Eric	Palmer	Pre-publication	copy,	not	for	quotation.	Some	changes	in	published revision.	Email	epalmer@allegheny.edu	for	more	recent	copy. Draft	Version	15	October	2017. Eric	Palmer,	"USA	and	Canada,"	Handbook	of	Development	Ethics.	Jay	Drydyk	&	Lori	Keleher, eds.	Routledge,	2018	(forthcoming). Eric	Palmer Department	of	Philosophy Allegheny	College Meadville	PA	USA	16335 epalmer@allegheny.edu USA	and	Canada 1.	Introduction This	entry	considers	development	within	United	States	of	America	and	Canada. Indigenous	peoples	and	their	nations	are	also	featured.	Canada	and	USA	are	both characterized	by	the	UN	Development	Program	as	maintaining	very	high	human development.	The	two	countries	are	developing,	nevertheless.	Such	a	claim	could	be taken	as	a	truism,	but	addressable	weaknesses	are	evident	when	performance	is compared,	for	example,	with	OECD	member	nations,	a	group	that	is	dominated	by European	nations	of	a	similar	development	profile.	USA	and	Canada	have	also expressed	explicit	development	commitments	to	the	UN	Sustainable	Development Goals	(SDGs).	All	parties	to	the	SDG	agreement	pledge	to	national	improvements	for 2015-2030,	and	so	USA	and	Canada	have	numerous	targets	that	include	the following: Reduce	at	least	by	half	the	proportion	of	men,	women	and	children	of	all	ages	living	in poverty	in	all	its	dimensions	according	to	national	dimensions	...	Implement	nationally appropriate	social	protection	systems	and	measures	for	all	...	end	all	forms	of	malnutrition	... ensure	inclusive	and	equitable	quality	education	for	all	...	Strengthen	the	prevention	and treatment	of	substance	abuse	...	reduce	inequality	...	Significantly	reduce	all	forms	of	violence and	related	death	rates...	(UNICEF,	2017) 2 One	or	both	nations	show	particular	weakness	in	each	of	these	targets. This	entry	focuses	upon	political	institutions	(section	2)	and	attendant	social inequality	in	the	areas	of	social	welfare	(3),	education	(4)	and	health	(5).	It	cannot also	provide	a	comprehensive	picture	of	development	concerns	that	pertain	to gender	inequality,	employment	opportunities,	racial	prejudice,	nutrition	and	food insecurity,	environmental	injustice,	and	much	more.	Section	6	concludes	that	an array	of	cultural	shifts	and	legislative	decisions	over	the	span	of	the	past	halfcentury	has	displaced	the	ethos	of	social	responsibility	that	USA	has	shared	with Canada	in	the	past,	replacing	it	with	one	of	self-reliance	that	has	led	to	missed opportunities,	backsliding	and	maldevelopment.	For	the	sake	of	simplicity, "America"	and	"American"	are	used	here	to	refer	to	USA,	despite	that	other	nations of	the	continent	may	sensibly	lay	equal	claim	to	these	terms. 2.	Development	shortcomings	and	horizontal	inequalities Politicians	of	both	nations	acknowledge	development	successes	and	failings,	and recent	political	rhetoric	shows	diverging	plans	for	improvement.	US	President Donald	Trump	acknowledged	losses	to	development	in	his	2017	Inaugural	address, referring	to	an	"American	carnage"	of	drug	addiction,	crime,	poverty,	superannuated factories,	unemployment,	and	failures	of	educational	policy.	Canadian	Prime Minister	Justin	Trudeau,	addressing	the	UN	General	Assembly	several	months earlier,	acknowledged	Canada's	continuing	gender	inequality,	marginalization	of indigenous	peoples,	and	insufficient	support	of	the	elderly	and	youth.	Trudeau articulated	a	vision	to	improve	a	"strong,	diverse	and	resilient"	country	through acceptance	of	immigrant	and	refugee	populations,	engaging	them	to	"build	a	strong middle	class"	and	so	reduce	"citizens'	anxiety"	(Trudeau	2016).	Trump	indicated	a different	path,	reinforcing	border	controls	so	that	"every	decision	on	trade,	on	taxes, on	immigration,	on	foreign	affairs	will	be	made	to	benefit	American	workers	and American	families."	(Trump	2017) 3 Immigration,	both	historic	and	ongoing,	is	central	to	both	ethos	and demographic	within	these	nations. USA	has,	in	past,	presented	the	incorporation	of cultures	as	an	assimilatory	process	(a	"fresh	start"	or	a	"melting	pot").	