply for RTC, the Muslim men were asked to submit photos without beards. The authorities did not grant permission to Rohingya to travel for any purpose. They do not have access to state-run schools beyond primary education because there is no secondary school for TRC cards holders. They are not allowed to apply for any government office. Some Rohingya Muslims who wanted to be soldiers had to list 'Buddhist' as their religion on the application forms (International Religious Freedom Report 2007). The Uncertain future for Ethnic Minorities The 2008 Constitution of the Union of Myanmar forbids discrimination on ethnic or religious grounds. But it also states that misusing religions for political purpose is forbidden. Some argue that this paragraph paves the way for persecuting religious minorities, as any public activity can easily be construed as being for political purposes (Lehman). However many people regard this as nothing new. It has been part of life here since 1962. In spite of the existing constitution, the government has systematically discriminated against ethnic minorities and it supports the policy of Burmanization. On November 7, 2010, the military government unveiled a new flag; it consists of a large, single white star replacing the fourteens stars on the old flag. Many of the ethnic minority groups are dissatisfied with the new flag; they see it as symbolising Burmanization the policy of assimilating all ethnic minorities into the dominant ethnic Burman group which will result in the loss of their 27 cultures and identities. Therefore, the future of ethnic minorities in Myanmar is uncertain and no one can predict what will happen during the period of the new government in Myanmar. 28 References Asia News. "Systematic religious persecution in Myanmar," (Online) available from URL: http://www.asianews.it/index.php?art=1711&l=en. Brown, David. (1994). The State and Ethnic Politics in Southeast Asia. Routledge: London. Guruge, Ananda W.P. (2004), What in Brief is Buddhism, Buddha's Light Publishing, Hacienda Heights. Houtman, Gustaaf. (1999), Mental Culture in Burmese crisis politics: Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democray, The Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo. Lehman, Ana. 'Religious minorities face persecution in Myanmar,' (Online) available from URL: http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0, 6112583,00.html. Lynn, Samuel N. "Voices of Minority Ethnic Christians in Myanmar." CTC Bulletin, (Online) available from URL: http://www.cca.org.hk/resources/ctc/ctc02-02/ctc02-02e.htm. Physicians for Human Right. (2011). "Lie under the junta: Evidence of Crime against Humanity in Burma's Chin State" . South, Ashley. (2008), Ethnic Politics in Burma: States of Conflict. Routledge, London. Safman, Rachel M. (2007), 'Minorities and State-building in Mainland Southeast Asia,' Myanmar: state, society and ethnicity, ISEAS Puhlishing, Singapore. Thomas, Dorothy Q. (1993), A Modern Form of Slavery: Trafficking of Burmese Women and Girls into Brothers in Thailand, Human Right Watch, New York. Veen, Rianne ten. (2005), Myanmar Muslims: The Oppressed of the Oppressed,IHRC, Wembley. Yoe, Shway. (1963). The Burman: His Life and Notion, W. W. Norton and Company, New York. 29 30 The Taking of Life: Killing Someone in the name of Preserving Another Eray Yaganak Middle East Technical University Department of Philosophy 06531 Ankara / Turkey eray@metu.edu.tr I The purpose of this paper is to examine the taking of human life in the name of preserving another. It is going to be discussed considering religious and ethical concerns. The taking of life is prohibited by various religions because they assert that only God has the authority to give and take away life. Although the taking of life can be regarded as a religious problem, it has also ethical concerns. For example, in Kantian ethics, the taking of human life is always wrong. According to Kant, all human life is to be revered and no one may ever be killed for any reason, even if one's life is threatened by another. However, there are those who advocate that killing someone is necessary to preserve innocent. This view depends on that assumption: People have a moral obligation to protect any innocent lives including their own lives. This argument is to be seen plausible at first sight but if we examine that argument in detail, we can see that it creates violence. In other words, the main criticism of this argument is that violence tends to breed more violence, and that once the killing of humans is allowed, even in defense of the innocent, no one knows where the violence will end. Human life is generally considered essentially valuable in itself. Such consideration depends on the idea that we, as human, are ethical and moral beings.2 What do we mean by ethical and moral? When we speak of people as moral or ethical, we usually mean that they are good people, and when we speak of them as immoral or unethical, we mean that they are bad people. When we refer to certain human actions as moral, ethical, immoral, or unethical, we mean they are right or wrong. Nevertheless, in ordinary language, whether we call a person ethical or moral, or an act unethical or immoral does not really make any difference (Thiroux 1980: 2). That is, those terms can be used interchangeably in daily life. As it is well known, in the history of philosophy, there is a great deal of discussion on the origins of ethics and morality. One of the most accepted view on the origin of the ethics and morality is religion. According to this view, the rules of ethics or morality are derived from the commands of God and they are considered as absolute. An act is right if and because God commands it, and wrong if and because God forbids it. Without God there would be no right or wrong. Just as Legislator enacts laws, God commands moral rules. The objective difference between right and wrong rests on the existence of God as the source of morality (White 1999: 104). Religion can be considered as one of the oldest institutions created by human beings. We can say that morality was embedded in the cultural traditions, customs, and religious practices in the earliest times and religion served as a kind of sanction for getting people to behave morally (Thiroux 1980: 9). Ethics or morality, for example, for early Christians was a matter of attitudes or habits. Although the Jewish Law played a central role in it, Christian morality was primarily based on the practice of a number of virtues, such as love, hope, justice, forgiveness, and patience. Consequently, it was committed to fight vices such as hate, envy, 2 For detailed discussion, White, James E. Contemporary Moral Problems, 6th ed. (USA:Wadsworth Pub Co., 1999) 31 lust, and anger (Van Gerwen 2004: 204). The relationship between morality and religion can be taken as one of the aspects concerned with the application of morality. I believe that in regard to the application of morality, the most important aspect derives from the relationship between human beings. I will call it a social aspect. What I mean is that the most important moral conflicts arise from when human beings come together in social groups or in a society. In this sense, morality should be taken in the course of actions performed by human beings in relation to one another. However, I do not want to say that religion does not contain ethical systems, but I would like to say that it is not true that all ethical systems are religiously based (Thiroux 1980: 20). Immanuel Kant formulated a new way of understanding morality and ourselves as moral agents. At the center of Kant's ethical theory is the claim that normal adults are capable of being fully self-governing in moral matters. In Kant's terminology, we are "autonomous". Autonomy involves two components. The first is that no authority external to ourselves is needed to constitute, or inform us of, the demands of morality. We can each know without being told what we ought to do because moral requirements are requirements we impose on ourselves. The second is that in self-government we can effectively control ourselves. The obligations we impose upon ourselves override all other call for action, and frequently run counter to our desires. We nonetheless always have a sufficient motive to act as we ought. Hence no external source of motivation is needed for our self-legislation to be effective in controlling our behaviour (Schneewind 1992: 309). In this sense, morality is a human creation and its legislation comes from the rational will of the human beings but not the external authority. Kant is emphatic that morality does not rest on religion but the other way around: Religious faith is founded on morality. Kant contrasts moral theology which bases the concept of God on moral reason, with theological morality which superstitiously bases moral conception on religious ones. The aim of Kant's moral arguments is to show how morality is independent of religious beliefs (Wood 1992: 403). In the following quotation we can see how Kant seperates morality from the religious beliefs. He claims that, So far as morality is based upon the conception of man as a free agent who, just because he is free, binds himself through his reason to unconditioned laws, it stands in need neither of the idea of another Being over him, for him to apprehend his duty, nor of an incentive other than the law itself, for him to do his duty. At least it is man's own fault if he is subject to such a need; and if he is, this need can be relieved through nothing outside himself: for whatever does not originate in himself and his own freedom in no way compensates for the deficiency of his morality. Hence, for its own sake morality does not need religion at all (Kant 1960: 3). II So far I have tried to clarify two aspects of morality. The first one is the relationship between morality and religion, the second one is the relationship between morality and human beings. Considering first one, moral or ethical rules are derived from the God's commands. This view depends on the idea that God gave us the rules and we have to obey those rules without interrogation. The second one which is also called the social aspect of morality depends on the idea that the rules of morality stem from rational human beings. According to this view, since the moral rules derived from the God's commands do not have rational foundation, we cannot consider those rules as a guide for human actions. Nevertheless, although these two aspects of morality have different foundations, both of them prohibit killing. I will take, as an example of religious morality, the Islamic philosophy on killing. According to Islam and its Holy book the Qur'an, one of the greatest sins is to kill a human being. 32 Murder is also defined as unlawful, premeditated killing of a human being by another. Informally, murder is an unpleasant, troublesome or dangerous state of affairs; in legal terms, murder is the killing of a human being with malice and a premeditated motive. The killing of a person in Islamic jurisprudential terms is the destruction of a structure God has created and given life to. It also deprives the victim of the right to life and is an act of aggression against the victim's family. Regarding suicide, God said: 'And kill not your selves; surely, Allah is most merciful to you' (4.29). In another verse, God cautions people against endangering their lives: 'And do not throw yourselves into destruction' (2.195). The Prophet reinforced this ban, drawing a graphic picture for those who commit suicide. He said: Whoever throws himself from a mountain and kills himself will throw himself in hellfire forever. And whoever poisons himself and dies would carry his poison with his hand and takes it in hell forever. And whoever stabs himself with a piece of metal and kills himself would carry his weapon and stab himself with it in hellfire forever. It has been reported in an authentic hadith: 'That who kills himself with a weapon, will be punished with the same weapon on the Day of Judgement.' This is based on the principle that the punishment should fit the crime. Islam considers the killer of one soul as the killer of the whole human race (Berjak 2006: 430). Islam prohibits killing of innocent human beings that whoever kills a human being, unless it be for murder or for couseing mischief in the land, it is as though he has killed all of mankind and whoever saves alive, it is as though he saved the whole of mankind (5:32). Consequently, according to the Qur'an, one of the greatest sins is to kill a human being who has committed no fault: If someone kills another person unless it is in retaliation for someone else or for causing corruption in the earth it is as if he had murdered all mankind. And if anyone gives life to another person, it is as if he had given life to all mankind (Surat al-Ma'ida: 32). As I have mentioned above, Kant's idea of morality does not depend on religion. He formulates his idea of morality within human reason. He claims that two things fill the mind with ever new and increasing admiration and awe...the starry heavens above me and the moral law within me (Kant 1959: 2). According to Kant, moral or immoral actions stem from an autonomus will. An autonomous will is one which is free, self-ruled, self-governed, selflegislated. Every person by virtue of his being human is autonomus, that is, has a free will, and no power on earth or in heaven can force one to will other than he chooses for himself (Sahakian 1965: 98). Kant's moral theory is deontological: actions are morally right in virtue of their motives, which must derive more from duty than from inclination. Duty is the necessity to act out reverence for the law. According to Kant, the ultimate principle of morality must be a moral law conceived so abstractly that is capable of guiding us to the right action in application to every possible set of circumstances. So the only relevant feature of the moral law is its generality, the fact that it has the formal property of universalizability, by virtue of which it can be applied at all times to every moral agent. From this chain of reasoning about our ordinary moral concepts, Kant derived as a preliminary statement of moral obligation the notion that right actions are those that practical reason would will as universal law. This moral law is inviolable. As an autonomous and rational being, man is capable of formulating the moral law and gains access to Kingdom of Ends (Sahakian 1965: 99). The essence of Kantian ethical theory is reverence for the moral law, respect for the categorical imperative. Morality then is the relation of actions to the autonomy of the will, that is, to the potential universal legislation by its maxims. An action that is consistent with the autonomy of the will is permitted; one that does not agree is forbidden. Moral laws in Kant's philosophy are Categorical Imperatives that tell us what we ought to do but do not 33 depend on any prior conditions or subjective wants and wishes, and contain no qualifications. As it is well known there are two versions of categorical imperative. The first one is known as the principle of universalizability and the second formulation of the categorical imperative is treat humanity as an end-in-themselves. I will not discuss these imperatives in detail. Considering my aim, I will take these imperatives as normative ones without examining their validity. In the Metaphysics of Morals, Kant claims that willfully killing oneself can be called murdering oneself only if it can be proved that it is in general a crime committed either against one's own person or also, through one's killing oneself, against another. Killing oneself is a crime. It can also be regarded as a violation of one's duty to other people...A human person is bound to preserve his life simply by virtue of his quality as a person and whether he must acknowledge in this a duty to himself. Moreover, he adds that a human being cannot renounce his personality as long as he is a subject of duty (Kant 2006: 177). From that quotation we can conclude that, according to Kantian ethics, a human being cannot harm him or herself in any case. Kant does not limit the idea of one's duty to oneself. Considering other human beings, every human being also has a duty to others. He says that every human being has a legitimate claim to respect from his fellow human beings and is in turn bound to respect every other. Humanity itself is a dignity; for a human being cannot be used merely as a means by any human being (either by others or even by himself) but must always be used at the same time as an end (Kant 2006: 209). We can understand from that claim, that Kant is against all forms of killing. Both suicide and murder are defined as violations of moral laws and duties, that is of the categorical imperative. III So far I have examined two different aspects of morality regarding killing. The first one is the religious aspect. This aspect of morality depends on the idea that human beings have to obey the God's commands since they are absolute. From the Islamic perspective, killing human beings is always wrong. Both suicide and murder, even in the war, are strictly prohibited. In the Qur'an, one of the verses on war says that Do not transgress, God does not love the transgressor (2.190).3 The second aspect of morality comes from within human reason. This aspect of morality often refers back to the moral laws formulated by Kant. According to Kant, any action that violates human dignity cannot be considered as morally right. Obeying moral laws, self-respect and respect for other human beings are the supreme principles of this morality. To conclude, although they have different premises, both of these aspects of morality prohibit the taking of life. Every human being has a value in itself and every human being has also the right to defend himself or herself against any violation of his or her person. Nevertheless, this does not mean that they have a right to kill another person to preserve themselves or to kill one to save another since both of these actions are religiously and morally wrong. 3 For detailed discussion practical and theoretical implications of the commands of the Qur'an, please see Abdel Haleem, Muhammad The Qur'an. (USA: Oxford University Press, 2008) 34 References Abdel Haleem, Muhammad (2008) The Qur'an, Oxford University Press, USA. Berjak, Rafik, (2006), Murder, in The Qur'an: An Encyclopedia, ed. Oliver Leaman, Routledge, USA. Kant, Immanuel, (1959) Critique of Practical Reason, trans. Lewis White Beck, BobbsMerrill, Library of Liberal Arts, Indianapolis, IN. Kant, Immanuel, (1960), Religion within the Limits of Reason Alone, trans. Theodore M. Greene & Hoyt H. Hudson, Harper & Row Publishers, USA. Kant, Immanuel, (2006), The Metaphysics of Morals, trans and ed. Mary Gregor Cambridge University Press, UK. Sahakian, William S. And Sahakian, Mabel Lewis, (1965), Realms of Philosophy, Schenkman Publ. Comp. Inc., USA. Schneewind, J. B. (1992) 'Autonomy, Obligation, and Virtue', in The Cambridge Companion to Kant, ed. Paul Guyer Cambridge University Press, USA Thiroux, Jaques P. (1980) Ethics: Theory and Practice, 2nd edt. Glencoe Publishing Co., Inc, USA. Van Gerwen, Jef., (2004) 'Origins of Christian Ethics' in Blackwell Companion to Christian Ethics, ed. William Schweiker Wiley-Blackwell, USA. White, James E. (1999), Contemporary Moral Problems, 6th ed, Wadsworth Pub Co, USA. Wood, Allen W. (1992), 'Rational Theology, Moral Faith and Religion', in The Cambridge Companion to Kant, , ed. Paul Guyer, Cambridge University Press, USA. 35 36 Urban Biodiversity, Economics & Ethics Dr. Ulas Basar Gezgin, PhD Abstract It might be reasonable to make a distinction about cities with regard to biodiversity: There are cities that are green, and there are greens that are urbanized. The former are highly sophisticated cities with strong economic infrastructure. These cities are not happy with the grey buildings and concrete structures, and they hold green campaigns to reproduce biodiversity. There are some other cities that are built in jungles or wetlands. These cities have literally attacked the biodiversity by unplanned encroachment. These are especially common in Southeast Asia where urbanization is relatively young. The sustainability triangle is very well known in urban planning. It points to the conflict that arises from economic, social and environmental perspectives in regard to urbanisation. From the economic perspective, the cities are considered to be the engine of growth as they are the seat of industries, service sectors, and ICT companies. Most of the time, the success of a city government is measured by economic performance indicators such as the increase in foreign direct investment or the number of high rises etc. From the social corner of the triangle, rapid urbanization, informal housing in outskirts, grassroots democratization initiatives, crime rates, access to municipal services etc are hot topics. As the cities are growing formally through projects led by the construction sector and informally through the growth of slum dwellers, various ethical dilemmas emerge that pit urbanites against the urban flora and fauna. After presenting some of these ethical dilemmas, this paper proposes an ethical framework for urban biodiversity including Homo sapiens. Contents 1) An Overview of Urban Biodiversity 2) Threats to Urban Biodiversity 3) Ethical Dilemmas Involving Urban Biodiversity 4) Recommendations 5) Conclusion 1) An Overview of Urban Biodiversity Biodiversity involves species diversity, habitat diversity and genetic diversity (Hostetler & Main 2010a, 2010b). The main policy guideline on biodiversity is the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) (1992, Rio de Janeiro). It has been ratified by 191 countries (Müller & Werner 2010). Unfortunately, CBD views biodiversity as a mainly nonurban issue, although the urban impact on biodiversity in the cities and out of the cities is getting stronger and stronger (Müller & Werner 2010). Puppim de Oliveira et al. (2010) state that 3 levels of interaction exist between cities and biodiversity. The first is urban biodiversity which involves impact of human settlements over biodiversity of the cities. The second is 'regional biodiversity influence' which refers to the fact that urban human life affects not only urban biodiversity but also biodiversity surrounding the city. Thirdly, 'global biodiversity influence' involves the impact of cities over far distant lands, as cities are the centers of global consumption. At another level of analysis, 3 main research areas and policy topics emerge out: 37 1) The influence of cities and people over biodiversity. 2) The influence of biodiversity over cities and people. 3) Which biodiversity to preserve? (Puppim de Oliveira et al 2010) It is obvious to the experts -although not always to the urbanitesthat urban biodiversity provides ecosystem services and other benefits such as clean air, parks, refreshment etc. However, along with the benefits, urban biodiversity may also lower urban quality of life as in the case of mosquitoes, invasive species etc (Puppim de Oliveira et al 2010). (Petersen et al (2007) provide a comprehensive list of ecosystem disservices, along with ecosystem services.) That is why a third question is also necessary. In some other cases, urban biodiversity preservation can be detrimental to local people earning their subsistence by natural resources, if their needs are not addressed at project, program and policy levels. Puppim de Oliveira et al. (2010) state that preserving urban biodiversity is not enough, as urban settlements also affect neighboring biodiversity as –e.g.urban demand for food leads to deforestation of surrounding areas, since urbanization commercializes subsistence activities of exurban food producers. Another example provided by Puppim de Oliveira et al. (2010) in that sense is wild species trade in Vietnam and elsewhere. Puppim de Oliveira et al. (2010) point out that urban expansion is mainly formal in cities of 'developed' countries, while informal in 'developing' countries. Furthermore, the latter is faster than the former in expansion. Urban sprawl and suburbanization are the main problems of the former where compact cities is the recommendation. Informal settlements are the main problem of the latter where low-cost housing and pro-poor planning policies are the recommendation. Puppim de Oliveira et al. (2010) present an archetypical case in Mumbai where Sanjay Gandhi National Park which is one of the largest metropolitan parks of the world is encroached not only by the informal settlements of the poor, but also large bungalows of the wealthy encroachers. The judiciary decided to evacuate poor people, but did not touch the wealthy encroachers. As correctly stated by Puppim de Oliveira et al. (2010), decisions like this don't solve the problem, but relocate it, as poor people are moving to nearby areas to build their slums, much in the line of David Harvey's statement: "Capitalism never solves its problems, it just moves them around" (Harvey 2010). Puppim de Oliveira et al. (2010) suggest pro-poor planning and proper housing policies as solutions. The discussion of the case leads to the idea that environmental ethics is a luxury item for poor people, as they are on survival mode. Many of the informal settlers were displaced or dispossessed and moved to cities (cf. Tides Foundation 2009). Thus urban biodiversity discussions and accompanying ethical issues are not only urban but also exurban. As especially low and middle income countries rapidly urbanize, cities appear as the focus of various environmental and social problems, since the urban demand for natural resources and ecosystem services is a dramatic driver of depletion of natural resources (Wu 2008), as stated above. Rapid urbanization is in low and middle-income countries, and these countries are high on biodiversity (Müller & Werner 2010). Thus global urbanization trends are relevant for biodiversity issues by definition. We can't stop urbanization, but we can design and plan better cities (Wu 2008). Wu (2008) states that "[u]rbanization should not be viewed merely as a cause for environmental problems, but also as an inevitable path to regional and global sustainability. Cities have lower per capita costs of providing clean water, sanitation, electricity, waste collection, and telecommunications, while offering better access to 38 education, jobs, health care, and social services. At the present, urban areas are home to more than 50 percent of the world population, while accounting for less than 2 percent of the earth's land surface" (p.46-47). Converging with Wu (2008)'s balanced approach, Kraas (2007) discusses not only negatives, but also positives relevant to cities and ecological issues. Kraas (2007) lists the following as the ecological dimension of 'problems, risks and disadvantages' of mega-urbanization: 'Urban expansion, urban sprawl and fragmented land use mosaic Air, water, soil pollution, sewage water problems Waste disposal; uncollected, illegal