TEORIE VĚDY / THEORY OF SCIENCE / XL / 2018 / 2 THE PARADOX OF MORALISTIC FALLACY: A CASE AGAINST THE DANGEROUS KNOWLEDGE Abstract: In this article, the concept of moralistic fallacy introduced by B. D. Davis is elaborated on in more detail. Th e main features of this fallacy are discussed, and its general form is presented. Th e moralistic fallacy might have some undesirable outcomes. Some of them might even be in direct confl ict to the original moral position. If this occurs, it is possible to characterize it as a paradox of moralistic fallacy. Th e possibility of this paradox provides a further reason not to prevent any scientifi c inquiries and not to depict any knowledge as dangerous. Keywords: moralistic fallacy; reverse naturalistic fallacy; Bernard D. Davis; paradox of moralistic fallacy; dangerous knowledge Paradox moralistického omylu: argument proti nebezpečné znalosti Abstrakt: V článku je rozveden koncept moralistického omylu, který předložil B. D. Davis. Jsou diskutovány základní charakteristiky tohoto omylu s cílem představit jeho obecnou formu. Moralistický omyl má přitom nechtěné následky, z nichž některé dokonce mohou být v přímém rozporu s původní morální pozicí, která stojí v začátku tohoto samotného omylu. Pokud takovýto stav nastane, lze ukázat, že moralistický omyl způsobuje paradox. Možnost takovéhoto paradoxu pak poskytuje důvod k tomu, aby bylo odmítnuto omezování vědeckého zkoumání a aby nebyla žádná znalost charakterizována jako nebezpečná. Klíčová slova: moralistický omyl; reverzní naturalistický omyl; Bernard D. Davis; paradox moralistického omylu; nebezpečná znalost TOMÁŠ ONDRÁČEK Department of Corporate Economy, Masaryk University Lipová 41a, 602 00, Brno, Czech Republic email / ondracek.t@mail.muni.cz ////// studie / article //////////////////////////////////////////// 192 Introduction Is there knowledge which should be considered as dangerous and unwanted? Knowledge which should be prevented from acquiring? Th ere have been many attempts to prohibit some knowledge in history. Plato wrote about a so-called noble lie1 regarding society. Hume wrote about refuting a hypothesis in philosophical disputes "by a pretence of its dangerous consequences to religion and morality."2 Many other examples might be found in struggling between the church and science, general morality or the politic situation of a given time and sociological, psychological, historical and other inquiries.3 Even today, there are restrictions, e.g., regarding dual use problem in technological research.4 But is dividing dangerous, unwanted knowledge useful and safe? In the following article, I will argue that to divide knowledge as safe or dangerous, as wanted or unwanted is unwise and possibly harmful. Th is division might even go against the original intentions or ethical position, which was the reason for adopting the view that something should not be known. To argue against this division, in the fi rst part of the article I will present Bernard David Davis'5 and others accounts on the moralistic fallacy. I will 1 Cf. Daniel Dombrowski, "Plato's 'Noble' Lie," History of Political Th ought 18, no. 4 (1997): 565–78. 2 David Hume, An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 70. 3 We can also fi nd dangerous or forbidden knowledge in Bible regarding the apple from forbidden tree or in myths, e.g., in Prometheus gift of fi re. Cf. Roger Shattuck, Forbidden Knowledge: A Landmark Exploration of the Dark Side of Human Ingenuity and Imagination (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996). 4 Cf. Seumas Miller and Michael J. Selgelid, "Ethical and Philosophical Consideration of the Dual-Use Dilemma in the Biological Sciences," Science and Engineering Ethics 13, no. 4 (2007): 523–80. Michael J. Selgelid, "A Tale of Two Studies: Ethics, Bioterrorism, and the Censorship of Science," Hastings Center Report 37, no. 3 (2007): 35–43. 5 Bernard D. Davis, "Th e Moralistic Fallacy," Nature 272 (1978): 390. Th e work on this paper was supported by the grant of the Czech Science Foundation (GAČR) "Semantic Notions, Paradoxes and Hyperintensional Logic Based on Modern Th eory of Types," registration no. GA16-19395S. I would like to thank this paper's reviewers for their insights, especially regarding the historical context of the problem of knowledge restriction, and also to Jan Štěpánek, Marek Picha, and Iva Svačinová as well as to organizers of conference Současná fi losofi e vědy for their thoughts on this topic and this text. Tomáš Ondráček 193 present several examples and discuss the main features of this fallacy. In the second part, I will formulate the general form of the moralistic fallacy, and I will distinguish it from the presumptive reasoning, wishful thinking, and self-deception. In the third part, I will present the paradox of moralistic fallacy and its general form. Finally, in overview and conclusion, I will provide an argument against labeling some knowledge as dangerous. Moralistic Fallacy Th e problem of deriving an "ought" from an "is" was famously presented by David Hume in his Treatise of Human Nature: In every system of morality, which I have hitherto met with, I have always remark'd, that the author proceeds for some time in the ordinary way of reasoning, and establishes the being of a God, or makes observations concerning human aff airs; when of a sudden I am surpriz'd to fi nd, that instead of the usual copulations of propositions, is, and is not, I meet with no proposition that is not connected with an ought, or an ought not. Th is change is imperceptible; but is, however, of the last consequence. For as this ought, or ought not, expresses