TEORIE VĚDY / THEORY OF SCIENCE / XLI / 2019 / 2 Th is work is licenced under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. ////// tematické studie / thematic articles ////////////////////// CREATIVE NONFICTION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE: TOWARDS MORE ENGAGING AND ENGAGED RESEARCH Abstract: Th e paper aims at identifying, explaining and illustrating the aff ordances of "creative nonfi ction" as a style of writing social science. Th e fi rst part introduces creative nonfi ction as a method of writing which brings together empirical material and fi ction. In the second part, based on illustrations from my ethnographic research of European "crisis reporters," written in the form of a novel about a fi ctional journalist, but also based on a review of existing social science research that employs a creative method of writing, I identify several main aff ordances of creative nonfi ction in socialscientifi c research. In particular, I argue that creative nonfi ction allows scientists to illustrate their fi ndings, to express them in an allegorical way, to organize data into a narrative, to let their pieces of research act in the social world, and to permeate research accounts with self-refl exive moments. I also discuss some apparent negative aff ordances: challenges that creative nonfi ction poses to readers and to the institutionalized academic discourse. Finally, I suggest that writing about sociological problems in the style of creative nonfi ction can help to produce more engaging and engaged texts, and I discuss the ethical implications of the approach. Keywords: creative nonfi ction; ethics; writing; social sciences Kreativní nonfi kce v sociálních vědách: Myslet angažovaně, psát poutavě Abstrakt: Článek identifi kuje, vysvětluje a ilustruje afordance „kreativní nonfi kce" jako stylu psaní o sociální vědě. V první části představuji kreativní nonfi kci jako metodu psaní, která kombinuje empirický materiál a imaginaci. Ve druhé části na základě ukázek z vlastního etnografi ckého výzkumu evropských "krizových reportérů", psaného formou románu o fi ktivním novináři, a také na základě jiných sociálněvědných výzkumů, které používají kreativní metody psaní, identifi kuji několik hlavních afordancí kreativní nonfi kce v sociálněvědním výzkumu. Kreativní nonfi kce zejména umožňuje vědkyním a vědcům jinak a někdy lépe ilustrovat jejich zjištění, vyjádřit tato zjištění alegoricky, organizovat data a vytvářet narativ, podpořit efektivitu výzkumů v sociálním světě nebo také proložit výzkumný narativ seberefl exivními prvky. Text ale diskutuje i zjevné negativní afordance, tedy výzvy, které potenciálně plynou ze setkání kreativní nonfi kce se čtenářstvem a s institucionalizovaným akademickým diskurzem. Nakonec diskutuji některé etické implikace představeného přístupu a tvrdím, že psát o sociologických problémech ve stylu kreativní nonfi kce může pomoct vytvářet texty, které budou angažované i poutavé. Klíčová slova: kreativní nonfi kce; etika; psaní; sociální vědy; afordance JOHANA KOTIŠOVÁ Department of Film Studies // Faculty of Arts, Charles University Jana Palacha 1/2, 116 38 Prague 1 email / johana.kotisova@ff .cuni.cz 284 Johana Kotišová Introduction "Creative nonfi ction," "scientifi ction," "sociological novel," and similar labels have been used to describe literary/narrative approaches to factual, research-based storytelling. Combining facts with narrative or even fi ctitious storylines or poetry has a long tradition in social anthropology.1 Authors of the transgressing genres have aimed to criticize – typically from feminist or post-structuralist positions – traditional social-scientifi c writing styles, together with the established power relations between "authors" and "their research subjects." However, social scientists sometimes write research-based poetry, novels, short stories or autobiography simply because they believe that it helps their scientifi c texts achieve things that conventional writing styles are hard pressed to do. As Ivan Brady, who has routinely published anthropological poems in academic journals, mainly Qualitative Inquiry,2 puts it, these forms "open new modes of communicating experiences and knowledge and thereby potentially new dimensions for understanding the subject matter itself."3 As such, creative forms of writing are believed to be endowed by specifi c aff ordances – "opportunities for or invitation to actions"4 – that they, as communication tools, make available to social scientists. In this paper I aim to identify and illustrate some of the aff ordances of "creative nonfi ction"5 as a style of writing social science. In the fi rst part of the paper, I explain the principles of using creative nonfi ction. Based on a review of current examples of creative nonfi ction coming from within 1 E.g., Paul Stoller, Sensuous Scholarship (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997). 2 Ivan Brady, "Two Poems," Qualitative Inquiry 5, no. 4 (1999): 566–67; Ivan Brady, "Mohave Runner," Qualitative Inquiry 19, no. 7 (2013): 533–37. 3 Ivan Brady, "Narrative Soup," Qualitative Inquiry 16, no. 5 (2010): 361–63. 4 Leah A. Lievrouw, "Materiality and Media in Communication and Technology Studies: An Unfi nished Project," in Media Technologies: Essays on Communication, Materiality and Society, eds. Tarleton Gillespie et al. (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2014), 21–52. Th is meaning of what was initially J. J. Gibson's term referring to possibilities of environment is borrowed from media studies, where the term "aff ordances" is used to describe possibilities that specifi c communication tools and technologies provide their users. 5 Darrel N. Caulley, "Making Qualitative Research Reports Less Boring: Th e Techniques of Writing Creative Nonfi ction," Qualitative Inquiry 14, no. 3 (2008): 424–49. Th e work was supported by the European Regional Development Fund – Project „Creativity and Adaptability as Conditions of the Success of Europe in an Interrelated World" (No. CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16_019/0000734). 