That	ideal	has faded	over	the	past	half-century,	perhaps	because	it	contradicts	persistent intergenerational	group	inequalities;	particularly	in	the	experiences	of	indigenous peoples	and	the	descendants	of	captured	and	transported	Africans,	now	150	years after	the	abolition	of	slavery	in	1865	(Stewart	2009;	Coates	2014).	African Americans,	who	represented	about	a	tenth	of	the	nation's	population	in	the	mid-20th Century,	pressed	their	continuing	concerns	in	the	Civil	Rights	and	Black	Power protest	movements.	Their	efforts	produced	the	Civil	Rights	Act	of	1964,	the	Voting Rights	Act	of	1965,	and	formal	removal	of	racial	segregation	where	it	had	remained in	business	and	governance	institutions,	primarily	in	Southern	states.	Group inequalities	have	persisted,	however,	across	the	whole	of	the	national	map	in	many dimensions	that	will	be	indicated	below,	particularly	for	indigenous,	African American	(henceforth	also	referred	to	by	the	census	category	"Black")	and	Hispanic populations,	with	recently	increasing	bias	against	those	perceived	to	be	of	Muslim faith.	USA's	official	characterization	of	groups	is	a	blend	of	racial	and	ethnic categories:	White	non-hispanic	(henceforth	"White")	reflect	77%	of	the	population; Hispanic	17%;	Black	13%;	Asian	7%,	American	Indian,	Alaska	Native	and	Pacific Islander	(including	Hawaii)	2%;	and	two	or	more	races	3%.	Immigrants	born	in another	country	account	for	13%	of	the	legally	recognized	population,	as	of	2016 (US	Census	2017). Canada's	cultural	ideal	is	of	multiple	non-assimilated	cultures (multiculturalism)	and	its	governance	system	is	consequently	more	complex. Canadian	thinkers	continue	to	develop	the	ideal:	Will	Kymlicka	argues	for	the embrace	of	"ambivalent	identifications	and	contested	commitments"	to	state	and	to sub-state	national,	ethnic	and	linguistic	groups	and	he	holds	that	"citizenship agendas	must	promote	a	distinctly	multinational	conception	of	citizenship	if	they are	to	be	fair	and	effective."	(Kymlicka	2011,	283)	Nineteen	percent	of	Canada's population	characterize	themselves	as	"visible	minority,"	with	South	Asian	(5%), 4 Chinese	(4%),	Aboriginal	(Indigenous)	(4%)	and	Black	(3%)	the	major	groups,	as	of 2011.	Twenty-one	percent	of	Canada's	population	was	born	in	another	country;	the majority	of	recent	immigrants	are	from	Asia	(Statistics	Canada	2017). Multiculturalism	makes	for	complexity	in	governance.	Canada	is	a	Westminster parliamentary	democracy	built	upon	plurinational	political	relations	for	three cultural	groups.	English	Canada	is	the	majority.	French	Canada,	which	reflects	24% of	households,	has	a	distinctive	status,	including	official	language	status.	The	French majority	province	of	Quebec	has	a	distinctive	civil	law	system,	undertakes	distinct cultural	prerogatives,	and	holds	designated	provincial	representation	on	the Supreme	Court	of	Canada.	Indigenous	and	Métis	peoples	have	"inherent	right	of	selfgovernment"	in	Canada	with	"aboriginal	and	treaty	rights"	explicitly	recognized	in 1982	amendments	to	the	Constitution.	Indigenous	"First	Nations"	retain	significant claims	to	land	not	subject	to	treaty,	particularly	within	the	region	of	British Columbia	(Indigenous	&	Northern	Affairs	2017). 3.	Internal	development	policy,	social	welfare	and	financial	poverty USA's	national	system	for	human	financial	security,	or	welfare,	has	origins	in	the mid-1930s	as	a	response	to	the	Great	Depression	(the	"New	Deal"	of	the	Franklin Roosevelt	administration).	Canada's	welfare	and	health	systems	were	conceived	in the	same	era	from	socialist	political	currents;	they	developed	more	slowly	and	they have	remained	more	stable.	In	the	final	quarter	of	the	20th	Century,	USA	and	Canada began	with	similar	poverty	rates	(if	calculated	as	<50%	of	median	income).	After taxes	and	transfers,	these	rates	would	diverge	by	the	mid	1980's:	Canada's	rate dropped	by	one	third,	to	10%,	and	USA's	rose	one	tenth,	to	18%.	