some new relation or affi rmation, 'tis necessary that it shou'd be observ'd and explain'd; and at the same time that a reason should be given, for what seems altogether inconceivable, how this new relation can be a deduction from others, which are entirely diff erent from it. 6 Th e is-ought problem is well known and still discussed, unlike the problem which can be seen as the reverse version of it, the moralistic fallacy. Moralistic fallacy is the problem of deriving an "is" from an "ought," deriving what there is from what there should be. Th e moralistic fallacy was probably fi rst coined and described by Bernard David Davis in 1978: Since blocking off an area of inquiry on moral grounds fi xes our knowledge in that area, it becomes, in eff ect, an illogical eff ort to derive an "is" from an "ought." I would suggest that we call this procedure the moralistic fallacy, since it is the mirror image of what Hume and G. L Moore identifi ed as the naturalistic fallacy.7 It should be noted that the Hume problem of derivation from "is" to "ought" is diff erent than naturalistic fallacy which is usually considered as 6 David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 302. 7 Davis, "Th e Moralistic Fallacy," 390. The Paradox of Moralistic Fallacy 194 a problem of defi ning moral properties as natural properties as described by Moore.8 Yet this distinction is not made by Davis,9 Pinker,10 and Ridley,11 who consider the moralistic problem as a conversion or reversion of naturalistic fallacy. Th us, moralistic fallacy is sometimes called reverse naturalistic fallacy. Th e moralistic fallacy is the mirror image of the Hume's problem, and both these fallacies share the same features. Hume describes the derivation of an "ought" from an "is" as something "imperceptible," but "of the last consequence." Th is derivation also "expresses some new relation or affi rmation" and it needs to be studied. All these characteristics are shared by the moralistic fallacy and can be shown in the case of Lysenkoism, which was mentioned by Davis and described by Matt Ridley: Th us spake Lenin. Th e 1920s and 1930s, oft en seen as a time of lunatic obsession with genetic determinism, was also a time of lunatic obsession with environmental determinism: the belief that man could be remade entirely into new man just by education, propaganda and force. Under Stalin this Lockean faith in changing nature was even applied to wheat. Trofi m Lysenko argued, and those who gainsaid him were shot, that wheat could be made more frost-hardy not by selection but by experience. Millions died hungry to prove him wrong.12 In many cases of moralistic fallacy, the "ought" is taken out of the context. Th us, to see that there is a strange argumentative move, some additional information not being a part of one particular text must be provided. To see Lysenkoism as the moralistic fallacy, one must consider not only what is written in the work of Lysenko, but also the context in which this work was done. Lysenko might argue for his theory in a perfectly ordinary matter, in some texts, but regarding context, his theory was preferred and accepted due to its affi nity with Marxism-Leninism. Th e example of Lysenkoism also points out the dangerous consequence of moralistic fallacy on two levels. Th e fi rst level is persecuting those who cast doubt on the derivate fact. In the case of Lysenko, those who doubt were executed. In other cases of moralistic fallacy, those who argue against might not suff er so hard but suff er aft er all. Th ey might be isolated, their work 8 George Edward Moore, Principia Ethica (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1922). 9 Davis, "Th e Moralistic Fallacy," 390. 10 Steven Pinker, Th e Blank Slate: Th e Modern Denial of Human Nature (London: Penguin Books, 2003), 162. 11 Matt Ridley, Th e Origins of Virtue (New York: Penguin Books, 1998), 257. 12 Ibid., 258. Tomáš Ondráček 195 ridiculed, and they might be forced to change profession. Th e second level is the aft ermath of the situation caused by adopting the view based on the moralistic fallacy. Millions died from hunger. People might suff er if facts are not considered, rather than wishes. Th e harmful outcome of the moralistic fallacy is also presented regarding social institutions: we can adapt our social institutions to our evolutionary legacy, but not vice versa. [...] If we choose otherwise, and suppress human behavioural genetics for fear that the results may contradict our assumptions, the costs may be high.13 Th e outcome of the moralistic fallacy might also be lost opportunities or lost profi ts. Davis points out this as tension: there are very good reasons to forbid human cloning: but if we should forbid any research in cell biology that might bring cloning nearer, we would seriously impair advances in cancer research.14 Th e moralistic fallacy is a severe problem, and we need to pay attention to it. It is a problem which is connected to political correctness, especially as pointed out by Ridley, but it is also a problem of ideals and hopes. Th e moralistic fallacy is committed by individuals, as Steven Pinker shows in the example of a clinical psychologist: Most people don't commit horrendous crimes without profoundly damaging things happening to them. It isn't that monsters are being born right and left . It's that children are being born right and left and are being subjected to horrible things. As a consequence, they end up doing horrible things. And I would much rather live in that world than in a world where monsters are just born.15 Th is is the case of the nature vs. nurture problem. It is a question of what is given and what can be learned. Th is question is connected to responsibility and the ability to change. Th e psychologist above was not willing or able to accept that people might be born in some way. Not willing to accept that some people might be "monsters" because of their nature. Th erefore, it is an error in learning that there are monsters and it can be corrected. But as in many such cases, it is oversimplifi ed. Th ere might still be a person's or society's responsibility, even though the person behaves accordingly to 13 Davis, "Th e Moralistic Fallacy," 390. 