285 Creative Nonfiction in Social Science sociology, anthropology and media studies, and on my ethnographic research on the professional identity and emotional labour of European "crisis reporters," written in the form of a novel about a fi ctional journalist (an excerpt of which is included below),6 I then identify some positive and negative aff ordances of creative nonfi ction in social-scientifi c research. In the conclusion, I discuss the ethical implications of creative nonfi ction while arguing that rather than leading to ontological relativism, creative methods can go hand in hand with enhanced researchers' responsibility. Principles and Pioneers Creative nonfi ction brings together empirical material and fi ction. While some authors claim that it developed in the 1960s and 1970s under the infl uence of "the new journalism,"7 it is more likely that both new journalism and creative nonfi ction – or the methods of "experimental writing" in general – emerged from feminist and postmodernist criticisms of earlier ethnographic/journalistic reporting. Th ese criticisms sought to reposition the author and the reader and diminish the persisting hierarchy in their relationship.8 Th e model has gradually spread in the reporting of qualitative research since the 1980s; more recently, Kathleen Galvin and Monica Prendergast claimed that the human and social sciences have seen a growing "aesthetic move," including more widespread use of creative nonfi ction.9 Th e principle of creative nonfi ction is the combining of the most reliable information with an imaginative and narrative approach. In practice, this oft en means combining factual and fi ctional narrative, the two being distinguished by the relationship between author, narrator and character.10 While within factual narrative the author and the narrator are unifi ed, regardless of the fi ctional or factual status of the narrative/fabula, the presence of a secondary narrative, e.g., a story told, dreamt or imagined by a character (which is oft en the case in novels, short stories and poetry) is an indication 6 Johana Kotišová, Crisis Reporters, Emotions and Technology: An Ethnography (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019). Th is paper also expands upon arguments outlined in the methodological chapter of the book. 7 John J. Pauly, "Th e New Journalism and the Struggle for Interpretation," Journalism 15, no. 5 (2014): 589–604. 8 Douglas Ezzy, Qualitative Analysis: Practice and Innovation (London: Routledge, 2002). 9 Kathleen T. Galvin and Monica Prendergast, Poetic Inquiry II – Seeing, Caring, Understanding (Rotterdam: Sense Publishers, 2016). 10 Gérard Genette, "Fictional Narrative, Factual Narrative," Poetics Today 11, no. 4 (1990): 755–74. 286 of fi ctionality. In this sense, creative nonfi ction is both fact (because the research data is real and reconstructed by the author-narrator) and fi ction. Importantly, the genre of academic writing makes the factuality prominent. Research accounts written in the form of creative nonfi ction, as with any type of social science narrative, are typically based on real-world stories that claim referential truthfulness,11 or more precisely, on data reconstructed with scientifi c rigour.12 In other words, even creative nonfi ction can and must remain true to the validity and integrity of the information it contains. Despite the distinctions between fi ctional and factual narratives, major literary theorists13 have argued that there are numerous borrowings, exchanges and intersections between the two, such as plotting and other novelistic devices. Th e very suggestion that what we fi nd in academic journals is descriptions, theorizations and discussions of empirical facts, while in novels we expect creative, fi ctionalized stories invented by the author, is superfi cial.14 As a result, in actual practice, there is nothing like pure fi ction or completely rigorous history; fi ctional literature and scientifi c literature are not as distant from each other or as homogeneous as they are commonly believed to be.15 Hayden White uses the example of historical discourses to show that what we are used to calling "discourse of the real," as against "discourse of the imaginary," draws its realism precisely from the possession of the character of narrativity.16 Stories are more realistic than, say, annals. Th is is so because we desire to have real events and to see them as coherent, full. Th is closure of life through its narrativization, however, can only be imaginary, because events do not off er themselves as stories. In short, discourses of the real use the imaginary to seem realistic. Within the realms of sociology and anthropology, various authors have used diverse names for scientifi c borrowings from fi ctional genres. For example, Charles Wright Mills in his letter to Dwight McDonald spoke about "sociological poetry": "a style of experience and expression that reports social 11 Jean-Marie Schaeff er, "Fictional vs. Factual Narration," in Handbook of Narratology, eds. Peter Hühn et al. (Berlin: Walter De Gruyter, 2012), 179–96. 12 Caulley, "Making Qualitative Research Reports Less Boring." 13 Genette, "Fictional Narrative"; Schaeff er, "Fictional vs. Factual"; Hayden White, "Th e Value of Narrativity in the Representation of Reality," Critical Inquiry 7, no. 1 (1980): 5–27. 14 Schaeff er, "Fictional vs. Factual"; Carl Rhodes and Andrew D. Brown, "Writing Responsibly: Narrative Fiction and Organization Studies," Organization 12, no. 4 (2005): 467–91. 15 Genette, "Fictional Narrative." 