and toxic waste Inundation and land subsidence Environmental health problems Expansion in ecologically fragile areas (e.g. coasts, slopes, mangroves) Sealing and degradation of fertile soils' (Kraas 2007:14). On the other hand, Kraas (2007) states that mega-urbanization has its 'benefits, chances and advantages' in ecological dimension such as: 'Decreased land consumption (per head), partly through high-rise construction Optimised land use patterns, efficient land use planning More efficient resource use (e.g. water, food, energy) Closure of material, water, energy flows (recycling) Comprehensive monitoring and management of nature-human interaction Diversity and management of urban biodiversity (biocorridors, habitat diversity) Sustainable urban agriculture and green space policy' (Kraas 2007:14). The traditional approach to urban biodiversity is based on the assumption that distance to the urban center is negatively related with biodiversity, since it provides a continuum of human disturbance of nature. Urban fringes are considered to be more biodiverse than the city center (Müller & Werner 2010). However, Strohbach et al. (2009) found that urban biodiversity (in the case of avian (bird) biodiversity) was a function of land use (urban green space) and socioeconomic patterns (population density, income, and unemployment) in Leipzig. Districts with high SES are species-rich, while low SES districts are species-poor; and districts with high population density are low in biodiversity. Of course, these findings may not be readily applicable to other cities, as species-poverty in Leipzig may mean species-wealth in other cities with lower biodiversity thresholds (Strohbach et al 2009). That is why each city needs its own biodiversity research. There is no ready-made template for urban biodiversity. Nevertheless, it is clear that the resources that can be used to implement a biodiverse community model by household depend on household SES (Kinzig et al 2005). Inequality in intra-city biodiversity is a case of environmental injustice, as poor neighborhoods are not only poor economically, but also environmentally (Kinzig et al 2005). Wu (2008) points out another significant bias in discussions of urban ecology: '[E]cologists know more about the habitat of penguins in the Antarctic than the ecology of cities in which they reside; they know more about the ozone hole in the stratosphere than the urban heat island in their neighborhoods. Most existing ecological studies in urban areas have focused primarily on the negative impacts of human activities on biodiversity and ecosystem processes. There even seems to have been a perception that ecologists are professionally at odds with developers, architects, engineers, and the like because almost everything that humans do to nature was traditionally viewed as ecologically negative' (Wu 2008: 46). 39 2) Threats to Urban Biodiversity The most evident impact of urban development over biodiversity is in change in land use and land covers (Puppim de Oliveira et al 2010). Some cities are strict about zoning to protect natural and agricultural lands while others are not. Two main threats are visible to the security of the green lands: Unplanned settlements and informal housing (Puppim de Oliveira et al 2010), and real estate speculators (including government officials in many cases). In addition, Puppim de Oliveira et al. (2010) mention formal housing which affect biodiversity as in the case of urban sprawl i.e. authorized suburban development which is common in high-income countries. On the negative side, Puppim de Oliveira et al. (2010) list 9 "obstacles to improve the governance of the CBD": '1. Cities are not in the core discussions of CBD 2. CBD implementation by national governments is limited 3. CBD is still not mainstreamed in the cities' agenda 4. Conceptual clarifications are needed to move the biodiversity agenda 5. Citizens lack awareness of the importance of biodiversity and ecosystem services 6. There is a lack of proper instruments to deal with biodiversity at the city level 7. Lack of coordination among different levels of government and among local governments for joint action 8. Differences in the challenges among cities 9. Political resistance for change at various levels' (Puppim de Oliveira et al 2010: 3943). As stated above, the main driver of biodiversity loss is land use change by urbanization and by agriculture due to increasing urban demand for food (Müller & Werner 2010). Secondly, urbanization leads to biotic homogenization which means that a small number of non-native species of plants is planted in urban areas at the expense of native vegetation (Müller & Werner 2010). There are cases where biotic homogenization is observed for animal species as well (Müller & Werner 2010). In this context, Braimoh et al. (2010) mention 5 drivers of biodiversity loss: "Land use change, climate (change), nitrogen deposition, biotic exchange, and atmospheric carbon dioxide" (p.16). Furthermore, Braimoh et al. (2010) develop a comprehensive model for biodiversity loss in Southeast Asia which covers underlying drivers (human population growth, poverty, urban expansion, policy failures, institutional failures, trade and globalization, climate change and other natural factors), proximate factors (agricultural expansion, biofuel production, wood extraction, infrastructure development, and biomass burning), and processes of biodiversity decline (habitat conversion, habitat degradation, habitat fragmentation, species introduction, and overexploitation) (p.18). As to agricultural expansion, Asian export-oriented economic models which are based on agricultural products put pressure on exurban green areas; fertilizer runoff is detrimental to biodiversity; unregulated forest use and access work against biodiversity, and finally, agricultural activities emit greenhouse gases which ultimately affect biodiversity negatively due to climate change (Braimoh et al 2010). Additionally, the trade of agricultural products leads to biodiversity loss by monoculture plantations and resource overexploitation. Trade of endangered species is another additional specific driver of biodiversity loss as in the case of some of the wild animals such as elephants, tigers, bears, reptiles etc. Secondly, regardless of the fact that whether biofuel production is environmentally-friendly is under discussion, it is clear that biofuel production is one of the factors that has precipitated agricultural conversion of natural vegetation. Biofuel production is also a contributor to pollution, climate change 40 and fertilizer runoff. As biofuel plantations are less friendly to biodiversity compared to forests, biofuel production is considered to be a driver of biodiversity loss (Braimoh et al 2010). Likewise, Australian Research Centre for Urban Ecology (2009) lists the following threats for 'sites with biodiversity values' in metropolitan Melbourne: 'High levels of internal fragmentation High risk of site loss due to proximity to major road High risk of urban effects (e.g. heat island, pollution) High risk of human impacts (e.g. trampling, rubbish) Impact by proposed roads High risk from introduced plant species Likely risk of predation by dogs, cats and red foxes High risk from edge effects' (Australian Research Centre for Urban Ecology 2009: 20). 3) Ethical Dilemmas Involving Urban Biodiversity Puppim de Oliveira et al. (2010) state that 'biodiversity is increasingly considered to have an intrinsic value. As a result, more voices are currently articulating that biodiversity should be conserved irrespective of its contribution to human well-being (i.e. irrespective of the ecosystem services it provides)' (Puppim de Oliveira et al 2010: 18). This corresponds to one of the key issues in urban biodiversity ethics: Conserving biodiversity for its services vs. caring for the nature as a responsibility flowing from higher ethical values transcending immediate needs of Homo sapiens. At a more specific point of view, Dunnett et al. (2007) pose another central dilemma which resembles Puppim de Oliveira et al. (2010)'s third question mentioned above ("which biodiversity to preserve?"): 'When considering biodiversity in gardens, is the central concern the range of different fauna and flora, the rarity of the species sighted, or simply the abundance of wildlife? Is it just as valid to have a large number of common species, as it is to have one rare species?' (Dunnett et al 2007: 8). Third dilemma is about vegetarianism. Vegetarianism is more eco-friendly. Thus, a main ethical dilemma for urbanites is whether to go veggie or not. The fourth ethical dilemma is based on the conflict between aesthetic vs. ecological choices in urban vegetation. Most of the time, urban flora is planted to look good rather than its ecosystem services (Dunnett et al 2007). This mode of choice determines the prevalence of attractive plant species which may crowd out better ecosystem servers. Fifth ethical dilemma for urbanites which is quite enormous is the purchase and consumption of ecologically certified products such as Fair Trade products, organic products etc which are directly relevant for biodiversity conservation, and the promotion of sustainable consumption and production practices. These practices involve biodiversity certification, green consumerism, ecolabels, green product life cycles, green supply chains, accountable and responsible consumption and production, green accounting and a whole bunch of new approaches. Each of these can be discussed in separate papers. Unfortunately, movements to protect biodiversity are not as strong as green consumerism movements in cities (Petersen et al 2007). 'Biodiversity' has not been elevated to the status of a common everyday word yet; it is still considered to be jargon, a technical term or sophisticated philosophy (Dunnett et al 2007). 41 The ethical dilemmas facing urbanites are not only at the primary theoretical level. There are also meta-ethical dilemmas that need solutions or guidelines: Firstly, should we have a separate ethics for urbanites vs. urban planning professionals? Connected to this is the metaethical dilemma which involves a uniform single ethics code vs. specific multiple ethics codes. Thirdly, given that biodiversity is mostly luxury for low SES urbanites, should we have separate ethics based on different levels of SES? Fourthly, should we have separate urban biodiversity ethics for adults and kids? Before all, should underageds be a part of the ethical discussion? (Of course, this question is explored in different sub-branches of ethics on various occasions.) Fifthly, given that urban biodiversity is linked to regional and global biodiversity, what should be the scope of urban biodiversity ethics? Urban? Exurban? Periurban? Global? Sixthly, is biodiversity more important than other values? Is a hierarchy of ecological values possible and necessary for an ethical framework? Seventhly, the relationship between laws, rules, policies and ethics relevant to urban biodiversity should be investigated and clarified. This topic needs to be discussed in another paper. Actually, the list of 5 ethical dilemmas and 7 meta-ethical dilemmas presented here can be extended; but even the total of 12 dilemmas can't even be discussed here, as they need separate treatment in a pure ethics paper. Animistic natives attribute animacy/spirit to nature and consider her as a service provider whose services are borrowed, and not totally tamed and owned. However, modernist view of nature is that of enslaving nature, and putting priority of human needs over the renewability needs of ecosystems (Groenfeldt 2010). The needs of nature and people should be balanced (Groenfeldt 2010) keeping in mind that people not only have economic needs, but also environmental and social needs (eg green spaces, enjoyable leisure time etc). 4) Recommendations Dunnett et al. (2007) list the following as 'barriers to realising opportunities' for 'the role of horticulture in supporting biodiversity' in urban areas: 'a lack of understanding; public opinion; corporate culture ('organisational inertia'); cost, operation of the market and possible consumer resistance; policy issues (local and central government policies); and shortage of skills in the horticultural sector' (Dunnett et al 2007: 33-37). Formal and nonformal forms of education/training are necessary for urban biodiversity conservation (Dunnett et al 2007). This is especially relevant for rapidly ageing populations such as Japan and Europe. Biodiversity training can be viewed as part of more inclusive and elderlyfriendly urban planning. Biodiversity and ethics training for elderly and children can go together. Combined on-site training programs for grandparents and grandchildren can be especially useful. This would provide an opportunity to enjoy quality time together with 3 generations of family, out of choking shopping malls and gaming centers. Puppim de Oliveira et al. (2010) list the following as 'instruments for improving the contribution of cities to the CBD (Convention on Biological Diversity)': '1. Development and implementation of proper housing and infrastructure policies 2. Provision of a good network of urban green spaces and functional aquatic habitats 3. Local sustainable production methods for biodiversity in urban areas 4. Improvements in public transportation and more compact cities 5. Increasing awareness among urban dwellers and decision-makers 6. Stronger links with national and international networks' (Puppim de Oliveira et al 2010: 27-38). 