14 Ibid., 390. 15 Pinker, Th e Blank Slate, 196. The Paradox of Moralistic Fallacy 196 their nature. Also, it is possible to change manifested outcomes of someone's nature. People do not have to act upon their impulses, and it is possible to correct not only what is gained during life but also correct what is gained from nature by adapting the manifestation to be socially accepted. To accept that something is in people's nature or is due to nurture by reasoning that if the other way around were true it would be horrible, terrifying, impossible to change, or impossible to ascribe a responsibility to is moralistic fallacy. Moralistic fallacy can be committed by organizations and groups of scientists as well. An example like the psychologist case above is UNESCO's Th e Seville Statement on Violence, in which scholars and researchers from around the world explicitly state: we challenge a number of alleged biological fi ndings that have been used, even by some in our disciplines, to justify violence and war. Because the alleged fi ndings have contributed to an atmosphere of pessimism in our time, we submit that the open, considered rejection of these misstatements can contribute signifi cantly to the International Year of Peace.16 Th e problem of moralistic fallacy is not that the statements are incorrect, but that they are accepted by inadequate derivation regarding scientifi c standards on evidence, and its character prevents possible scientifi c objections because of this diff erent standard. Although scholars, who signed the statement from Seville, had been from relevant fi elds, they made the mistake of binding factual research fi ndings with promotion or justifying some morally questionable actions. Th ey based their position on moral background, and labeled those fi ndings, which oppose their views, as "scientifi cally incorrect." Th e moralistic fallacy thus divides knowledge into two categories. Th e fi rst category is acceptable and according to a normative background. Th e second category is wrong, immoral, against accepted normative status and thus dangerous. So far, the presented examples might look like something from the past, or something rare, but even in today's scientifi c texts the moralistic fallacy occurs. Examples of it might be easily found in the fi eld of research connected to human nature or evolution, and questions on diff erences between groups of people. Regarding the former, Gorelik and Schackelfold17 pointed 16 David Adams, Th e Seville Statement on Violence: Preparing the Ground for the Constructing of Peace: Disseminated by Decision of the General Conference of UNESCO at Its Twenty-Fift h Session, Paris, 16 November 1989 (UNESCO, 1991), 16. 17 Gregory Gorelik and Todd K. Shackelford, "Suicide and the Moralistic Fallacy: Comment on Joiner, Hom, Hagan, and Silva (2016)," Evolutionary Psychological Science 3, no. 3 (2017): 287–89. Tomáš Ondráček 197 out the moralistic fallacy in the analyses of a suicide by Joiner et al.18 Joiner et al. are accused of committing this fallacy by "believing suicide to be unnatural or evolutionarily maladaptive due to one's belief that it is immoral."19 Another case, against philosophers, is made by d'Arms and Jacobson20 regarding emotions. Th ey say that some philosophers tend to infer "from the claim that it would be morally objectionable to feel F toward X, that therefore F is not a fi tting response to X."21 Also, it might be argued, that cases of moralistic fallacy can be found if there is no willingness to study scientifi c endeavor itself, binding it to the moral high ground and missing its social character as an activity of fallible humans, especially in the fi eld of scientifi c misconduct.22 Th e later cases of moralistic fallacy are most visible in the discussion of human intelligence issues, or to be more specifi c, on testing or measuring intelligence. Measuring intelligence is a problematic fi eld for several reasons. Th ere is no single, agreed defi nition of intelligence. Also, applying intelligence tests and the results of these tests were and still might be abused for political purposes. Nevertheless, this should not prevent researchers from studying it, studying it with these tests and even studying the results from the tests themselves. As an illustration how the discussion about measuring intelligence can be compromised by the moralistic fallacy, it is possible to present an outline of the quarrel between Stephen J. Gould and J. Philippe Rushton together with Arthur R. Jensen. Gould discussed his view in the book Th e Mismeasure of Man.23 Gould stands in opposition to the claim that there is one number, one general intelligence which is biologically determined and unchangeable during life. In his book, he accused previous researchers of bias or even frauds in favor of white, rich, western men. He connected this fraud to the attempt to maintain the social status quo. Gould claims that most previous research intentionally or unintentionally committed moralistic fallacy because they believed that the results of white men should be better than those of other people. Th erefore, 18 Th omas E. Joiner, Melanie A. Hom, Christopher R. Hagan, and Caroline Silva, "Suicide as a Derangement of the Self-Sacrifi cial Aspect of Eusociality," Psychological Review 123, no. 3 (2017): 235–54. 