16 White, "Value of Narrativity." Johana Kotišová 287 facts and at the same time reveals their human meanings."17 For Mills, the reading experience linked to sociological poetry stood between the thick facts of ordinary sociological monographs and the thin meanings of art forms that do away with facts. In comparison, Bruno Latour in his Aramis or the Love of Technology uses the term "scientifi ction" for the fusion of distinct literary genres such as the novel, sociological commentary and the bureaucratic dossier.18 Such a fusion, Latour believes, well corresponds to the fusion of culture and technology; scientifi ction, unlike science fi ction, journalism, realism, mere fi ction or the conventional discourse of human sciences, allows the author to place technology at the centre of the plot, to focus on the process of becoming certain states, to call the hard sciences into question etc. In short, the term describes a hybrid genre devised for a hybrid task. Before Latour, Cliff ord Geertz used the word "faction" for "imaginative writing about real people in real places at real times" and appealed to anthropologists to explore its potential (in so doing, he believed, the discipline would continue as a contemporary intellectual force and avoid sterility).19 Last but not least, the potential for intimate links between the social sciences and literature has been recognized by Zygmunt Bauman, who argued that sociologists and poets share the calling to demolish "the walls of the obvious and self-evident" and that sociologists should seek inspiration from poets and "come as close as the true poets do to the yet-hidden human possibilities."20 While n ot all of these infl uential authors presented sociological knowledge using creative nonfi ction (Latour was perhaps an exception), all of them believed that creativity and poetic elements can add some value to social science research accounts. According to Douglas Ezzy, utilization of the links between fi ction and fact leads to a more sophisticated approach to social research, rather than to relativist scepticism.21 As Galvin and Prendergast claim, social research as a human endeavour includes valuable and deeply insightful aff ective and aesthetic dimensions.22 Understanding the rich potential helps to challenge traditional methodological approaches and can 17 Charles Wright Mills, "Sociological Poetry," in Th e Politics of Truth: Selected Writings of C. Wright Mills, ed. John H. Summers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 33–35. 18 Bruno Latour, Aramis: Th e Love of Technology (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996). 19 Cliff ord Geertz, Works and Lives: Th e Anthropologist as Author (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), 141. 20 Zygmunt Bauman, "On Writing: On Writing Sociology," Th eory, Culture and Society 17, no. 1 (2000): 79–80. 21 Ezzy, Qualitative Analysis, 149. 22 Galvin and Prendergast, Poetic Inquiry II, xiii. Creative Nonfiction in Social Science 288 yield new useful insights. Similarly, Laurel Richardson believes that these approaches lead to a more aesthetic, avant-garde and metaphoric, but also richer, transgressing, multivocal, and thus more moral and ethical science.23 Recent examples of creative nonfi ction include novels combining fi ctional narrative and real data,24 poems,25 drama,26 works combining intimate narratives with research reports,27 and even performances. Th e aff orda nces of creative nonfi ction suggested below are partly based on a review of these recent works and on how the authors themselves make sense of the aff ordances of the creative genres, and partly on my own experience with writing a research monograph in the style of creative nonfi ction. Excerpts from this monograph are included in the following section. Excerpts What follows are several excerpts from a book28 based on my research on crisis reporters' emotional labour. Th e research takes the form of a novel fi lled with ethnographic data (forty-seven in-depth interviews with European crisis reporters and fi eldnotes from observations in foreign aff airs newsrooms) reconstructed in accordance with social-scientifi c research principles. Th e novel includes a story of a fi ctional young journalist named James who is on his way to a fi ctional island, San Lorenzo, because he has been assigned to report on a potential global catastrophe that has aff ected the island. A lethal material called ice-nine is spreading uncontrollably: upon contact it turns the molecules of liquid water into molecules of ice-nine. Th e ice-nine kills soft tissues instantly; the catastrophe threatens to expand globally and freeze the world's oceans. On his journey to the scene, James recalls his conversations (my interviews) with his colleagues (the interviewees) and 23 Laurel Richardson, Fields of Play: Constructing an Academic Life (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997). 24 Kotišová, Crisis Reporters; Latour, Aramis. 25 Cristina Archetti, "Journalism, Practice and ... Poetry," Journalism Studies 18, no. 9 (2017): 1106–27; Michael Bloor, "Th e Rime of the Globalised Mariner: In Six Parts (With Bonus Tracks from a Chorus of Greek Shippers)," Sociology 47, no. 1 (2012): 30–50; Brady, "Narrative Soup"; Galvin and Prendergast, Poetic Inquiry II. 26 Rostislav Brožík, "Kaj o aligatoris – Kde je krokodýl," in Romské osady v kulturologické perspektivě, eds. Marek Jakoubek and Ondřej Poduška (Brno: Doplněk, 2003), 131–58. 27 E.g., Mona Livholts, "Th e Loathsome, the Rough Type and the Monster: Th e Violence and Wounding of Media Texts on Rape," in Sex, Violence and the Body: Th e Erotics of Wounding, eds. Vivien Burr and Jeff Hearn (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2009), 194–211. 28 Kotišová, Crisis Reporters. Johana Kotišová 289 his memories from newsrooms where he worked (where I conducted the fi eldwork). Th ese "conversations" and "memories," being actually real-world data, are quoted and anonymized in a standard way. Th e fi ctional narrative therefore frames the real-world story rather than replacing it. Th e story begins at an unidentifi ed airport where James is getting ready for his exciting and demanding task. James accepted his boss' off er-or rather demand-to report on the catastrophe at the island of San Lorenzo with a sense of responsibility. Not that he naïvely believed that his individual action would matter, locally or globally. Rather, he had made the choice to enjoy the game while sticking to some journalistic principles and ideals that he maintained and even believed in. Apart from the frozen corpses that were rumored on Twitter, James did not really know what to expect. Aft er all, it was supposed to be his fi rst experience with crisis reporting. He was therefore making a thorough research into anything relevant and, aft er that, less relevant. While waiting for his fl ight to San Lorenzo in the departure lounge and scrolling through the web, he eventually chanced on several personal confessions from experienced reporters. "I never thought I'd get PTSD. I was calm, rational and decisive. I enjoyed being in charge of large editorial teams. I felt I could detach myself from tough situations when needed. [...] Th e fl ashbacks, the anxiety, my emotional numbness and poor sleep had long worried my wife, Mary," the editor Dean Yates, who had been working for Reuters for 23 years, wrote in a special report for the news agency [...]