42 Furthermore, Puppim de Oliveira et al. (2010) list 6 'opportunities to move the CBD agenda forward' in line with Kraas (2007) and Wu (2008): '1. Cities as an efficient body to protect biodiversity 2. Cities' involvement to tackle global problems and development of new instruments 3. Urban dwellers tend to be more educated and environmentally sensitive 4. Policies can be more effective at the city level because of the scale 5. Opportunities for win-win situations between biodiversity conservation and other benefits 6. Convergence of the movements on biological diversity and urban planning' (Puppim de Oliveira et al 2010: 43-47). One way to conserve biodiversity is the protection and promotion of native species (Hostetler & Main 2010a). One way in that direction is promoting native flora that feed native fauna (Hostetler & Main 2010a). Turf-grass lawns and non-native ornamentals are detrimental to urban biodiversity, as they are artificial, and they don't provide a feeding ground for native species (Hostetler & Main 2010a). Part of this effort is of course taking measures against invasive species (Hostetler & Main 2010a). Pets can affect local species; thus, pet management should be considered for biodiversity conservation (Hostetler & Main 2010a). Although supporting native flora and fauna is recommended by experts (this is what we can call as 'nativism' or 'natural conservatism' in the age of economic, social and ecological globalization), Miller (2008) challenges this nativism bias, as human activity has already changed the habitat. In some cases, the urban habitat has changed so rapidly that native species could not survive; in those cases, exotic species are introduced for a greener habitat (Miller 2008). There may also be some beneficial outcomes of introduction of exotic species in some cases (Miller 2008). Furthermore, a careful introduction of exotic species would add to the urban biodiversity (Miller, 2008). Finally and more significantly, most of the vegetables are non-natives anyway (Dunnett et al 2007; Gezgin 2009). On the other hand, precautionary principle should be applied for endemic species (not natives, but endemics) which exclusively inhabit that particular urban habitat. Models and designs that promote win-win scenarios are necessary where both humans and biodiversity are well-off (Miller 2008). One of these is green roof and/or rooftop garden approach (Mazereeuw 2005; Miller 2008) while the other is living wall models (Loh 2008), in other words vertical gardens (Tarran 2009). Both are conducive to urban biodiversity conservation. To support urban biodiversity, incorporation of biodiverse models into EIAs (Environmental Impact Assessment) is not enough; a long term perspective at program or policy level such as SEA (Strategic Environmental Assessment) is sine qua non (Countyside Council for Wales 2007). Promotion of urban biodiversity leads to green and blue spaces which attract professionals and companies which is positive for economic development of the city (Petersen et al 2007). Biodiversity also increases the value of real estate in urban areas (Petersen et al 2007). Many of the urbanites value urban vegetation due to aesthetic and visual reasons, but they are not knowledgeable enough about the ecological functions such as "human comfort, energy budgets for buildings, mitigation of urban heat islands, air quality improvements, carbon dioxide uptake and stormwater and catchment benefits" (Tarran 2009, p.1). Urbanites benefit from urban vegetation not only ecologically but also psychologically and socially, although in many cases they are not aware of that. Tarran (2009) and Mazereeuw (2005) provide an overview of research on psychological and social benefits of urban vegetation. Thus, the 43 urbanites should not only be informed about the ecological services of urban biodiversity, but also psychological and social services. On the other hand, from an economic point of view, one should take into account that urban vegetation is mostly a public good which is and will be undersupplied by market mechanisms. Government involvement is critical, along with the promotion of greening of industries. Local government should take the initiative to promote intensive and extensive green roofs by subsidies and other forms of incentives. This has been the main factor behind the success of the growing trend towards green roofs in Belgium (Claus & Rousseau 2010). Green roofs provide a green network to foster urban biodiversity. The focus on 'urban forest' rather than individual trees in the city is relatively new. 'Individual tree' approach does not consider each tree in the city as part of a green infrastructure and network; while 'urban forest' approach has a holistic focus. The interest in forests out of the city accordingly translates slowly to the less concentrated 'forests' in the city (Tarran 2009). As forests out of the city are more concentrated and visible, they are more protected compared to urban forests. A slow but hopeful conceptual shift is observed at this point. For example, Berlin protects urban trees by the legal status of 'natural monument' (Senate Department of Urban Planning 2003). Secondly, tree planting activities out of the cities are more frequent than those in the cities. Thirdly, trees are more visible and more valued compared to other forms of urban vegetation; however, the latter is also part of the green infrastructure. All vegetation types are nurturing urban biodiversity. On the other hand, it should be kept in mind that the existence of green areas does not guarantee biodiversity. In some cases, brownfields (abandoned industrial sites) are more biodiverse (Petersen et al 2007). Thus the assumption that greening of the city automatically boosts biodiversity should be avoided. It depends on vegetation type and many other factors. Furthermore, Dunnett et al. (2007) point out that urban green areas especially parks are still considered to be primarily recreation sites as a legacy of the Victorian dirty industrial city model, and thus they are still under recreational management authorities in many cities. Thus a focus on ecosystem services provided by urban green areas needs a reshuffling of municipal structures. There are 4 general drivers for urbanites to build urban biodiverse communities: 1) Top-down: This is by the enforcement of local or central governments (Kinzig et al 2005). 2) Bottom-up: This is by the grassroots movement of residents as an individual unit or as in the case of neighborhood, district and city associations. Neighborhood relations, peers and kinship are critical in planting decisions along with natural constraints (Marco et al 2010). 3) Lateral: In this case, cities impressed by good examples of other cities copy those practices. 4) Internal: In this case, a member of a household or an employee of government, company or organization takes initiative as a green intrapreneur or sustainability champion. Petersen et al. (2007) report the example of Zagreb, Croatia in which urban biodiversity information was publicly accessible, and local people were encouraged to take the initiative to protect and monitor the biodiversity. These examples can be especially addressed to children, as monitoring of butterflies, birds etc is like a game for them. Public participation and a broader understanding of stakeholder involvement in urban planning are vital for the protection of biodiversity (Dunnett et al 2007; Petersen et al 2007). Utilization of local ecological knowledge provided by local residents is necessary to build a more realistic model of urban biodiversity (Petersen et al 2007). Mazereeuw (2005) discusses the current state of urban agriculture in Waterloo (Canada) which is categorized into community gardens, green roof and rooftop gardens, and private 44 gardens (backyards). Although green spaces are under stress by rapid urbanization and expansion of construction areas, Mazereeuw (2005) recommends promotion of urban agriculture as a solution to many problems of urban life. Unfortunately, it is quite unrealistic to promote urban agriculture in cities where real estate speculators attack even public parks; but Mazereeuw (2005)'s list of benefits is comprehensive enough to lobby for at local and central government levels. Furthermore, Mazereeuw (2005)'s recommendations are mainly focusing on green roofs and rooftop gardens which are relatively easier to promote than urban community gardens. Figure 1 summarizes Mazereeuw (2005)'s conceptualization of urban agriculture: Figure 1. Benefits of Urban Agriculture Source: Mazereeuw 2005: 2. We close this section by concise and insightful remarks of Berkessy and Gordon (2010): 'Effective conservation of biodiversity will require changes to current approaches to land use, pollution control, resource consumption, waste and recycling, valuation of natural resources and the role of the community and individuals in protecting the environment. Good government policy is fundamental to implementing the changes needed. However, history has shown that policies relating to biodiversity conservation are not commonly matched by effective policy implementation and good biodiversity outcomes. Ecologically sustainable development in urban areas will not be possible unless many more financial and human resources are directed to support improved understanding and management' (Berkessy & Gordon 2010:6). 45 5) Conclusion 5.1) The author of this paper has no option to initiate urban agriculture in his rented apartment flat, and millions are imprisoned in ungreen architectural structures like him. Thus, we need to be realistic, although that doesn't mean that we should be pessimistic. 5.2) The 'alien' (Klingon) in 'Star Trek VI' (1991) is right: 'Human rights is racist'. But to notice the racism of 'human' rights, we don't need to wait for the arrival of 'barbarians' 'a la Kavafis' or of Klingons 'a la Star Trek'. We are only one of the species of the enormous biodiverse community called 'nature'. 5.3) In Star Trek IV (1986), the extinction of humpback whales equals the extinction of Homo sapiens. This story is related to urban biodiversity for two reasons: Firstly, the whales were kept in captivity in San Francisco due to the urban demand for recreation and fear of human hunters; secondly, the whales are hunted due to increasing urban demand for food and other related products. We can't wait for the end of the world to realize the truth in this holistic equation of extinction. 46 References Australian Research Centre for Urban Ecology (2009), Biodiversity of metropolitan Melbourne, Australian Research Centre for Urban Ecology, Melbourne. Berkessy, S. and Gordon, A. (2010), Nurturing nature in the city, [Online], Available from: http://mams.rmit.edu.au/d1dgtilk66jg1.pdf, [Accessed 25 November 2011]. Braimoh, A., Subramanian, M.S., Elliott, W. & Gasparatos, A. (2010), Climate and humanrelated drivers of biodiversity decline in Southeast Asia.: UNU-IAS Policy Report, UNUIAS, Yokohama, Japan Claus, K. and Rousseau, S. (2010), Public versus private incentives to invest in green roofs: A cost benefit analysis for Flanders, HUB Research Paper in Economics and Management, Belgium. Countyside Council for Wales (2007), Strategic Environmental Assessment: Guidance for practitioners. SEA topic: Biodiversity, CCW, Wales. Dunnett, N., Hitchmough, J., Jenkins, C.,Tylecote, M., Thompson, K., Matthews-Joyce, R., and Rae, D. (2007), Growing nature – The role of horticulture in supporting biodiversity, Report No. 244 (ROAME No. FO6AB12). Gezgin, U. B. (2009), 'Asya-Pasifik'te Bu Hafta (83): Kardes sofrasi [This Week in AsiaPacific (83): Brothers' meal],' Evrensel Gazetesi [Evrensel Newspaper], 8 March 2009. Groenfeldt, D. (2010), 'Viewpointthe next nexus? Environmental ethics, water policies, and climate change,' Water Alternatives, 3 (3), 575-586. 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(2010), 'Bridging human and natural sciences for a better understanding of urban floral patterns: the role of planting practices in Mediterranean gardens,' Ecology and Society, 15(2). Mazereeuw, B. (2005), Urban agriculture report, Region of Waterloo Public Health, Waterloo. Miller, J.R. (2008), 'Conserving biodiversity in metropolitan landscapes: A matter of scale (but which scale?)' Landscape Journal, 27 (1), 114-126. Müller, N. & Werner, P. (2010), 'Urban biodiversity and the case for implementing the Convention on Biological Diversity in towns and cities', in Urban Biodiversity and Design, eds N. Müller, P. Werner & J. G. Kelcey, Wiley-Blackwell, Oxford, UK. Petersen, L.K., Lyytimaki, J., Normander, B., Hallin-Pihlatie, L., Bezak, P., Cil, A., Varjopuro, R., Munier, B., & Hulst, N. (2007), A long-term biodiversity, ecosystem and awareness research network: Urban lifestyle and urban biodiversity, ALTER-Net Project no. GOCE-CT-2003-505298. Puppim de Oliveira, J.A., Balaban, O., Doll, C., Gasparatos, A., Iossifova, D., MorenoPenaranda, R., & Suwa, A. (2010), Governance, cities and biodiversity: Perspectives and challenges of the implementation of the CBD at the city level. UNU-IAS Policy Report. UNU-IAS., Yokohama, Japan. Senate Department of Urban Planning (2003), Berlin digital environment atlas: Nature reserves and landscape reserves, [Online], Available from: http://www.stadtentwicklung.berlin.de/umwelt/umweltatlas/ed506_01.htm, [Accessed 25 November 2011]. Star Trek IV (1986), Star Trek IV: The Voyage Home, [Online], Available from: http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0092007/, [Accessed 25 November 2011]. Star Trek VI (1991), Star Trek VI: The Undiscovered Country, [Online], Available from: http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0102975/, [Accessed 25 November 2011]. Strohbach, M.W., Haase, D. & Kabisch, N. (2009), 'Birds and the city: Urban biodiversity, land use, and socioeconomics,' Ecology and Society, 14 (2). Tarran, J. (2009), Improving Canberra's sustainability: why urban tree canopy and other vegetation matters, UTS, ACT PLA Bush Capital Workshop. Tides Foundation, Funders Workgroup for Sustainable Production and Consumption (2010). Story of stuff (animated video lecture), [Online], Available from: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gLBE5QAYXp8, [Accessed 25 November 2011]. Wu, J. (2008), 'Making the case for landscape ecology: An effective approach to urban sustainability,' Landscape Journal, 27, 41-50. 