Rates	are	currently at	13%	and	17%	(Zuberi	2006,	21;	OECD	2017). Political	history	illuminates	American	strategies	for	development.	In	1965, late	in	the	era	of	the	Civil	Rights	Movement,	US	assistant	secretary	in	the Department	of	Labor	Daniel	Patrick	Moynihan	authored	The	Negro	Family:	The	case 5 for	national	action.	His	report	documented	rising	crime	and	unemployment	within black	communities	and	stated: [T]he	Negro	family	in	the	urban	ghettos	is	crumbling.	A	middle-class	group	has	managed	to save	itself,	but	for	vast	numbers	of	the	unskilled,	poorly	educated	city	working	class	the fabric	of	conventional	social	relationships	has	all	but	disintegrated.	...	So	long	as	this situation	persists,	the	cycle	of	poverty	and	disadvantage	will	continue	to	repeat	itself.	... Measures	that	have	worked	in	the	past,	or	would	work	for	most	groups	in	the	present,	will not	work	here.	A	national	effort	is	required	that	will	give	a	unity	of	purpose	to	the	many activities	of	the	Federal	government	in	this	area,	directed	to	a	new	kind	of	national	goal:	the establishment	of	a	stable	Negro	family	structure.	(Moynihan	1965) The	Moynihan	report	was	intended	as	a	progressive	clarion	call	as	part	of	the "War	on	Poverty"	of	President	Johnson's	administration.	Anthropologist	Susan Greenbaum	reflects	that,	"although	Moynihan	did	assert	that	joblessness	was	the major	problem	facing	African	Americans,	his	focus	was	not	on	measures	to	expand employment,	but	on	the	psychological	effects	of	male	unemployment."	(Greenbaum 2015,	3;	c.f.	Coates	2015)	Demographer	William	Julius	Wilson	suggests	that	the report	effectively	racialized	American	discussion	of	poverty	reduction,	stalled progressive	programs,	and	opened	space	for	politically	conservative	accounts focused	upon	promotion	of	individual	responsibility	as	a	remedy	for	problems	that were	framed	as	a	"culture	of	poverty"	and	welfare	dependence	(Wilson	2012,	6). Following	the	election	of	Ronald	Reagan	as	President	in	1981	conservative	agendas consolidated	within	policy	and	in	social	analysis.	Charles	Murray	argued	that	public assistance	both	fostered	the	creation	of	the	"welfare	mother"	and	encouraged	men to	avoid	parental	responsibilities	(Murray	1984,	231). The	welfare	system	has	since	contracted.	The	Personal	Responsibility	and Work	Opportunity	Reconciliation	Act	(PRWORA)	of	1996	reduced	a	previous	focus on	training	within	welfare-to-work	programs	of	the	late	1960s.	Temporary Assistance	for	Needy	Families	(TANF),	which	limited	assistance	to	low-income families	to	five	years	in	a	parent's	lifetime,	replaced	traditional	federally	funded welfare.	Welfare	benefits	are	now	comparable	between	USA	and	Canada,	with	the following	exceptions:	Canada	does	not	keep	a	clock	for	eligibility,	part-time	earnings are	largely	retained	by	the	underemployed	in	Canada	(3/4	retained	vs.	1/4),	Canada 6 has	more	extensive	opportunities	for	retraining	and	further	training	for	the unemployed,	Canada	provides	more	systematically	for	language	training,	and, though	USA	provides	small	tax	credits	for	the	poorest	that	increase	for	families	with dependent	children,	Canada's	financial	benefits	expand	greatly	for	families	with children	(Zuberi	2006,	87,	95-6). In	USA,	poverty	is	not	in	decline,	but	aid	to	families,	especially	to	children,	is in	decline:	TANF	rolls	have	reduced	greatly	since	1996.	Modest	increases	in	median family	income	have	been	slight	for	poor	families	and	near	to	zero	for	single	parent families	(US	Census	2016a,	Table	F-10).	In	2015,	children	represented	less	than	1/4 of	the	population	and	yet	were	1/3	of	the	population	living	below	the	national poverty	line.	Two-thirds	of	families	with	children	in	poverty	were	single-parent households	(US	Census	2016b,	14-18). Philosopher	Iris	Marion	Young	argues	that	the	US	welfare	policy	shift	of	1996 reflects	a	re-conception	of	responsibility	within	American	culture	that	dates	from the	Reagan	era.	