. In a podcast recorded for War College, he expanded upon his current emotional state: "Even crying, for example. One of the problems that I found, I just... I fi nd it hard to really express my emotions. Because I've been emotionally numb for so many years" [...]. His post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) resulted from the long-term stress he had experienced as a reporter, covering, among other things, the tsunami in Indonesia's Aceh province in 2004, the Iraq War between 2003 and 2008, and the Bali bombings in 2002. In particular, Dean struggled with feelings of guilt aft er two Middle Eastern colleagues for whom he was responsible were shot dead by a US Apache helicopter. [...] In another Reuters story [...], former BBC reporter Chris Cramer, suff ering from a similar problem, admitted: "Th e last thing you wanted to do in those days was to admit to your boss that you kind of lost your nerve. [...] Newsrooms were very macho places, you know." Cramer had been carrying his PTSD since 1980 when he, together with 25 other people, was taken hostage in Teheran by six Iranian gunmen. [...] Creative Nonfiction in Social Science 290 Th ere was a unique and deeply intimate experience behind each of the quotations. At the same time, they were all journalists' publicly shared narratives about the personal consequences of covering various crisis situations-post-traumatic stress disorder, emotional numbness, feelings of guilt, denial of emotional problems, physical risks, loss of insightfulness, neglecting one's own emotional health when face to face with the tragedies of other people, trauma caused by witnessing distant suff ering, confrontation with the paradoxes of passion and detachment, and acting and observing. Obviously, the journalists' own stories accounted primarily for the emotional experiences that ultimately pervade their social and professional lives. All the stories, placing the journalists themselves at the center of the narrative, were also cases of extreme, escalated visibility of journalists' own emotions being reported in the news. It was one of the few occasions when James saw that journalists were the story, not just writing it. [...] James glanced up to the ceiling; one of the light bulbs was fl ickering. Th en, his gaze, usually searching and radiant with interest but today rather groggy, slid down to an empty massage chair directly opposite him. Th e bleak space of the early morning hall, albeit situated in the heart of the "First World," was already stirring up melancholy. Studying journalists' emotions is particularly essential in the fi eld of research on crisis reporting. Journalists' emotions lie precisely at the core of the paradox of the traditional journalistic commitment to objectivity/detachment and witnessing other people's suff ering [...]. How should (and can) I, James thought, live through, let in, sympathize with, work with, let out, and use for the sake of the story people's tragedies that constitute crises? (How) can I stay detached, neutral, emotionally disinterested, when I actually am there? And do I want to? He looked at the departure board. Th e fl ight to San Lorenzo was 35 minutes late, so he still had almost two hours until boarding. Although he was one of those who felt more comfortable on the move, armed only with independence, and who showed little interest in the steady, calm, and homely kind of happiness, he was never able to focus on work at airports-these boundary zones, these no man's lands. Ruminating about the problem of journalists' emotions, and immersed in the questions it raised, James' thoughts kept wandering to his chaotic memories of colleagues' stories, his own college years, and his newsroom experience.29 [...] 29 Kotišová, Crisis Reporters, 1–6. Johana Kotišová 291 Importantly, being on the spot and empathizing with the victims oft en meant that James' colleagues experienced a sharp contrast between the two worlds- the privileged, "superfi cial" life in European fashion and food capitals and the crisis zones. In the fi rst, people were troubled by being unable to book a holidays trip; in the second, people were starving and dying. In turn, this existentialist feeling of facing more real humanity during crises strengthened the contact, identifi cation, and empathy with the people aff ected by a crisis: "I felt more connected to the people I met in the crisis zones-people in big diffi culties. Looking at them, you see the real face of a human." (Bob) Th is feeling leads to developing very deep (albeit oft en short-term) relationships in the fi eld (Bob, Anthony, Diego, Ines, Giuseppe, Gloria). But it also means that when you come back, as Anthony expanded on the contrast, few people can understand you. "You get in the shower, you turn on the water, and you're crying, because you have hot water and they don't." (Gloria) In the end, you want to go back. To be sent back, "you are just pretending that you are ok" (Anthony). You cannot show any weakness [...].30 James did not meet any journalists who were noticeably broken at that moment. At least not at fi rst sight. At second glance, as he traveled down the rabbit hole, he started to meet empty bottles, squeezed out blister packs and traces of other panaceas. Seldom, panic-stricken eyes fl ickered from the darkness, but immediately vanished, startled by other observing eyes. A few times James had had the chance to meet someone Broken in person. Several reporters told him that they had had problems with alcohol or that they had been seeing a psychiatrist (which, aft er all, could show also strength). Oft en, he used to hear pitiful or condescending stories about the pasts of some of his colleagues and mainly his colleagues' colleagues, sometimes told by those in leading (Marek, Čestmír, Olga, Marie) or informally supervisory (Bob, Nicolas, Jesse, Vítek) positions: And we have people that are just on medical treatment, that are ill. (Nicolas) A half of journalists are alcoholics. ... I don't have a survey on how many journalists work only based on anti-depressants. Hard to say. (Marek) As Hopper and Huxford [...] observed, there was a lot of truth "in the old stereotype of the reporter who heads straight to the bar at the end of the day." According to some, alcohol had a prominent position among the cure-all treatments, for it had therapeutic properties (see the section "Coping Strategies"). 