19 Gorelik and Shackelford, "Suicide and the Moralistic Fallacy," 287. 20 Justin d'Arms and Daniel Jacobson, "Th e Moralistic Fallacy: On the 'Appropriateness' of Emotions," Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 61, no. 1 (2000): 65–90. 21 d'Arms and Jacobson, "Th e Moralistic Fallacy," 75. 22 Wolfgang Stroebe, Tom Postmes, and Russell Spears, "Scientifi c Misconduct and the Myth of Self-Correction in Science," Perspectives on Psychological Science 7, no. 6 (2012): 670–88. 23 Stephen J. Gould, Th e Mismeasure of Man (London: Penguin, 1997). The Paradox of Moralistic Fallacy 198 they should have higher intelligence, and if the data did not comply, it was a failure of the procedure which needed to be corrected. Gould's book had an impact, and when he was openly critical in the second edition of the book, some contemporary researchers reacted. Rushton and Jensen accused Gould in the article, which name is self-explanatory, Wanted: More Race Realism, Less Moralistic Fallacy.24 Th ey wrote that even though there are problems in the history of intelligence measurement, it does not necessarily mean that the results of these tests do not vary between specifi c groups of people. Th erefore, it is Gould himself who is biased and committed the moralistic fallacy. Th is example illustrates again that it does not matter if Gould or Rushton and Jensen are correct. Both parties, those who believe that there are diff erences in intelligence test results between groups of people and those who do not, can make moralistic fallacies in an attempt to justify their points. What is important is how they justify their statements. It also shows that both parties tried to prevent or discredit the other party's research by labeling it as morally fl awed. General Form of Moralistic Fallacy Th e previous description of moralistic fallacy presupposes a general understanding regarding the diff erence between "ought" and "is." For further analyses, it is useful to introduce a simple theory of statements. PVF theory25 diff erentiates between three types of propositions: policy propositions (P), propositions of value (V) and propositions of facts (V). Policies are recommendations for future actions. Propositions of value can be used to express statements that refl ect moral or other normative systems. Propositions of facts are statements of what is the case. Although in natural language the type of proposition is usually easy to identify in real life, the exact theoretical analyses might be diffi cult, especially without context.26 Take, e.g., the sentence "Alexander should visit his parents tomorrow." Th is sentence might be about policy in a sense, that we have proposed what course of action should take place. It also might be about values, when there is a normative reason which has obliged Alexander 24 J. Philippe Rushton and Arthur R. Jensen, "Wanted: More Race Realism, Less Moralistic Fallacy," Psychology, Public Policy, and Law 11, no. 2 (2005): 328–36. 25 Jean Wagemans, "Rhetorical Status Th eory as an Institutional Framework for Legal Discussions," in SSRN, accessed September 30, 2018, http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2786290. 26 Cf. Gerhard Schurz, Th e Is-Ought Problem: An Investigation in Philosophical Logic (Dordrecht: Springer, 1997), 9–10. Tomáš Ondráček 199 to visit his parents. Furthermore, the same sentence could describe a fact, when it is about future which is expected to occur. Because the moralistic fallacy is based on the distinction between value and factual propositions, proper identifi cation is necessary. Another example of the problems in identifying moralistic fallacy is the following example considering crossing one-way street: Have you ever crossed a one-way street without looking in both directions? If you have, reasoning that people shouldn't be driving the wrong way up a one way street so there's no risk of being run over from that direction, then you've committed the moralistic fallacy. Sometimes things aren't as they ought to be. Sometimes people drive in directions that they shouldn't. Th e rules of the road don't necessarily describe actual driving practices.27 Th is example is presented as a case of moralistic fallacy, but it is a tricky one. Th ere are problems with identifying the statement that "People should drive in one direction in a one-way street." Initially, this statement was identifi ed as a value proposition, but it seems to be much more appropriate to identify it as an expectation, as a proposition of facts and rephrased: People usually drive in one direction in a one-way street. Th erefore, it seems more natural not to see this as an example of moralistic fallacy, but rather as an example of expressing regularity. PVF theory enables us to present a general form of moralistic fallacy. Th e simplest form of moralistic fallacy is thus: Because of normative positions, which are expressed by propositions of value (V), propositions of facts (F) are accepted. Th is simplest form seems to be too universal because it also covers examples of presumptive reasoning and wishful thinking or self-deception. Furthermore, it does not capture the Davis characterization of the moralistic fallacy regarding preventing an inquiry. Th erefore, it seems more suitable to describe moralistic fallacy in this manner: Because of normative positions, which are expressed by propositions of value (V), some propositions of facts (F) are denied, and the contrary propositions of facts (counter-F) are accepted. 