Rhetoric	of	"personal	responsibility"	and	"independence,"	has	been cast	as	"family	values,"	replacing	the	New	Deal	era	view	that	all	members	of	society are	responsible	for	the	social	conditions	that	affect	everyone.	Social	responsibility has	been	transfigured	to	blaming	the	poor,	regardless	of	differences	in	ability, cyclical	failings	such	as	recessions,	and	continuing	injustice	reflected	in	horizontal inequalities.	The	shift	has	reduced	the	burden	of	social	services	provided	by	the state	in	"the	triumph	of	a	more	individualist	understanding	of	social	relations	that weakens	or	even	destroys	[the]	idea	of	collective	responsibility."	(Young	2011,	7-10; c.f.	Greenbaum	2015,	14-15,	112) 4.	Education:	horizontal	inequalities	and	social	mobility Shortly	following	WWII,	in	1950,	USA	held	the	highest	graduation	rate	among	large, very	high	development	nations,	at	about	50%.	An	82%	graduation	rate	for	2014 places	USA	3%	lower	than	the	average	of	OECD	member	nations.	Canada	exceeds 7 that	average	by	4%	(OECD	2016	Table	A2.1).	"Baseline	competency"	at	age	15	for mathematics,	science,	and	reading	as	measured	by	the	Programme	for	International Student	Assessment	(PISA	survey)	is	about	average	among	highest-performing nations	for	US	students.	Canadian	students	are	among	the	best	(UNICEF	2017, Figure	4.1). Inequality	of	outcome	by	race	and	socioeconomic	status	contributes	to continued	horizontal	inequality	in	USA.	Above	88%	of	both	White	and	Asian students	graduate;	they	lead	the	Hispanic	group	by	10%	and	further	lead	other assessed	groups:	Economically	Disadvantaged	(76%),	Black	(75%),	Native	American (72%),	Limited	English	Proficiency	(65%),	and	Students	with	Disabilities	(65%) (USNCES	2016).	For	many	of	these	groups,	then,	1/4	or	more	of	children	will	not graduate	high	school. Comparison	of	university	achievement	of	adult	children	to	that	of	their	own parents	also	indicates	an	unpromising	future	for	social	mobility	in	USA	and	an especially	promising	one	for	Canada.	Upward	mobility	reflected	in	education	is meager	in	USA:	children	with	parents	lacking	high	school	degrees	themselves graduate	university	at	an	8%	rate.	This	compares	with	42%	in	Canada,	which	is	a rate	much	higher	than	the	average	of	22%	for	OECD	nations.	Comparison	of	US children	of	foreign-born	parents	who	lack	high-school	education	with	children	of similarly	educated	parents	born	within	USA	shows	that	the	former	group	are	twice as	likely	to	themselves	achieve	college	graduation	as	the	latter	group.	At	9%	and	5% these	figures	lag	greatly	behind	the	OECD	averages	(23%	and	22%).	Canada	is	again a	leader:	similar	groups	rate	at	51%	and	33%	respectively.	(OECD	2016	Table	A4.4, A4.1,	A.4.3) Elizabeth	Anderson	offers	structural	explanations	for	horizontal	inequality perpetuated	by	the	public	education	system	of	USA,	particularly	for	African American	and	disabled	students	(Anderson	2012).	Higher	suspension	and	expulsion rates	for	these	groups	indicate	that	"outcome"	based	standards	of	distributive justice,	rather	than	the	prevalent	"opportunity"	based	standards,	would	be	needed 8 to	produce	a	fair	educational	system.	Though	"fair	opportunity"	ideals	resonate, especially	with	the	US	culture	of	individual	responsibility	noted	in	Young's	writing, those	ideals	serve	to	privilege	socially	dominant	White	and	Asian	groups	that subscribe	to	values	largely	shared	by	teachers.	So,	Anderson	argues,	"middle	class" values	and	cultural	practices	that	these	groups	share	serve	as	"cultural	capital"	that creates	a	less	inclusive	environment	and	curriculum.	Lower-class	values	and	styles of	parenting	yield	reduced	opportunity	in	this	setting,	even	though	these	values	and strategies	are	not	obviously	in	themselves	of	less	value	for	equipping	children	for life:	the	strategies	may	reflect	sensible	adaptation	to	insecure	circumstances	and may	display	these	parents'	unfamiliarity	with	an	educational	system	that	had	not served	them	well	(112,	115-16).	Anderson	argues	that	a	system	that	does	not achieve	proportional	success	rates	for	all	groups	reproduces	group	inequalities	and low	mobility	for	the	younger	generation,	and	so,	ultimately	reproduces	economic and	social	injustice. 