30 Ibid., 78. Creative Nonfiction in Social Science 292 Some of his friends were so thorough in undergoing therapy that during their talks, James sometimes had a hard time keeping up with them. James stopped the fl ight attendant, who was just passing by, and ordered a beer. [...] Luckily, probably most of James' colleagues were rather Cynics, the typical postmodern characters [...]. More precisely, according to their own narratives about their emotional paths, suspending the emotional reaction and distancing oneself from the emotionally disturbing experience of witnessing close or distant suff ering, as seen from a long-range perspective, led to cynicism: My father told me, "haven't you become hard-bitten?" [...] You really get hard-bitten. [...] ... if I broke down every time, I couldn't do it. (Ester) I think that one displaces the emotions somewhere, and it must seem to you that we are a bunch of ironic fellows. But I think that without such an attribute one couldn't work here. [...] ... it is terribly cynical, but that's the way it is. I think that people gain experience and get tough. (Marie)31 Taken together, the excerpts from my interviews and fi eldwork, fi ctionally recalled by James but scientifi cally interpreted by the author, tell the story of how crisis reporters live inside crises rather than simply being detached observers; how reporters develop specifi c emotional styles among which cynicism holds a particular position; and how the technology of newsmaking, including the media organizations, power relations, routines, devices, work with words and images and the journalists' own work on their selves, shapes crisis reporters' experiences. As I will show in the following section, this style of writing seeks to transform the intersections of the factual and fi ctional narratives into affordances, i.e., opportunities for the author. Aff ordances of Creative Nonfi ction Creative Nonfi ction Provides the Opportunity to Illustrate What Happens in the Data Creative nonfi ction makes it possible to interconnect content and expression/form: what once would have been called the "form" of the work can convey some of its arguments. 31 Ibid., 97–98. Johana Kotišová 293 As in the excerpt above, one of the arguments of the text as a whole is that the detachment, neutrality and impartiality that have been traditionally understood as synonyms with journalistic objectivity,32 are in fact impossible because journalists inevitably enter the situations they "cover." In the same vein, and contrary to the positivist-realist notion of scientifi c methodology, arguing that values have no room in scholarly research and research reports and that scientists should present only objective facts,33 researchers and scientists inevitably speak from a certain personal/philosophical/ideological perspective. Th ey have preconceptions that ought to be self-refl exively acknowledged rather than denied (which, of course, must be carefully distinguished from ontological relativism).34 Th eir bodily existence makes the Cartesian-based notion of a detached observer producing a neutral, omniscient narrative, surviving and being praised both in journalism and in science,35 inadequate. As Genette says, the omniscient narrative is, logically, the least verisimilar of any form of focalization.36 Geertz even warns that simulating the omniscient perspective conceals its own strategic persuasiveness: Th e pretense of looking at the world directly, as though through a one-way screen, seeing others as they really are when only God is looking, is indeed quite widespread. But that is itself a rhetorical strategy, a mode of persuasion.37 Th e use of creative nonfi ction questions such an understanding of research accounts in practice.38 Although this critique has been already put forward by feminists and poststructuralists, their "bloodless language" – as Paul Stoller puts it – implies that they unintentionally reinforce the dualism they criticize.39 Th e fi ctional style of writing allows the author to bring in the body more than other forms of prose, to bring in the fusion of intelligible and sensible, to 32 Mark Deuze, "What Is Journalism? Professional Identity and Ideology of Journalists Reconsidered," Journalism 6, no. 4 (2005): 442–64. 33 Ezzy, Qualitative Analysis. 34 Brian Fay, Contemporary Philosophy of Social Science: A Multicultural Approach (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 1996). 35 Stoller, Sensuous Scholarship. 36 Genette, "Fictional Narrative." 37 Geertz, Works and Lives, 141; cf. White, "Value of Narrativity." 38 Sharlene Hesse-Biber and Patricia Leavy, eds., Handbook of Emergent Methods (New York: Guilford Press, 2008), 12. 