48 49 50 THE PERSON IN THE MARKET: THREATS AND POSSIBILITIES Willard Enrique R. Macaraan wmacaraan@yahoo.com De La Salle University 2401 Taft Avenue Manila, Philippines 1004 www.dlsu.edu.ph Abstract: The market, after a long yet undisturbed evolution, has finally become an imposing superstructure that does not simply connote a place of production, exchange and purchase but has transcended the non-economic spheres of human life, even its moral-cultural order. At the core of this evolution is the human person, no more an agent but more like its slave. Everything has become commodified – literally. From goods produced by human labor and ingenuity to selling even the body of the producer him/herself. Worse, the human person in all its integrity and wholeness can now be purchased, bargained and exchanged. Even the sphere of interpersonal relations was limited by the increase of formal and impersonal interactions. The trends of social networking, online selling and marketing, text messaging among others have now become the system of relations, however provisional and short-term. What then is the value of a human life? The reduction of human beings by market capitalism to units of productive power demands therefore a greater need to develop a philosophical position that can challenge all of these dehumanizing elements and structures. Citing Talcott Parsons' "Social Structure and Personality" espousing the interplay between Sigmund Freud's theory of internalizing individual and Emile Durkheim's theory of constraining society, the individual will develop discourse and behavior consistent with the conditions set forth by the social structures. The interaction is not simply a case of society imposing its dominance to the individuals but rather a case of tolerant 'subjects' validating its system. This framework, from which the paper is based, believes that the very manner of market oppression can be the same manner towards possibility of liberation – a moralcultural order. Key words: Market, commodification, moral-cultural order, Durkheim, Parsons, Freud, reification The Person in the Market: Threats and Possibilities Introduction The market, after a long yet undisturbed evolution, has finally become an imposing superstructure that does not simply connote a place of production, exchange and purchase but has transcended the non-economic spheres of human life, even its moral-cultural order. At the core of this evolution is the human person, no more an agent but more like its slave. Everything has become commodified – literally. From goods produced by human labor and ingenuity to selling even the body of the producer him/herself. Worse, the human person in all its integrity and wholeness can now be purchased, bargained 51 and exchanged. Even the sphere of interpersonal relations was limited by the increase of formal and impersonal interactions. The trends of social networking, online selling and marketing, text messaging among others has now become the system of relations, however provisional and short-term. What then is the value of a human life? The reduction of human beings by market capitalism to units of productive power demands therefore a greater need to develop a philosophical position that can challenge all of these dehumanizing elements and structures. Conceptual Framework: Citing Talcott Parsons' "Social Structure and Personality" (1964) espousing the interplay between Sigmund Freud's theory of internalizing individual and Emile Durkheim's theory of constraining society, the individual will develop discourse and behavior consistent with the conditions set forth by the social structures. The interaction is not simply a case of society imposing its dominance to the individuals but rather a case of tolerant 'subjects' validating its system. 'As ideology is internalized by human persons, the operational structures are legitimized by ideologies' (Dagmang 2005: 80). Figure 1: Parson's Interplay between the Individual and the Social Structure In this interplay, both parties (individual and social structure) complement that one reflects the other to the point that one expresses the other and vice versa. As the individual is seen as a personified structure, he/she is referred to as 'character structure' (Lopez and Scott 2000: 4), the society meanwhile is seen as an outcome of the collective habits of individuals, hence, an 'embodied structure' (Gerth & Mills 1953: 22). (See Figure 1). From the above illustration, the author adapts the basic interplay with the reality of the market world. In the next figure is posited various concepts acting as substructures and implications of the dominance of the market ultimately resulting to various effects. The market owes its deep foundation from the ways it has been actually created – through 'reification' (Berger and Luckmann 1966: 89; Schneider 2007: 284-285) and commodification. "I " Social Structures Freud's internalizing individual Durkheim's constraining society "Character Structure" "Embodied Structure" Ideology internalized Operational structures legitimized by ideology 52 Figure 2: The Market, its Substructures and its Implications Ultimately, this results to alienations, deprivation and oppression and has objectified the person as a commodity in the market. This cycle is constantly sustained and even bolstered by the offer of 'instant gratification' (Dagmang 1997: 52) and the so-called 'industry of oblivion' (Moreira: 1997: 41) which masks false reconciliation between individuals and the system that oppresses them. (See Figure 2). Figure 3: The Proposed Feasibility of Authentic Human Life in the Market World: Economic Personalism Rationalizing from Parson's framework on the interplay of Freud's individual and Durkheim's society, the paper believes that creating a culture to replace the imposed values of the market as reinforced by commodification and reification resulting to oppression and self-alienation of the individual, is feasible and necessary if to hope for an authentic human life in the market world. Embracing significant features of economic personalism by Karol Wojtyla and the theory of intersubjectivity while maximizing the inevitability of fragmentation and pluralism as implications of the market, the individual is therefore looked upon as a "subject" with worth, dignity and rights. Ultimately, it is with hope that this cycle of positive values will create a moral market that enjoys material affluence anchored not on selfish and egotistical wealth accumulation but on solidarity, compassion and sharing. (See Figure 3) Alienation Deprivation Oppression REIFICATION "I " MARKET Instant gratification Industry of oblivion COMMODIFICATION Objectified Commodified Fragmentation Pluralism "I " MARKET ECONOMIC PERSONALISM INTERSUBJECTIVITY Worth Dignity Rights Moral Human 53 This is the paper's fundamental goal: if the market world of today and its implications towards oppression is a structure that is created, sustained and maintained by the tolerant individuals, so too is the control and power to change it rests on the hands of the same individuals. If only a moral culture proposing cultivation of human values is to be carried out, it is feasible. The Market, Its Substructures and Its Implications: 'The social environment changed from a community to society' (Tomka: 1999:27). The perpetuity of change and its constancy in the realm of almost everything around provides for the apparent instability and insecurity of constants and absolutes – held previously however as divine and all-encompassing. Implications brought about by modern historical exigencies from Enlightenment to Industrial Revolution had created The Market – a social structure that is both powerful and inevitable. The market produces everything for its "subjects" on the basis of gratification that is both instant and immediate, however, episodic, provisional and short-term. For Dagmang (1997: 50), even the 'existence of instant gratification could also mean the presence of oppression.' People are at the receiving end of the imposing influence and control of the producers and owners. From the simplicity of the pre-modern social world, it was replaced by a pluriform, complex totality of countless subsystems of which even the parts were difficult to understand. The stability, timelessness and immutability of the social milieu, as disturbed by change, collapsed with the rise of everything that is short-term and provisional (Tomka 1999: 26). What has become available to people nowadays offer the same goal for instant gratification however masked in varied forms. Plurality of options is not only externally and tangibly manifested as in the variety of products made, commodities produced and goods sold; it has also conditioned 'fragmentation of conventions, truths, habits and attitudes'(Grey 2006: 79). The fact that this market dynamics has stood for so long validates its depth and structuration in both personal and societal spheres. It has become so deep-rooted. Significantly, its power is legitimized by its origin and formation – from the individuals themselves; that is, through collective cooperation among themselves, it gives birth to that which oppresses them – the market. Parson takes note of this by highlighting the case of interaction between Freud's individual and Durkheim's society; the former internalizes systems of the constraining society to the point of molding oneself with the culture of the bigger society. The persons embedded in a capitalist society will necessarily be fashioned out according to the very character and limitations of the system itself. Inevitably, they will develop discourse and behavior consistent with such conditions (Dagmang 2007: 102). Through reification and commodification, the market functions by its structures designed primarily to label everything as commodity – an object for purchase, exchange and trade until it has also commodified the individual person – a reified commodity understood with a price tag or label. Ultimately, this whole process, created by collective behavior of individuals who are not necessarily the entire population but the mere dominant ones, brings obvious oppression to the public, alienation to the individual and deprivation to many. The world has since seen the dawn of the created enslaving its creators. 54 The market is so resilient that it has also created a system to boost its ever-increasing influence with Moreira's 'industry of oblivion'. Masking the oppression with the goal to entertain people, the latter has forgotten the former. This powerful market ultimately brings about a significant change in the life and cultural patterns of society and people. Everything is transitory; the world is contingent; the space is segmented. It is the dawn of what Tomka (1997, p.9; 1999, p.31) calls as the 'thesis of individualization'. Indeed, the market endures and will stay to last. The paper does not espouse to eradicate the market per se. Rather; there is an urgent need to inject a new system, culture, and values to the market, something that will eradicate oppression while maintaining the fundamental purpose of material affluence, bounty and self-determination. While it is true that the market has become so evil, the paper believes it is rather a case of individuals abusing the market to veer away from its inherent goodness. The equation is simple. If the blame for the market's oppressive structures is to be pinned on the collective individuals who espouse commodification, reification and instant gratification, the solution is on the same set of individuals acting out collectively with new paradigm, moral culture and properly cultivated values that are radically opposite of the parameters of oppressive conditions. Ultimately, the old blood will be flushed out of the system as the new and fresh blood circulates in the market system helping breathe a new situation for a person in the market world. Parson's Interplay Framework between the Individual and the Society: Drawing out from the findings of both psychology and sociology, Parsons (1964) highlights the theories on Freud's psychoanalysis and Durkheim's sociology proposing that the interplay between them can explain the formation of systems and structures inherent in a society and in the behavior of the individual. In itself, Freud's discovery of the internalization of moral values as an essential part of the structure of personality itself constituted such a crucial landmark in the development of the sciences of human behavior and so is Durkheim's. What is remarkable about Parson's theory is that he is able to link the two and find that their interplay can provide a clear theory of action. The limitation of each has been filled out by the other and this complementarity is evidenced as such. Freud and his followers, by concentrating on the single personality have failed to consider adequately the implications of the individual's interaction with other personalities to form a system... Durkheim and other sociologists have failed, in their concentration on the social system as a system to consider systematically the implications of the fact that it is the interaction of personalities which constitutes the social system... (Parsons 1964: 18). How does the interplay work? Freud believes that an individual, in the course of his/her personality formation, is capable to internalize not only the moral values of the social structure through a series and network of interactions with other personalities. Durkheim believes that an individual, as a member of society, is not wholly free to make his/her own moral decisions and is quite "constrained" by orientations common to the society of which he is a member. Placed vis-à-vis together, Parson believes that this constant and perpetual interaction among individuals, trying to form one's own personality while somehow constrained by the society itself, creates the social systems and structures. Henceforth, the market as it is today is borne out of the interaction of individuals and that its dominance and power is possible due to the ability of society to constrain the not-so-free individuals. 