5.	Health	outcomes Health	outcomes	should	be	distinguished	from	provision	of	health	care.	Health	care and	genetics	have	substantial	effects	upon	health	outcomes,	but	"social determinants	of	health"	–	material,	behavioral	and	psychosocial	factors	–	may	play even	greater	roles.	Health	outcomes	are	greatly	influenced	by:	home,	social	and working	environment;	exercise	and	sleep;	diet,	especially	salt	and	saturated	fat; smoking,	drugs	and	alcohol;	and	social	hierarchy	and	economic	status	that	influence the	physiological	correlates	of	stress	(Marmot	2015,	Brunner	&Marmot	2006). Health	care	spending	is	a	very	large	portion	of	expenditures	within	all developed	countries.	Expenditures	have	increased	as	a	portion	of	GDP	in	USA,	from 10.5	to	17.5%	over	the	period	of	1987-2011	(Barr,	Figure	1.1).	Canada's	current expenditure	is	in	line	with	most	European	countries,	at	2/3	the	portion	for	USA. Since	USA	has	perhaps	20%	greater	GDP	per	person,	costs	nearly	double	those within	Canada.	There	is	general	consensus	that	expenses	for	administration	of	the 9 hybrid	private/public	health	system	in	USA	accounts	for	much	of	the	extra	expense: estimates	for	such	costs	reach	as	high	as	30%	(Zuberi	2006,	70).	Canada	produces superior	outcomes	across	many	indicators:	for	example,	20%	lower	infant	mortality and	two	more	years	life	expectancy,	at	78	and	83	years,	for	men	and	women	born	in 2013	(Barr	2015,	Table	1.1).	Life	expectancies	are	similar	to	Canada's	for	US populations	that	are	Hispanic	(79,	84)	and	White	(76,	81);	these	expectancies greatly	lead	Black	(72,	78)	and	Native	American	(73,	combined	measurement) (Kunitz	&	Pesis-Katz	2005,	7;	Centers	for	Disease	Control	2017,	Table	15;	Indian Health	Service,	2017). Health	care	access	has	been	universal	since	the	1970s	in	Canada's Medicare/Assurance-Maladie	national	insurance	and	care	system.	It	is	administered at	the	level	of	territories	and	provinces.	This	produces	some	inequities	in	quality and	access	related	to	wealth	and	policy	as	well	as	regional	inequities	suffered	by rural	populations.	Care	for	indigenous	populations	located	on	both	ancestral	lands and	in	urban	areas	produces	inferior	outcomes.	Many,	especially	the	elderly,	express dissatisfaction	with	the	physician's	gatekeeping	role	and	with	lengthy	queues	for some	procedures	(Romanow	2002,	218-222;	16-20).	The	waits	also	unduly	increase morbidity	(disease,	or	long-term	reduction	in	health).	A	few	with	resources	may	opt for	private	clinics;	very	few	will	visit	USA	or	other	nations	for	care. Access	in	USA	is	varied	(US	Census	2015).	About	half	the	population	receives private	insurance	through	plans	involving	cost-sharing	with	employers	on	a	multipayer	(multiple-insurer),	multi-provider	open	market.	Special	government	service providers	exist	for	military	veterans	and	for	indigenous	populations	within	reserve lands.	Medicaid,	a	single-payer	federal	system	administered	and	supplemented	at the	level	of	individual	states,	covers	individuals	with	disabilities,	some	low-income adults,	and	children	not	otherwise	covered.	Medicare,	a	single-payer	federal	system paying	most	costs,	is	available	to	all	over	age	65	who	can	document	legal	residency for	the	five	years	before	application.	Elderly	assisted	living	services	are	largely assured	through	personal	expenditure	and	private	insurance,	but	many	rely	on	a 10 social	safety	net	administered	at	the	state	level	that	is	uneven	and	requires	a	prior reduction	of	the	individual	to	indigence. Legislation	towards	creating	universal	health	coverage	in	USA	that	is coordinated	with	open	markets	-	"Obamacare,"	or	the	Patient	Protection	and Affordable	Care	Act	–	was	enacted	in	2010.	Late	in	2016,	a	tenth	of	Americans	under age	65	went	uninsured,	a	historic	low	that	halved	the	percentage	in	2010.	