27 Logical Fallacies, "Moralistic Fallacy," in Logical Fallacies: An Encyclopedia of Errors of Reasoning, accessed September 30, 2018, https://www.logicalfallacies.info/relevance/ moralistic/. The Paradox of Moralistic Fallacy 200 Although this form captures better the nature of moralistic fallacy as described by Davis, it also covers cases of presumptive reasoning, because any justifi cation excludes at least some other counter-evidence. What makes presumptive reasoning diff erent from moralistic fallacy? It seems to be reasonable and pragmatic to derive a factual statement from a value statement in some cases. It would be paralyzing, e.g., not to be able to say that my electric kettle will heat the water because it should do that. Also, it would be disturbing not to be able to say that the defendant is innocent until proven guilty. Both these derivations are cases of presumptive reasoning or presumptive arguments. Presumption can be described as a move in dialogue that is mid-way between assertion and assumption.28 Presumptive reasoning is the reasoning applied in everyday thinking and argumentation.29 It can be simply described as reasoning based on generally adopted schemes of world function. Presumptive reasoning enables us to provide weak support for a conclusion or shift in the burden of proof. Ones is not obliged to argue for what is generally accepted, even though there is no direct proof, but the other side must provide reasons when it claims that there is some disruption from the accepted order. Th is means that in cases like the electric kettle or presuming innocence, the reasons for accepting a statement are weak, yet enough to support their conclusions in the given discussion. However, if there is acceptable counter-evidence, such as that it does not seems the water is boiling and quite some time has passed, or that there is proof of crime, it is obligatory to give up the presumptions and accept the conclusion supported by the evidence. What makes the moralistic fallacy diff erent it is that it prevents the possibility to put forward such evidence. Henceforth, the general form of moralistic fallacy is rather this: Because of normative positions, which are expressed by propositions of value (V), inquiring of propositions of facts (F) by given rational (scientifi c) means are prevented, and the contrary propositions of facts (counter-F) are accepted. 28 Douglas Walton, "Abductive, Presumptive and Plausible Arguments," Informal Logic 21, no. 2 (2001): 156. 29 Cf. David M. Godden and Douglas Walton, "A Th eory of Presumption for Everyday Argumentation," Pragmatics & Cognition 15, no. 2 (2007): 313–46. Tomáš Ondráček 201 Even in this case, someone can argue that any justifi cation prevents some ways to inquire.30 Th at might be true, but the moralistic fallacy prevents inquiring by the originally adopted rational means. Th us, in real-life examples, the diff erence between presumptive reasoning, although based on a weak derivation as described by Walton,31 and moralistic fallacy can be a matter of degree.32 If preventing possible inquiry is too restrictive, and goes beyond what would be a reasonable limitation, it will be a case of moralistic fallacy. If the prevention is weak, it can be considered a reasonable limitation of discussion and thus be taken as presumptive reasoning, based on the rules of the given discussion.33 On the contrary, wishful thinking is usually described as a type of cognitive error. It goes from something we wish for to something that we are taking for granted. We can also fi nd the defi nition of wishful thinking as argumentation fallacy in Damer's textbook: Assuming that because one wants something to be true, it is or will be true. Conversely, assuming that because one does not want something to be true, then it is not or will not be true. 34 Wishful thinking is usually described in comparison to self-deception,35 and there are also some important features which must be taken under con30 When some statement is challenged for some reason, it might be defended by providing justifi cation to accept the statements regarding a given challenge. Th us, it prevents challenging the statement in the same way. Th is is complying to the 9th commandment of critical discussion in Pragma-dialectics. Cf. Frans H. van Eemeren and Rob Grootendorst. A Systematic Th eory of Argumentation: Th e Pragma-Dialectical Approach (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 195. It might be noted that it is not a necessarily universal rule of critical discussion and thus diff er, e.g., in some sets of rules for obligations. Cf. Mikko Yrjönsuuri, "Obligationes. 14th Century Logic of Disputational Duties," Acta Philosophica Fennica 55 (1994): 1–182. 31 Presumptions are something between assumption and statement, regarding Walton. See Walton, "Abductive, Presumptive and Plausible Arguments," 141–69. 32 Th is is also in agreement with some approaches towards fallacies. Cf. Maarten Boudry, Fabio Paglieri, and Massimo Pigliucci, "Th e Fake, the Flimsy, and the Fallacious: Demarcating Arguments in Real Life," Argumentation 29, no. 4 (2015): 431–56. 33 In this sense, the moralistic fallacy is closed to if not the same to concept of immunizing strategy or epistemic defence system as put forward by Boudry and Braeckman. Cf. Maarten Boudry and Johan Braeckman. "Immunizing Strategies and Epistemic Defense Mechanisms," Philosophia 39, no. 1 (2011): 145–61. 