55 This is a very important discovery as it places the individuals, interacting together and collectively, in control of whatever social system and structure will be created to reciprocally "constrain" its own progenitors. What oppresses therefore the people today is basically what the same people have created through their interaction. What can change then in today's system and structure depends on the collective efforts of all. The society is what we make of it. In this interplay, both parties (individual and social structure) complement that one reflects the other to the point that one expresses the other and vice versa. The market owes its deep foundation from the ways it has been actually created – through reification and commodification. Rationalizing from Parson's framework on the interplay of Freud's individual and Durkheim's society, the paper believes that creating a culture to replace the imposed values of the market as reinforced by commodification and reification resulting to oppression and self-alienation of the individual, is feasible and necessary if to hope for an authentic human life in the market world. Ultimately, it is with hope that this cycle of positive values will create a moral market that enjoys material affluence anchored not on selfish and egotistical wealth accumulation but on solidarity, compassion and sharing. This is the paper's fundamental goal: if the market world of today and its implications towards oppression is a structure that is created, sustained and maintained by the tolerant individuals, so too is the control and power to change it rests on the hands of the same individuals. If only a moral order is proposed and lived out in a culture of sharing, solidarity and compassion, then it is feasible. A person in the market world is practicable and so its threats can actually be opportunities understood from a shifted paradigm. Economic Personalism: An Offer of Paradigm Shift John Paul II in his writings offers a new approach to provide a synthesis of the market, its implications and the Catholic social thought – 'economic personalism' (Gronbacher 1998: 1). Briefly, its aim is to promote human economic order that benefits from market activity but does not reduce the human person to just another element in economic phenomena. Its maxim is, 'affirm the person for his or her own sake (29). This theory is not proffered as the sole nor rightful paradigm for any person in the market world. With John Paul II as its intellectual progenitor, many others (Michael Novak, Rocco Buttiglione among others) have invaluable contributions, taking him as their inspiration and model. They approach the free market as a ready and willing partner of promoting Christian morality and authentic human values. It is neither to see oneself isolated among others nor to see the market as antithetical to a Christian life. The Christian, more than anything else, is a person who does not stand on his/her own and develops out of nowhere. It is a person with others and a person in context. In the circle of phenomenology, this is called 'intersubjectivity'. From among the many forms of 'personalism' through the course of philosophical discussion, Gregory Gronbacher singles out the kind of personalism embraced by John Paul II termed as 'Polish personalism'. It has the following tenets from which this paper adheres to as possible moral paradigm for the problem of the Christian in the market world. 56 First is on the centrality of the person. 'The dignity and value of the person resides at the very center of personalist philosophy and provides the foundation for all subsequent philosophical analysis' (5). Second is on the notions of subjectivity and autonomy. 'A person through free action actualizes himself; fulfills his destiny and becomes a person in a higher degree' (Britto 2003: 94). Third is the idea on human dignity. It speaks of the human being's God-given greatness. Despite their sinful and fallen nature humans are ontologically superior to everything else in created reality. The value of the person is not derived from an individual's contributions, talents or achievements but has to do with the ineffable ontological significance of their being (Gronbacher 1998: 7). Fourth is the role of person within a community. 'The progress towards vertical transcendence, according to [Karol] Wojtyla, is not a solitary journey. For the actions that transform a person are for the most part taken together with others' (Britto 2003: 95). Last is on the concept of participation and solidarity. Solidarity as understood by Wojtyla can be called a synthesis of personalism and communalism, because solidarity does not promote conflict between the good of the person and the good of the community, but these goods are achieved together (95). In the market world, individuals are presented with a multitude of situations which they must choose between and among various options. Which good or service to select? With whom to engage in trade? Where to buy necessary items? The economic life is complex as social structures have developed around simple exchange. The average individual of today is faced with a plethora of complex economic transactions. Despite this however, human freedom remains the fundamental operating principle of this vast economic network. Gronbacher even adds that while there are areas beyond the control of human persons due to the market's vast network, it reflects the character of the persons involved in it. The market is what the persons are as a group. Markets are not abstract entities but are composed of individual human persons. The flaws and imperfections of these limited persons will be apparent in the marketplace. The entire catalog of human sins found in the human heart eventually finds expression in commercial society. The moral health of a market is only as strong as the overall moral health of the culture in which the market operates. Markets do not operate in a vacuum. While economic personalists support economic liberty and private property as congruent to human dignity, they also acknowledge the need to restrain the market to avoid exploitation and abuses. However, as to what form of restraints should there be, they call for moral restraints. A persuasive moral code that encourages self-regulation and socially cooperative behavior is most successfully promoted through voluntary associations such as the family, church, 57 general educational institutions, and local community structures... A morally healthy culture would ultimately encourage a morally healthy marketplace. The market world is therefore here to stay. Its necessity is evident; its sinful effects however are contingent upon human persons. It is a matter of forming a culture juxtaposed on the notions of human dignity, love and solidarity that a moral market is born. 'It is not enough to be a member of one or more community; we are also called upon to be neighbors' (Britto 2003: 96). Indeed, the need to create a moral market starts with individual's commitment to integral transformation. Conclusion While individuals are born into a world of social facts that precede them, and probably will persist for long after they have died, they themselves both create and maintain the social structures. The complexity of the market is something that has accumulated in the events of the past by which today's generation apparently does not have control of. Actions and practices have formed habits; individual habits, collectively practiced, have created the systems and structures. From this is traced the birth of the market with its implications. The complexity of its activities offered alternatives beyond the usual choices of good or evil. Shades of gray add ambiguity and confusion, thereby, affecting patterns of actions, behavior, and perspectives. Ultimately, this has resulted to fragmentation and pluralism. Human freedom is not anymore a choice between good and evil. While it may ultimately be between the two, the manner and way of identifying which is which has become more difficult and obscured. Eventually, this situation also conditioned the rise of oppression in various kinds and levels. In all these, philosophy and its discourses are never exempted. Philosophy looks for its relevance in the market world. Philosophy inquires about the person and his/her meaning in this market world. Philosophy traces its rich deposit and evolving interpretations to at least offer few answers. The market per se is not to be seen as inimical and hostile to the values of the ideal person. The person's ideals can exist in the market as long as the culture that will form the market embrace the values of that ideal and that cultivation of personal virtues of each and everyone in the community may upset the sinful structures. The person in the market world never despairs. While arduous, it is a hopeful situation. 58 REFERENCES Berger, P. & Luckmann, T. (1966), Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge, Doubleday, New York. Britto, T. (2003), 'Intersubjectivity in the Ethical Personalism of Max Scheler and Karol Wojtyla,' PhD diss. University of Santo Tomas Graduate School. Dagmang, F. (1997), 'Instant Gratification and Liberation,' Concilium 3, pp. 49-58. Dagmang, F. (2005), 'Structures and Structural Sin,' Hapag 2, no. 1, pp. 77-112. Dagmang, F. (2007), 'Systems, Habitus and Ethics,' Hapag 4, nos. 1-2, pp. 81-102. Gerth, H. & Mills, C.W. (1953), Character and Social Structure: The Psychology of Social Institutions, Harcourt Brace and World, New York. Grey, M. (2006), 'From Shaken Foundations to a Different Integrity: Spirituality as Response to Fragmentation,' Concilium 2, pp. 79-87. Gronbacher, G. (1998), 'The Need for Economic Personalism,' The Journal of Markets & Morality 1, no. 1, pp. 1-34. Lopez, J. & Scott, J. (2000), Social Structure, Open University Press, Buckingham. Moreira, A. (1997), 'The Dangerous Memory of Jesus Christ in a Post-Traditional Society,' Concilium 3, pp. 39-48. Parsons, T. (1964), Social Structure and Personality, The Free Press of Glencoe, London. Schneider, J. (2007), 'Christian Theology and the Human Ontology of Market Capitalism,' Journal of Markets & Morality 10, no. 2, pp. 279 298. Tomka, M. (1997), 'The Fragmentation of Experience in the Modern World,' Concilium 3, pp. 3-16. Tomka, M. (1999), 'Individualism: A Change in Values,' Concilium 4, pp. 25-35. 59 60 61 Three Utilitarians: Hume, Bentham, and Mill Yusuke KANEKO (kyaunueskuok_e@yahoo.co.jp) Keywords: Utilitarianism, Hume, Bentham, Mill 1 The Aim of this Paper Utilitarianism has been one of the biggest streams in ethics since a long time ago. Prior to Mill's activity as its spokesman (Mill 1833, 1838, 1861), it is said that Jeremy Bentham initially set forth the doctrine. (1) By the principle of utility is meant that principle which approves or disapproves of every action whatsoever, according to the tendency which it appears to have to augment or diminish the happiness of the party whose interest is in question... (Bentham 1789, ch.i, par.2)1 Bentham himself, however, attributed his doctrine further to David Hume: (2) For my own part, I well remember, no sooner had I read that part of the work [Hume 1739-40, Book III] [...] than I felt as if scales had fallen from my eyes [...]. (Bentham 1776, note52 (2)) (3) That the foundations of all virtue are laid in utility, is there [Hume 1739-40, Book III] demonstrated, after a few exceptions made, with the strongest force of evidence: but I see not, any more than Helvetius saw, what need there was for the exceptions. (Bentham 1776, note52 (2); see also Shimokawa 2002, p.23) The aim of this paper is to clarify the relationship of these three thinkers, Hume, Bentham, and Mill in the context of utilitarianism. Through discussion, we shall figure out how and why utilitarianism is trustworthy. 