39 Stoller, Sensuous Scholarship. Creative Nonfiction in Social Science 294 better incorporate the sensuous body, smells, textures, sensations, and emotions. Similarly, Cristina Archetti claims that writing poems allows her to resituate vividly the individual and the everyday into her research; to off er a glimpse into her interviewees.40 She routinely accompanies her fi eldwork with poems, which she has published in addition to conventional academic papers. In her research on foreign correspondents in London and Oslo she uses poems to bring her interviewees to life through details and anecdotes and to "give the reader a sense of what it feels like to be there."41 In short, creative nonfi ction can help to illustrate arguments based on research fi ndings and bring the data to life. Th e Fictional World Can Serve as an Allegory of the Real World Th e fi ctional story is also able to allegorically express what unfolds in the research data. In my case, the fi ctional narrative – the travels of a journalist during which he gains experience and gets tougher – can serve as an allegory of the real story – the emotional development of journalists under crisis circumstances. Th e whole allegory consists of several metaphors. For example, the fi gure/process of freezing that forms the essence of the fi ctional catastrophe at San Lorenzo is a metaphor of the process of becoming cynical. Th e character of James forms another important metaphor, because the personality traits of this ideal-typical fi gure are built upon my interviewees' sensemaking of their past selves. He is a harsh, hyper-moral idealist yet lets the catastrophe and the mythic haze of crisis reporting arouse him. As Archetti writes, academic enquiry is unable to capture and convey the full complexity of reality.42 In Aramis, Latour claims that using scientifi ction, injecting a bit of emotion and poetry into austere objects, allowed him to come closer to reality in depicting the confl ict and mutual shaping of scientifi c worlds.43 Metaphors enable us to suggest the unspoken and to address diverse issues in one single image. Th erefore, they allow us to express more complex meanings, tensions, senses, emotions and materiality, and alternate viewpoints, and make for more comprehensive research practice.44 Aft er all, while metaphor and allegory may seem to belong to the realm of 40 Archetti, "Journalism." 41 Ibid., 1114. 42 Archetti, "Journalism." 43 Latour, Aramis, ix. 44 See also Hesse-Biber and Leavy, Handbook of Emergent Methods. Johana Kotišová 295 fi ction, White believes that every realized story, fi ctional or otherwise, is a kind of allegory, because it endows events and actions (that in reality exist in a form of a sequence) with particular signifi cance.45 In short, on one hand, using metaphors and putting them into allegories can help the researcher to address certain complex issues in more accurate terms. On the other hand, the metaphor, such as the metaphor of James, can also provide us with a tool for generalization and construction of ideal types. Creative Nonfi ction Helps to Organize the Data into a Meaningful Discourse Th e complex, multifaceted sequence or rather ball of events, actions and information that forms our research data needs to be addressed in a meaningful way: ordered into a well-written linear story with a beginning and an end.46 Th e order of the fi ctional narrative can thus have also an organizing function, because its chronology and linearity47 creates a storyline that is easier to follow and that helps to impose a linear order on the data and related literature.48 Such a story can help us to understand even cultures or groups that are very diff erent from our own: as White puts it, "We may not be able fully to comprehend specifi c thought patterns of another culture, but we have relatively less diffi culty understanding a story coming from another culture."49 Poetry, however, can also help to organize the data, although the order and structure of poems can be less linear. Michael Bloor sought to organize his research data and enhance his research account on globalized mariners by including a pastiche of S. T. Coleridge's Rime of the Ancient Mariner. In his poem, Bloor analyzes the social contexts of globalized mariners: the characteristics of the shipping industry, global value chains and outsourced labour force. Th e following strophes form only a small part of the piece: So spake the doleful mariner, Profi ciency in English Transfi xing with his e'e, is a requirement of a seafaring In fl uent, graphic English – career. Th e language of the sea. 45 White, "Value of Narrativity." 46 Ezzy, Qualitative Analysis, 139. 47 Genette, "Fictional Narrative." 48 See Jonathan Culler, Literary Th eory: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997). 49 White, "Value of Narrativity," 5. Creative Nonfiction in Social Science 296 'I had no wish to work on ships – Th e Mariner telleth of early hardships Filipinos know it's hard – and how he and his parents were Mouths were many, jobs were scarce, cheated by the maritime colleges From birth my life was marr'd. and the crewing agents. 'From green island homes we travel, As mariner, nurse, or maid, And remit to our loved ones Th e pittance we get paid.50 Similarly, Archetti stresses that writing poems about foreign correspondents – her communication partners – helped her to refl ect on her conversations more freely and creatively (than through the lenses of her initial hypotheses), make sense of the data, and sort important and unimportant details. Writing poems thus became her methodological and analytical tool. At the same time, poems allowed her to include what did not fi t into her academic articles while "off ering a rounder, more nuanced, and perhaps more engaging view of the practices described in the article and the locations in which they take place."51 Creative Nonfi ction Can Make the Research More Engaging, and Th us More Engaged By including the poem on seafarer fatigue, long hours, reductions in crew numbers, seafarer training etc., Bloor seeks to add to the public value of his sociological research.52 Some other authors and readers of creative nonfi ction also agree that a well-organized narrative, even more so when it employs fi ctional narrative and uses realistic details, is potentially more reader-friendly, which makes research reports less boring,53 and helps to evoke emotions and images in the audience. Th is is particularly important when the work aspires to be a piece of participatory (action) research/public sociology: the more people read research accounts, the more people can get engaged. According to one contemporary proponent of creative nonfi ction, Asleigh Watson, this is so because sociological novels are able to bring the 50 Bloor, "Rime," 31. 