34 T. Edward Damer, Attacking Faulty Reasoning: A Practical Guide to Fallacy-Free Arguments (Belmont: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2009), 146. 35 Cf. Alfred R. Mele, Irrationality: An Essay on Akrasia. Self-Deception, and Self-Control (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992). Alfred R. Mele, Self-Deception Unmasked (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001). The Paradox of Moralistic Fallacy 202 sideration. Th e fi rst feature is the problem of the truthfulness of a proposition which somebody believes and subsequently takes as granted. Th e question is whether it is necessary to consider the truth of the conclusion when we are talking about wishful thinking. Th e answer is no. If the original state of aff airs is unknown, there might be a chance that we deceive ourselves to accept a statement which is the case, but it is a case for diff erent reasons.36 Another feature is the problem of intention transitioning from wishing something to taking it as granted. Does a person have to have the intention to think wishfully and subsequently obtain a belief grounded in his wishes? Some scholars reason that intentions make distinction between wishful thinking and self-deception,37 but this does not seem correct. We can say that it would be unusual for somebody to intentionally try to obtain information from an uncertain source, especially when he could get this information from a more credible source. People usually (at least in a discussion which is supposed to be rational) do not deceive themselves intentionally. Th ey do so because they believe it is a credible source of justifi cation in some cases. We have to say that no one wishes to be wrong, unjustifi ed, but everybody believes that his/her position is well justifi ed. Th is is also what makes wishful thinking (or self-deceiving) hard to uncover or hard to prove. Th ere are backward rationalizations38 for our beliefs, and the true source may stay unnoticed. Th is characterization is also important for the third crucial feature, the problem of subsequent evidence or counter-evidence. In this sense, there may be found little diff erence between wishful thinking and self-deceiving. In the case of self-deceiving, the counter-evidence could be convincing but still left unaccepted in favor of much weaker evidence which the self-deceiver could put forward for his beliefs. On the contrary, in cases of wishful thinking noticing counter-evidence could lead to the urge to back one's positions and this could be done by backward rationalization (I know, but we must be open to all options [...]) or by denying the counter-evidence (I know, but I still do believe that [...]). Th e problem of subsequent evidence or counter36 I do not consider self-fulfi lling prophecy, because those are of a special sort where the person can infl uence the outcome. 37 Cf. Mele, Self-Deception Unmasked, 73. 38 Cf. "Th e fallacy of wishful thinking is sometimes difficult to distinguish from rationalization. Both the rationalizer and the wishful thinker want a claim to be true, but while the rationalizer attempts to establish that claim by means of irrelevant phony premises, the wishful thinker tries to establish it exclusively on the unwarranted assumption that his or her wishing it to be true will make it true." Damer, Attacking Faulty Reasoning, 147. Tomáš Ondráček 203 evidence shows how hard it may be to fi nd out the case of wishful thinking and how people could try to hide the origin of their sources of justifi cation. Th e last feature of wishful thinking, to be discussed here, is the problem of desire. Th is feature clearly shows us the diff erence between wishful thinking and self-deceiving. If someone wishes for something and if he achieves it, he is somehow satisfi ed. In a case of self-deception, reaching the goal does not have to have the same eff ect. People may deceive themselves to believe something, which might be against their wishes and might be unsatisfactory for them. Th is is a case of so-called reverse self-deceiving. Barnes describes it like this: What shows that self-deceptive belief cannot be assimilated to wishful belief is the fact that in wishful belief that p, the believer cannot have a stronger felt desire that not-p and lack a desire, all things considered, that p, while in possible cases of self-deceptive belief that p, the believer does have a stronger felt desire that not-p and lacks a desire, all things considered, that p. Some cases of selfdeceptive belief are not, therefore, cases of wishful belief.39 In conclusion, wishful thinking is a particular type of self-deceiving and self-deceiving is a type of moralistic fallacy. Self-deceiving is primary characterized as adopting beliefs by wrongful means. Subsequently, if this is connected to the satisfaction of that person, it is wishful thinking. Regarding Davis' description, it should be pointed out that policy involved is consisting partially of prohibition of acquiring, seeking or verifying some knowledge. If we intend to cover this policy in the general form, of the moralistic fallacy can be easily complemented: Because of normative positions, which are expressed by propositions of value (V), inquiring of propositions of facts (F) is prevented by adopting limits of possible inquiring (P), and the contrary propositions of facts (counter-F) are accepted. Th erefore, this can be taken as the complete general form of the moralistic fallacy, where (V) leads to actions or policy (P), which prevent inquiry into some facts (F) and establish acceptance of other facts (counter-F). 