2 Are Utilitarians Trustworthy? Utilitarianism is characterized by the following statement as well. (4) Nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters, pain and pleasure. (Bentham 1789, ch.i, par.1) 1 Only when we refer to Introduction (Bentham 1789), chapter numbers (ch.) with Roman numerals and paragraph numbers (par.) with Arabic numerals are used. 2 See another part (Bentham 1789, ch.x, par.9) as well. Also, it must be noted that Bentham (1789, ch.vii, par.1) did 62 Here, Bentham attributed human motives either to the pursuit of pleasure or to the security from pain2. We may call this tenet 'the hedonistic principle.' According to it, the agent evaluates his (her)3 action exclusively from the view whether it augments his pleasure or not. This mindset easily leads us to the principle of utility as well (cf. 1). This is how utilitarian doctrines are lined up. Yet, here arises a question: 'Are utilitarians trustworthy? They stick only to their own profit. Once they find the present action useless for the profit, they seem to withdraw from the action!' As an example, let us take up the following scenario: (5) X is a salesman who is well known for his courteous manner to customers. One day, his colleague asked him why he can behave in such a manner all the time. Then, he answered, 'Well, merely for our own profit. Don't you think customers prefer the products of the company that such courteous employees work for?' Can we trust this salesclerk? He behaves ethically in appearance. But, as we see in his comment, his behavior is sustained only by the expectation of the future profit. Once the action lacks the consequence, he seems to withdraw from the action. 3 Bentham's Scheme For clarification, here I suggest adopting a modern framework of practical syllogism4. Making use of it, we can formalize our object of study, X's mentality in (5), in the following manner: (6) I want to make a profit. (Major Premise) If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, they will purchase our products. (Minor Premise) ∴ I entertain customers in a courteous manner. (Conclusion) In the major premise, X's pursuit of pleasure of wealth is stated. In the minor premise, 2 See another part (Bentham 1789, ch.x, par.9) as well. Also, it must be noted that Bentham (1789, ch.vii, par.1) did not make a distinction between the pursuit of pleasure and the security from pain. 3 I omit referring to female characters in the following discussion. 4 As is well known, it was Anscombe who introduced practical syllogism―originally, Aristotle's invention―to the modern controversy of ethics or action theory (Anscombe 1957, §33). Also, it is well known that Davidson developed Anscombe's framework in his epoch-making article (Davidson 1963); what we call 'practical syllogism' here is this developed version of Davidson's. I have fully dealt with its universality in another paper (Kaneko 2011a). Meanwhile, some contemporary thinkers make use of the framework as well, to clarify traditional arguments (Davidson 1976), to make his argument easy to understand (Singer 1980, p.134, p.200), and so on. 63 X's belief that entertaining customers will make them want to purchase the products is stated. And for these two reasons, X behaves as the conclusion declares. We may simplify our object of study in this manner. The noteworthy here is that we may also find Bentham's doctrines5 behind the formalization: (7) Bentham's Scheme Hedonistic Principle (cf. 4) Principle of Utility (cf. 1) ∴ Action X's mindset is in accord with this scheme. 4 Utilitarians Are Not Trustworthy Within this scheme, it may be seen, X's rationalization pertains mainly to his belief in the utility of his action, which is stated in the minor premise of (6): (8) If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, they will purchase our products. This conditional belief is vital to X's decision: as long as his fundamental motive, the pursuit of pleasure of wealth, is active, he would stake its realization on his action― this stake is justifiable by the belief. However, this means in turn: X might easily withdraw from the action once he finds it useless for the desired consequence. But wait: where people expect the agent to stay with the same action, such withdrawal is not admissible. This is why we cannot but say, 'Utilitarians are not trustworthy.' 5 Mill 's Extreme Answer Is this the case? Could you accept this conclusion? At least John Stuart Mill would 5 Indeed, the following comment of Bentham's fully reminds us of the practical syllogism. ' [...] for a man to be governed by any motive, he must in every case look beyond that event which is called his action; he must look to the consequence of it: and it is only in this way that the idea of pleasure, of pain, or of any other event, can give birth to it. We must look, therefore, in every case, to some event posterior to the act in contemplation: an event which as yet exists not, but stands only in prospect.' (Bentham 1789, ch.x, par.6) Here, Bentham explains how human fundamental motive, pleasure and pain, "give[s] birth to" the action. According to him, in the choice of action, the agent 'look[s] beyond' it and takes its consequence into consideration; this corresponds to the minor premise of our scheme. On the other hand, the fundamental motive, the pursuit of pleasure, is still a decisive factor for the action because the expected consequence is, after all, directed to the realization of the pleasure as stated in the major premise of our scheme. 64 have rejected it. He was a utilitarian who fought against this kind of prejudice, maintaining that utilitarians are not always preoccupied with consequences of the act. (9) [T]hat all our acts are determined by pains and pleasures in prospect, pains and pleasures to which we look forward as the consequence of our acts. This, as a universal truth, can in no way be maintained. The pain or pleasure which determines our conduct is as frequently one which precedes the moment of action as one which follows it. A man may, it is true, be deterred, in circumstances of temptation, from perpetrating a crime, by his dread of the punishment [...], which he fears he may have to endure after the guilty act; [...] But the case may be, and is to the full as likely to be, that he recoils from the very thought of committing the act; the idea of placing himself in such a situation is so painful, that he cannot dwell upon it long enough to have seen the physical power of perpetrating the crime. His conduct is determined by pain; but by a pain which precedes the act, not by one which is expected to follow it. Not only may this be so, but unless it be so, the man is not really virtuous. (Mill 1833, p.12) Paraphrasing 'consequence' in various ways―'what happens after he performs the action,' 'the pleasures in prospects,' or the like, Mill criticizes Bentham here, and rather, comes close to a Kantian view6: Pains inherent in the action itself―which, in that sense, precedes the action―determine it. This is how Mill led utilitarianism exclusively in an ethical direction. (10) I must again repeat [...], that the happiness which forms the utilitarian standard of what is right in conduct, is not the agent's own happiness, but that of all concerned. As between his own happiness and that of others, utilitarianism requires him to be as strictly impartial as a disinterested and benevolent spectator. In the golden rule of Jesus of Nazareth, we read the complete spirit of the ethics of utility. To do as one would be done by, and to love one's neighbour as oneself, constitute the ideal perfection of utilitarian morality. (Mill 1861, p.218). Mill enthusiastically believed in the noble character of human beings (Mill 1861, p.213). He thought the cultivated persons must surely prefer the employment of their higher faculties (Mill 1861, p.211). (11) Utilitarianism [...] could attain its end by the general cultivation of nobleness of character [...] 6 As is well known, Kant argued that the agent must perform the action for the sake duty, not in accordance with duty (Kant 1785, IV397). That is, we must find the value of the action in itself, not in its consequence. This is completely an opposite standpoint to that of utilitarians. Supporting this standpoint to some extent, Mill argued that Kant's formalism must be complemented by the principle of utility, which gives substance to its form (Mill 1861, pp.249-250; see also Mill 1838, p.105). 65 (Mill 1861, pp.213-214) (12) It is better to be a human being dissatisfied than a pig satisfied; better to be Socrates dissatisfied than a fool satisfied. (Mill 1861, p.212) Now it is clear that for Mill, Bentham's too simplified, plain view of human nature was not tolerable7. Should we then replace Bentham's picture with Mill's? 6 Unreality of Mill 's Thought I myself do not think so. Why? To say simply, Mill was going too far. Let us have a look at our original theme (=5). Could the salesclerk carry on his business manner merely from the insight like Jesus'? It seems impossible, somewhat strange. There is certainly a case where the agent determines his action only for the sake of duty or from its attendant painful feeling8. But in most cases, our mentality does not reach such a deeper part. That the salesclerk serves customers from benevolent feeling alone is as ridiculous as that a debtor pays back the money from benevolent feeling to the creditor. In one aspect, Mill's depiction is a good picture of human moral mentality. However, for our present interest, it is a bit unrealistic. 7 A Watershed of Utilitarianism Where did Mill then go wrong? In my opinion, his prioritization among human pleasures became a turning point in his course of thought. Maybe, the fact is the opposite: Our mentality could admit of a variety of pleasures. Bentham composedly gazed at this point. His quantitative utilitarianism 9 , was not a simple doctrine exclusively associated with the pleasures of sense. (13) Catalogue of Pleasures (Bentham 1789, ch.v) 7 Mill's arguments on Bentham are summarizable as follows. First, Mill pointed out that it is not Bentham who, for the first time, set forth utilitarianism in history. Such mentality is already found in Socrates (Mill 1861, p.205), in Epicurus (Mill 1861, p.209), in Helvetius (Mill 1838, p.86), and also in such minor thinkers as John Brown (Mill 1838, p.87) and Samuel Johnson (Mill 1838, p.87). Rather, Mill said, the most important contribution of Bentham's to utilitarianism was the invention of its methodology, which Mill called 'the method of detail' (Mill 1838, pp.83f.), on account of which Mill praised Bentham as equal to Bacon (Mill 1833, pp.9-10), although Bentham's main field was jurisprudence (Mill 1838, pp.100f., pp.103f., 1833, pp.9f.). Second, Mill complained that Bentham had too great a contempt to learn from his precursors, which disturbed him from investigating deep into human nature (Mill 1838, pp.90f.). Too simplified a view on human nature of Bentham's originated from this fault, according to Mill. Third, Bentham's specific interest in jurisprudence confined his attention to human action only, so that he could not notice the importance of arguing the character of human beings (Mill 1833, pp.7-8). 8 Kant admitted that this kind of feeling accompanies the determination of our will by the moral law (Kant 1788, V73-75). On the other hand, Mill called such feeling conscience (Mill 1861, p.228). 9 Or hedonistic calculus (Bentham 1789, ch.iv). 66 1. the pleasures of sense, 2. the pleasures of wealth, 3. the pleasures of skill, 4. the pleasures of amity, 5. the pleasures of a good name, 6. the pleasures of power, 7. the pleasures of piety, 8. the pleasures of benevolence, 9. the pleasures of malevolence, 10. the pleasures of memory, 11. the pleasures of imagination, 12. the pleasures of expectation, 13. the pleasures dependent on association, 14. the pleasures of relief. Bentham left these pleasures as they were. On the contrary, Mill would have admitted 4, 5, 7, and 8 at best (cf. Mill 1838, p.95). Again, taking his previous remark (=10) and the essence of moral10 into account, he would have narrowed them down to 8 only, which is located at the top of his prioritization. This is why there remains no room for a variety of pleasures in Mill's system. In this respect, two utilitarians completely broke with each other. 8 Pleasures Piled As such, that is, as two discrepant modes of thought, we can rephrase the salesclerk's mindset―our original object of study―in two different manners. (14) Mill's Model for Scenario (5) I want to please customers. (Pursuit of Pleasures of Benevolence) If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, they will be pleased. ∴ I entertain customers in a courteous manner. (15) Bentham's Model for Scenario (5) I want to make a profit. (Pursuit of Pleasures of Wealth) I want to please customers. (Pursuit of Pleasures of Benevolence) I want to be promoted. (Pursuit of Pleasures of a Good Name) If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, they will purchase our products. If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, they will be pleased. If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, the manager may promote me. ∴ I entertain customers in a courteous manner. Since we have already refused Mill's argument (§6), His model is no longer acceptable; it is unrealistic. We could not carry on the same business manner merely from 10 As is well known, Kant denied the morality of the action motivated by the inclination toward fame (a good name) (Kant, 1785, IV398). In terms of this, we are to remove all the remainder (4, 5, 7) from the list of moral motives except benevolence (the reason is stated in §11below). Some may say this is too Kantian a view. But as already stated in §5, Mill came fairly close to Kantianism (Mill, 1861, pp.249-250). 