Proposed changes	would	almost	certainly	lead	to	a	rise	in	the	rate	of	uninsured	(Luhby	2017). Socioeconomic	status	and	race	are	especially	significant	factors	in	health outcomes	worldwide	(Kunitz	&	Pesis-Katz	2005;	Marmot	2015;	Barr	2015).	The effects	of	both	are	complex	in	USA,	with	universal	coverage	for	those	over	age	65 and	access	to	health	care	linked	to	employment	status	for	about	half	the	population. In	a	much-discussed	paper	of	late	2015,	Ann	Case	and	Angus	Deaton	argued	that both	morbidity	and	mortality	at	midlife	(ages	45-54)	for	White	Americans	had	risen consistently	since	1995,	very	nearly	matching	historically	higher	rates	for	African Americans.	They	found	the	increase	to	be	confined	to	the	one	specific	racial	and	age grouping,	though	they	now	note	a	similar	rise	over	a	shorter	term	among	African Americans.	These	declines	reverse	and	cancel	improvements	to	be	found	over	the previous	twenty	years	in	the	US	population	generally;	the	reversal	is	not	seen	in similar	populations	in	Canada	and	Western	Europe.	The	authors	account	for	these increases	as	the	results	of	drug	overdose,	suicide,	and	alcohol	poisoning:	such "deaths	of	despair	come	from	a	long-standing	process	of	cumulative	disadvantage for	those	with	less	than	a	college	degree."	They	find	contributing	factors	to	be increasing	precarity	for	workers,	a	culture	of	disdain	for	economic	safety	nets,	and decreasing	social	support	in	the	forms	found	in	traditional	institutions	of	marriage and	religion.	Case	and	Deaton	lay	blame	specifically	upon	an	American	culture	of individual	responsibility	in	which	one's	lack	of	success	is	perceived	as	an	individual moral	failing,	producing	a	"Durkheim-like	recipe	for	suicide."	(2017,	29ff.) Similar	concerns	arise	for	indigenous	youth	and	adults	globally	and	within	both countries	(King,	Smith	&	Gracey,	2009).	Suicide	rates	in	Canada	among	indigenous 11 people	are	three	or	more	times	the	national	average,	they	are	five	or	more	times	the average	among	youth,	and	are	of	overwhelming	concern	within	some	geographically isolated	communities	(Marmot	2015,	Ch.	8;	Canadian	Press	2017).	The	government acknowledges	that	Indigenous	child	welfare	programs	are	underfunded	and	"the legacy	of	colonialism	in	Canada"	and	its	remedy	were	central	to	Prime	Minister Trudeau's	UN	address	for	2017	(Murphy	2016,	Trudeau	2017).	Similar	concerns have	garnered	less	attention	in	USA	recently,	despite	that	President	Obama	had acknowledged	longstanding	inequity	(McGreal	2010). 6.	Conclusion:	outcomes	and	amelioration This	entry	has	highlighted	development	failures:	horizontal	inequalities	related especially	to	race	and	religion,	low	social	mobility,	rising	within-nation	inequality, declining	educational	access	and	achievement,	inefficient	and	disparate	health	care access,	and	uneven	health	outcomes.	Canada's	superior	language	and	settlement services	for	immigrants,	its	health	care	system	and	its	superior	education	and	social welfare	programs	may	account	for	some	aspects	of	development	that	compare	well against	conditions	in	USA.	Alongside	policy,	culture	is	important:	the	multicultural ethos	that	Canadian	politicians	continue	to	support	may	buffer	it	from	USA's	turn	to isolationism,	to	oppositional	politics,	and	to	a	culture	of	individualism	that	hazards disregard	for	structural	causes	of	inequality.	A	dwindling	culture	of	social responsibility	may	have	fueled	USA's	increasing	inequality	within	education	and	its reduction	in	social	welfare	programs	since	the	1980s.	Though	Canada's	economic productivity	is	less,	the	nations	nevertheless	rank	about	equally	on	the	Human Development	Index.	In	the	final	analysis,	then,	it	is	not	evident	that	USA's	high productivity	has	paid	off	well	in	terms	of	development.	Canada	is	by	many	measures a	more	equal	society,	but	it	shares	many	development	shortcomings	with	USA: continued	failings	in	development	for	aboriginal	populations	is	one	among	these,	as well	as	vulnerability	and	despair	for	that	group	and	for	others. 12 References Anderson,	Elizabeth	(2012).	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