39 Annette Barnes, Seeing through Self-Deception (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 54. The Paradox of Moralistic Fallacy 204 Paradox of Moralistic Fallacy Th e is-ought problem is of last consequence as described by Hume, and moralistic fallacy is as well. Not only that those who want to argue against the accepted facts can be persecuted, but acceptance itself can have a damaging impact. People were persecuted for disagreeing, and millions of people died hungry in a case of Lysenkoism. Should Marxism-Leninism not be driven by science and helpful to ordinary people? Is this not a paradox? In some cases, moralistic fallacy causes a situation where preventing inquiring or acceptance of some facts on the grounds of normative position leads to actions which are contrary to the original normative position. I will show an example of this paradox in the case from the IQ testing domain in the educational system in the Czech Republic. Th e Czech Republic, as well as some other countries, was criticized for its approach towards the education of minorities. Th is criticism was especially displayed in legal action against the Czech Republic at the European Court of Human Rights which took place between 2000 and 2007.40 Th e main point of this dispute is connected to the process used to allocate children to specialized schools, and especially to so-called special or practical schools as subcategories of specialized schools, and to regular "ordinary" elementary schools. Th e process of allocation was considered unfair to Czech minorities, namely to Roma. Th e unsatisfactory situation with minorities in the Czech educational system was one of the reasons why, in 2005, a new intelligence test was introduced. Pedagogical and psychological counseling centers (pedagogicko-psychologické poradny, PPP) began to use employ it at that time. PPP plays a specifi c role in the process of allocating children to schools. Th ey overview the process of evaluating the mental abilities of children, their readiness to go to school and provides materials for the decision to allocate children to specialized schools. Th e new test was Snijders-Oomen Nonverbal Intelligence Test 21⁄2–7 (SON-R 21⁄2-7). Th is test is intended for children between two and a half to seven years old, that covers the age of children when they are going to elementary school in the Czech Republic. SON-R 21⁄2-7 has allegedly one quality for which it was chosen; it is supposed to be culturally fair. Th e results of SON-R 21⁄2-7 should not depend on the culture from which the children came from. It can be speculated that this characteristic was ascribed to this 40 European Court of Human Rights, "Case of D. H. and Others v. the Czech Republic (Application no. 57325/00)," in Legal Tool Database, accessed September 30, 2018, https:// www.legal-tools.org/doc/8739a8/pdf/. Tomáš Ondráček 205 test because it is non-verbal. Th erefore, knowledge of Czech language should not play a role in testing. Th is test was used without a study of it to measure characteristics regarding culture for several years. A study published in 201041 pointed out that this test is not culturally fair, furthermore, that in some cases diff erences between values measured by the test and values obtained by other means, especially by observation in normal conditions, is causing inadequate allocation of children to specialized schools. Th us, it was proven that the SON-R 21⁄2-7 is culturally biased. Th is case can be considered as a case of moralistic fallacy, and subsequently as a case of the paradox of moralistic fallacy for several reasons. Th e original context in the Czech Republic prevents studying the characteristics of the test. Th is situation was due to the ongoing trial at the time and the pressure to change the school allocation process. Also, it was not appropriate to study the diff erences between children from diff erent cultural backgrounds. Th e question of the possibility to test intelligence without cultural bias has still not been resolved,42 and regarding the SON-R 21⁄2-7, it was proven before its adaptation in Czech Republic that the test has a cultural bias.43,44 Th us, it is possible to state that this test was adopted on the basis of normative reasons instead of appropriate consideration45. Th erefore, this whole process of adapting the test can be described as the moralistic fallacy: Because it should not be the case that there is an unfair discrimination of children regarding the process of their allocation to school (V), it will not be considered (P), how diff erent groups of children score in tests of intelligence adopted in the process (F) and it will be taken as granted that this test is culturally fair (counter-F). 41 Simona Pekárková et al., Nemoc bezmocných: lehká mentální retardace. Analýza inteligenčního testu SON-R (Praha: Člověk v tísni, 2010). 42 Robert J. Sternberg, "Culture and Intelligence," American Psychologist 59, no. 5 (2004): 325–38. 43 Cristal Moore et al., "Concurrent Validity of the Snijders-Oomen Nonverbal Intelligence Test 2 1/2–7–Revised with the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence– Revised," Psychological Reports 82, no. 2 (1998): 619–25. 44 Peter J. Tellegen and Jacob A. Laros. "Cultural Bias in the SON-R Test: Comparative Study of Brazilian and Dutch Children," Psicologia: Teoria e Pesquisa 20, no. 2 (2004): 103–11. 