51 Archetti, "Journalism," 1120. 52 Bloor, "Rime." 53 Caulley, "Making Qualitative Research Reports Less Boring." Johana Kotišová 297 local and the global into a dialogue, stirring up knowledge exchange and interlocutor engagement.54 My own experience with the reception of my draft book by my interviewees and other media professionals – some of whom were most interested in the style and their consumption of my main arguments was thus a side eff ect of this interest – confi rms Bloor's hopes. In short, if the research subjects are more interested in the research due to the fi ctional narrative, they and potentially also policy makers or the general public55 can be more easily made aware of social-sociological problems. Th us, in Bauman's words, creative nonfi ction can be deployed "in the fi ght against the social sources of all, even the most individual and private, unhappinesses."56 Th is is what makes the "experimental" forms of writing, including creative nonfi ction, poetry and pastiche, allies of participatory action researchers and public sociologists. Creative Nonfi ction Can Help to Infuse the Text with Self-Refl exive Moments Mona Livholts claims that including a personal narrative contributes to the analytical and refl exive strength of research.57 In her study on media construction of masculinity in the news coverage of the so-called Yorkshire Ripper (a serial rapist and murderer), she developed a refl exive metanarrative approach based on memory work and autobiography. As the author explains, her personal, fi ction-style metanarrative invites the reader "to take part in understanding how analysis of media reporting in the present activates memories from the past."58 Th is "scholarly autobiography" allowed her to contextualize the study and include refl ections upon how the researcher's changing life conditions impact on and are aff ected by the study. Archetti also suggests that creative nonfi ction (poetry, in her case) enhances self-refl exivity by bringing the researcher to the fore.59 Our identities, ways of thinking, gathering, selecting and interpreting data are the 54 Asleigh Watson, "Directions for Public Sociology: Novel Writing as a Creative Approach," Cultural Sociology 10, no. 4 (2016): 431–47. 55 Bloor, "Rime." 56 Bauman, "On Writing," 89. 57 Livholts, "Loathsome"; see also John Van Maanen, Tales from the Field: On Writing Ethnography (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993). 58 Livholts, "Loathsome," 198. 59 Archetti, "Journalism." Creative Nonfiction in Social Science 298 cumulative product of our personal and academic histories; including more loosely narrative parts and poems in academic texts can help to show some of the thinking processes and experiences behind the work. For example, in one of her poems, Archetti mixes refl ection on her position as a researcher in an increasingly commercialized university environment with her experiences witnessing places connected to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. She writes: Th e poems make apparent those gut feelings and impressions that inevitably guide the researcher in the interpretation of the results [...]. Providing these verbal sketches is a way to document the thinking processes and perhaps even the emotional aspects of research that would otherwise be hidden. Th is ultimately enables the researcher to achieve greater intellectual honesty.60 As I argue in the conclusion below, the enhanced honesty of creative nonfi ction can relate not only to one's own intellect, but also to other aspects of research. Limits, or Negative Aff ordances Creative nonfi ction has also negative aff ordances: it poses some challenges both to the author and the reader and complicates some actions that the more traditional writing styles make possible. In this section, I argue that the negative aff ordances of creative nonfi ction are constituted by two main challenges: fi rst, by the diffi culty of determining the reading horizon and, second, by the challenge of evaluating the aesthetic merits of scientifi c texts. Th e fi rst and the most important challenge is that both factual and fi ctional narratives behave diff erently towards the story which they "report": in the former, the story is "truthful," in the latter, it is invented by someone.61 Th e combination of fact and fi ction in one discourse makes it complicated to determine the "reading horizon," i.e., to specify whether (or what parts of) the narrative should be believed or read as imaginative. On one hand, the offi cial status of the text is helpful here, because it determines the reading horizon; the academic status of the text guides the way of reading.62 On the other hand, the institutional circumstances surrounding the academic discourse, such as publication processes including 60 Ibid., 1115–16. 61 Genette, "Fictional Narrative." 62 Ibid. Johana Kotišová 299 peer-review practice, require some criteria of quality. Th ese criteria are already debated within the community of qualitative social scientists.63 Th e second challenge, therefore, is that creative nonfi ction further complicates the process of fi nding some universal criteria applicable to the complex social-scientifi c landscape, because it raises the question how scientists should deal with aesthetic criteria. Th e fi rst challenge – to determine the reading horizon in creative nonfi ction – can be dealt with by the author by clearly indicating the historical narrative (i.e., what parts of the narrative are referential) and the features of heterodiegetic fi ction (i.e., which parts of the narrative are told, dreamt or imagined by a character and, if need be, which characters are fi ctional). Th e second challenge can be resolved only by peer reviewers and any evaluators of others' work, who need to learn how to deal with the aesthetic aspects of scientifi c texts. Mills believed that "hard" and "poetic" aspects of texts need to be treated in a systematic way and that any formal rules for sociological poetry would have to do with the ratio of meaning to fact; "maybe success would be a sociological poem which contains the full human meaning in statements of apparent fact."64 