67 benevolent feeling. However, we do not deny Mill's thought entirely. In part, it must be complemented: the benevolence taken as a motivation in the formula (=14) is too feeble to stabilize the action. Just for this reason, Bentham's model (=15) supersedes it. Bentham admited plural motives (the pursuit of plural pleasures), which finally support the feeble ethical motivation of benevolence. On the other hand, this model of Bentham's gives an answer to our original question, 'Do utilitarians withdraw from their action once they find it useless for their own profit?' We may answer no. Compare the previous model (=6) with this new version (=15). In the latter, the agents can maintain his motivation even if his action (entertaining customers in a courteous manner) turns out to be useless for one consequence (customers' purchasing the products), since even in that case, other consequences, e.g. the possibility of promotion, are still expectable. To this extent, the agent can maintain his motivation, so that his ethical behavior also successfully continues. 9 Why Be Moral? Now we found a decent answer. Based on it, we may also realize how ethical action is stabilized in utilitarian frameworks. But, not yet ethical motivation. Bentham's model stabilized ethical action. However, it seems not to require ethical motivation. All that counts in the model is the number of consequences―how many desirable consequences the action has. So it does not matter whether the agent has ethical motivation or not. To compensate this, taking Mill's standpoint is easy, but should be avoided, since we have already turned it down (§6). So, here again, we must ask: Why must we have ethical motivation to do ethical action? 10 Hume On trial, let us take up the mentality without any ethical motives. (16) Egoistic Model for Scenario (5) I want to make a profit. (Pursuit of Pleasures of Wealth) I want to be praised . (Pursuit of Pleasures of Amity) I want to be promoted. (Pursuit of Pleasures of a Good Name) If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, they will purchase our products. If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, they will praise me. 68 If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, the manager may promote me. ∴ I entertain customers in a courteous manner. The decisive point distinguishing this model from the former (=15) is that the motives listed here are all directed to 'me.' It is only 'me' who is pleased by the consequences listed here. But presumably, only in this case, the agent feels free to withdraw from his action; for even if he stops his action, nobody gets in trouble since his action is related with nobody else. Yet, most of our acts are put into social contexts. Therefore, such egoistic mindset is not permissible. Take another look at the principle of utility (=1). According to it, our approbation of the action is relative to 'the party whose interest is in question.' The question here is how large party we should envisage. Viewed from this angle, we might describe the mentality of (16) this way: 'That model is an extreme case, in which the interest of the smallest party, "me," is only in question.' Is this mentality, however, still in accord with the principle of utility? To answer this question, we can take up the third utilitarian, David Hume. He is very much a thinker who expressed that mentality directly. (17) What is that to me? There are few occasions, when this question is not pertinent. (Hume 1751, p.217) We may regard this as the bottom of utilitarianism. All utilitarians start from this mentality. Did Hume stay in the bottom, then? No. His conclusion was the opposite. (18) But, useful? For what? For somebody's interest, surely. Whose interest then? Not our own only: For our approbation frequently extends farther. It must, therefore, be the interest of those, who are served by the character of action approved of; and these we may conclude, however remote, are not totally indifferent to us. By opening up this principle, we shall discover one great source of moral distinctions. (Hume 1751, p.218) In this way, Hume concluded that we had to go out of the narrow circle of 'me.' We must leave egoism. But how? Let us consider this point in more detail below 69 11 As a Member of a Society To begin with, take a look at 'one great source' in the above citation (=18). This source was, to tell the truth, the benevolence mentioned above (Hume 1751, pp.220f., pp.230f.)11. Yet, as we saw earlier12, benevolence was Mill's specialty. How does Hume's argument differ from Mill's, then? To say simply, Mill's emphasis was on the cultivation of character (§5), whereas Hume's was on a social aspect of human beings. (19) Of all the animals, with which this globe is peopled, there is none towards whom nature seems, at first sight, to have exercis'd more cruelty than towards man, in the numberless wants and necessities, with which she has loaded him, and in the slender means, which she affords to the relieving these necessities. [...] 'Tis by society alone he is able to supply his defects, and raise himself up to an equality with his fellow-creatures, and even acquire a superiority above them. (Hume 1739-40, pp.484-485) Here Hume revealed how indispensable society is for human beings. In this context, we may regard a family as the smallest circle of 'society.' Not only for the reason just mentioned (=19), but also for the 'natural appetite between two sexes,' we are forced to form the smallest circle (Hume 1739-40, p.486). Benevolence, according to Hume, comes to grow in this smallest society (cf. Hume 1739-40, p.417). It is natural affection, because of which we naturally go out of egoism. 12 From Natural Virtue to Artificial Virtue In this way, Hume dealt with the benevolence-concept from a social angle. As a result, he successfully provided the same concept of Mill's with a firmer ground. But wait: Hume's argument seems irrelevant to our original interest, scenario (5). We are originally interested in the mentality of a salesclerk, which is totally different from that of a family member Hume dealt with. How can we bridge the gap between them? Let us trace Hume's argument further. While classifying benevolence into natural feeling, Hume regarded it as a representative of natural virtues useful to others (Hume 1751, sec.II). 'Useful' here means utility. However, what does it mean to be 'useful to others'? If we bear benevolent feeling to our own families alone, we are to be judged egoistic. For the circle of a family is, in a sense, another egoistic circle than 'me.' Indeed we 11 In Enquiry, Hume called benevolence "humanity" as well (Hume 1751, p.219 note1; Shimokawa 2003, p.186). 12 See the last part of §7 and citation (10). 70 sometimes disregard another person outside of our own families in cold blood. From the insight into this very fact, in turn, we come to think: the benevolent feeling is not sufficient, and must be enlarged beyond the borderlines of families. This course of thought reveals the true meaning of utility. See the previous citation of Hume's (=18). According to it, the viewpoint of utility is extended as far as possible. But the question here is: How can we realize it? The answer is surely be given by the transition from natural virtue to artificial virtue. Citation (19) implied the possibility of another society: a society in its literal sense. In this kind of society, naïve mentality like benevolence does not make sense. It is precisely here that another factor steps into the picture. Hume argued that in the case of such a broader society, what we acquire first is convention. Convention is a rule tacitly followed by people in the society (Hume 1739-40, p.480etc.). Hume says: (20) Drivers such as waggoners, coachmen, and postilions cannot pass each other on the road without rules. (cf. Hume 1751, p.210) Without rules, we could not lead our social life smoothly. Why doesn't a passerby suddenly attack me? Why can we get the goods when we pay the money? These questions are all solvable in terms of convention. Those actions are a kind of convention. Without them, we have great difficulty in leading our social life. So we adopt them, observing them as a matter of course. This viewpoint justly enlarges our mentality. Why do we care about other people than our own families? It is because such people are, it is true, strangers but at the same time, also those members of our society who follow the same convention. To keep the society, we must care about other people as indispensable fellows. We may call this extended mentality artificial virtue, following Hume13. And it finally supersedes the preexisting natural virtue, benevolence. Artificial virtue enlarges our mentality, and sublimated it toward the broad horizon of public interest (cf. Hume 1739-40, pp.534f.). Hume says, 'In all determinations of morality, [...] public utility is ever principally in view' (Hume 1751, p.180). Here we know the true meaning of utility. 13 According to Hume, artificiality is intimately connected with the adoption of convention in a society (Hume 1739-40, pp.477f.). 71 13 Integrated Model The insight into the convention-networks lets us know: We are fellows in one society. Artificial virtue emerges in this mentality. We may simply call it moral sense (Hume 1739-40, p.458 etc.). After all, this moral sense could be identified with the ethical motivation we have sought for. Moral sense has been planted in our mind since we began to form a society. The larger our society becomes, the more crucial it is to acquire such sense. Our society is, after all, open and competitive one14, in which letting customers shop pleasantly is vital to survive; the companies ignorant of business manners―tacit rules in business―are naturally weeded out. So every salesclerk gets to think it obligatory to keep a courteous manner. This consciousness of obligation is thought to be moral sense, which becomes the motivation for ethical behavior. We may replace 'benevolence' in Mill's model (=14) with it: (21) Moral Sense Model for Scenario (5) I want to please customers. (Moral Sense) If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, they will be pleased. ∴ I entertain customers in a courteous manner. However, this model is no more sufficient than Mill's was. The reason is, in this case, not merely that the moral sense is too feeble, but that it is likely undermined by another strong motivation. (22) Malevolence Model for Scenario (5) I want to revenge my resentment on the manager. (Pursuit of Pleasure of Malevolence) If I do not entertain customers in a courteous manner, the reputation of this shop will be hurt. ∴ I do not entertain customers in a courteous manner. In case this malevolence is so strong, it might overwhelm the moral sense. Hume also did not deny such situations: (23) It is not contrary to reason to prefer the destruction of the whole world to the scratching of my finger. (Hume 1739-40, p.416) 14 Katsuragi (1988, pp.155f.) clarified the relationship between Hume's ethics and open competition. 72 To avoid such situations, we must reinforce the sole ethical motivation in (21). That is why an integrated model of Hume's (=21) and Bentham's (=15) steps into the picture. (24) Integrated Model for Scenario (5) I want to make a profit. (Pursuit of Pleasures of Wealth) I want to please customers. (Moral Sense) I want to be promoted. (Pursuit of Pleasures of a Good Name) If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, they will purchase our products. If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, they will be pleased. If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, the manager may promote me. ∴ I entertain customers in a courteous manner. We adopt this model in conclusion. 14 The Axis of Motivation In this way, we could realize why and how utilitarian agents have ethical motivation. According to Hume, people acquire moral sense as long as they are members of a society. Nevertheless, they know that such ethical motivation alone is not enough. So they increase their reasons for the ethical action. That is why the integrated model (=24) steps into the picture. As stated above, it is the integrated model of Hume's (=21) and Bentham's (=15). We may regard it as the conclusion of our inquiry. In addition, for complement, I want to add one more thing here: the function of ethical motivation among plural motives; namely, the axis-function of moral sense. In Bentham's model (=15) as well as its extreme case (=16), the expectations of pleasures are, in not a few cases, frustrated. This is because, as stated in §4, the utility of the action―which ensures the realization of the pleasure under consideration―does not always hold15. But even so, there is one thing never frustrated: the pleasure16 based on moral sense. (25) If I entertain customers in a courteous manner, they will be pleased. The connection between the action and its consequence here stated is never severed. 15 This was the central topic treated in my other paper (Kaneko 2011b). 16 According to the recent study of Karl Hepper's, Hume adopted a hedonistic principle like Bentham (Hepfer 1997, p.27), although Hepfer states it in the content of Hume's representative passions: pride, humility, love and hatred (Hepfer 1997, p.29). 73 This is because in our society, the courteous business manner is, by definition, directed to customers' pleasure (cf. §13). Compared with other consequences like profit (cf. 8), the tie here stated is so strong and intrinsic that we do not have to confirm it from experience. This strong tie finally makes the agent sure of the justice of his action. 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