45 Lately, limiting use of the test is very briefl y mentioned in Edita Chvojková, Štěpán Postulka, and Tereza Horáková, "Snijders-Oomen neverbální inteligenční test-recenze metody," TESTFÓRUM 6, no. 11 (2018): 54. But this note is basically just reference to Pekárková et al., Nemoc bezmocných. The Paradox of Moralistic Fallacy 206 Adopting SON-R 21⁄2-7 as culturally fair causes unfair discrimination of specifi c groups of children. It caused something that should have been prevented. Furthermore, it caused discrimination in a systematic and unrefl ected way. It might be said that this is a scenario where possibly good intentions lead to actions contrary to those original intentions. To capture this, it is suitable to make a complement to the previous description: Because it should not be the case that there is an unfair discrimination of children regarding the process of their allocation to school (V), it will not be considered (P), how diff erent groups of children's scores in the test of intelligence adopted in the process (F) and it will be taken as granted that this test is culturally fair (counter-F). Taking tests as culturally fair led to situations where using of these tests (P') caused systematic and unfair discrimination of groups of children (counter-V). Th e complement is made by describing actions (P'), which were taken aft er the adoption of the test, and by pointing out the confl ict between these actions (P') and original values (counter-V). Th is example also provides a general description for the paradox of moralistic fallacy, where the seriousness of the original fallacy is strengthened by the outcome of the situation. Th e description of the desired situation should be generally in the form of propositions of policies, i.e., actions which confl ict with the originally held values. Th erefore, the general form of the paradox of moralistic fallacy can be presented in this manner: Because of normative positions, which are expressed by propositions of value (V), inquiring propositions of facts (F) is prevented by adopting limits of possible inquiring (P), and the contrary propositions of facts (counter-F) are accepted. Th e prevention (P, F) and acceptance (counter-F) led to a situation where actions (out-P) are taken and these actions in their execution confl ict with original values (counter-V). Th e unwelcome outcome could be easily overcome if at its core there would not be the moralistic fallacy. Th is fallacy prevents possible avoidance to the outcoming actions (out-P) by preventing inquiring (P). Th erefore, the unwelcome outcome can be unrecognized and covertly and systematically damaging in the given situation. Th e seriousness of this was shown in the example from the Czech educational system. Th e possibility to change the situation came about aft er the inquiry in 2010 was done. Tomáš Ondráček 207 Th e problem of adopting SON-R 21⁄2-7 is not in imprecise measurements. Th e SON-R 21⁄2-7 is a well-established method with studies in its validity, reliability and convergence to other tests. Th e problem is that SON-R 21⁄2-7 has limits which were omitted for policy reasons. Th e paradox of moralistic fallacy presents what can happen when an inquiry is restricted solely because of values, norms or morality. It also shows that this kind of reasoning can backfi re on those who are committing it. Regarding the measurement of intelligence, it should be noted, that to know how some groups score in tests does not tell more than exactly that. It does not divide people into some morally better and morally worse groups, nor to some superior or inferior. And, it especially does not commit anybody to any action. Regarding the results of the test, they imply no commitment to undesirable actions or policy in society. Actions and policy are based on goals, or values of society. If we do not like using a test which scores unfairly, we can change it, but it is necessary to know that there is a bias, and to study the bias of the test. Otherwise the outcome might be against our wishes. Th ere is no dangerous knowledge, only dangerous actions, and it is possible to commit them in ignorance. Overview and Conclusion Th e moralistic fallacy is defi ned as the derivation of an "is" from an "ought" by preventing some inquiry. Regarding the character of this prevention, it might be diff erentiated from presumptive reasoning. Wishful thinking and self-deception might be particular cases of moralistic fallacy if this is connected to one person. Th e moralistic fallacy can have serious outcomes and in the case of the moralistic fallacy paradox, these outcomes can go against an original position and associated values. Th erefore, committing this fallacy, especially in science, should be considered a serious problem. Inquiries provide data, and these data do not commit anybody to behave in a certain way. Values do. It is not possible to change what there is, to change what the given facts are, but it is possible to change how it is approached and what can be done with it. Th erefore, it is inadequate and possibly harmful to divide facts to welcome and unwelcome ones, and even dangerous ones. Th ere is no dangerous knowledge. Knowledge itself does not intend to hurt somebody; it simply describes what is. On the other hand, if what there is, if facts are ignored, the actions might be counterproductive and can backfi re. Th us, labeling some knowledge as The Paradox of Moralistic Fallacy 208 dangerous is mistaken and potentially dangerous in its own right. Furthermore, this can be done covertly due to the restrictions of the inquiry. Th e moralistic fallacy and the subsequent paradox are still present in today's science. Although there might be commendable reasons, preventing research can be costly and can backfi re. Allowing any research is also not the way to understand refusal of moralistic fallacy. Th ere should be restrictions, but these restrictions have to be considered carefully and wisely. 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