However, no one teaches scientists how to recognize that a poem/short story/novel "contains the full human meaning"; in fact, we are rather taught to be sceptical of any discourse that claims fullness. As Hayden White reminds us, "every narrative, however seemingly 'full', is constructed on the basis of a set of events which might have been included but were left out; and this is as true of imaginary as it is of realistic narratives."65 Sarah J. Tracy proposes that "when considering aesthetic merit, a good question to ask is: 'Did this aff ect me?'"66 If the text "is presented in a beautiful, evocative and artistic way," the answer will be probably "yes." Although this might seem inappropriately subjective, such an objectivization of subjectivity (or objectivization of emotionality) is routinely practiced by professional cultural critics who use their emotions and fi rst impressions to guide their criteria-based aesthetic evaluations.67 63 Tracy, "Qualitative Quality." 64 Mills, "Sociological Poetry," 34. 65 White, "Value of Narrativity," 14. 66 Sarah J. Tracy, "Qualitative Quality: Eight 'Big-Tent' Criteria for Excellent Qualitative Research," Qualitative Inquiry 16, no. 10 (2010): 837–51. 67 Johana Kotišová, "An Elixir of Life? Emotional Labour in Cultural Journalism," Journalism (submitted for publication). Creative Nonfiction in Social Science 300 Conclusion: Ethics and Aesthetics Not all the above-mentioned aff ordances, both positive and negative, are exclusively linked to creative nonfi ction. Just as both camera and camcorder allow us to create visual representations of reality, both creative nonfi ction and conventional scientifi c storytelling can enable us to illustrate and organize our fi ndings or can pose challenges to readers and reviewers. Th e list of aff ordances above is therefore based on the experiences of creative nonfi ction authors, including my own, with what creative non fi ction allows us to do to a greater extent than conventional writing does. Taken together, the aff ordances of creative nonfi ction also imply that a creative approach can lead to more ethical research, which is an answer to some of the criticisms directed towards creative nonfi ction. Besides the claim that science written in the form of creative nonfi ction is not scientifi c enough – which I do not deal with here, as it concerns the question of what social science should do)68 – the immediate, at-hand critique that I and perhaps also others69 have encountered is that creative nonfi ction disturbs the clear distinction between facts and inventions, thus contributing to the post-truth fuzziness fi lling up the public sphere with the rise of social media, which makes creative nonfi ction unprofi table or even "dangerous." According to this perspective, fi ctional writing "enables one to 'say anything' without recourse to the 'facts' of the matter."70 Although systematic methodological explorations of the ethical implications of creative methods have only started to emerge,71 the practitioners of creative nonfi ction concur that the reverse is the case. Rather than leading to ontological relativism, creative methods can go hand in hand with enhanced researcher responsibility. Rhodes and Brown, while discussing fi ctionality as a methodological issue, oppose the view that using fi ction leads to "anything goes" relativism. Using creative nonfi ction, of course, does not suggest that fact itself is a mode of fi ction nor rule out ontological realism. Creative nonfi ction by no means implies that the data on which the research accounts are based are fake. Th e fact that discourse and narrative are constructions does 68 Robin Usher, "Telling a Story about Research," in Perspectives on Methodology and Practice, eds. George MacKenzie, Jackie Powell and Robin Usher (London: Falmer Press, 1997), 27–41. 69 Rhodes and Brown, "Writing Responsibly." 70 Th e critique forms a part of a trend of methodological conservatism that has been, according to Sarah Tracy, "creeping upon" social science since the beginning of the 21st century. 71 Helen Kara, Creative Research Methods for the Social Sciences: A Practical Guide (Bristol: Policy Press, 2015); Rhodes and Brown, "Writing Responsibly." Johana Kotišová 301 not necessarily mean that fact is fi ction, and does not make them unreal.72 Th e argument of Rhodes and Brown, put forward from within organization studies, expresses the same in other, only seemingly opposite words: (1) fictionality can be seen to be a characteristic of research writing in general and therefore; (2) explicitly fictional stories can be regarded as appropriate empirical material for organizational research; and (3) fictional genres can be used as a legitimate mode for the writing of research.73 Both types of arguments stress that what creative nonfi ction does is allow the author to highlight and self-confess the construction in a Brechtian way, rather than erasing the distinction between fact and fi ction. White claims that narrativizing discourse serves the purpose of moralizing judgements whether authors like it or not;74 Richard Harvey Brown agrees that plot itself "conveys a moral meaning by encoding in actions some item of wisdom that auditors can decode into their own experience."75 Th erefore, White adds, the objectivistic narrativization of reality risks hiding the moral under the aspect of the aesthetic. On the contrary, employing fiction in research encourages openness, because it requires author and audience to come to terms with the "invented" dimensions of social science writing and the role of the researcher in that inventing. As a result, creative nonfi ction leads to fi rmer incorporation of self-refl exivity into the research process. Vice versa, a researcher's failure to recognize the fi ctional aspects of her and others' work means, according to Rhodes and Brown, embracing falsehood, and has serious ethical implications: To label one's writing 'factual' is to claim an equivalence between one's representations and an externally located 'reality' that not only sidelines the need for reflexivity, but also denies the author's responsibility for his/her writing.76 Th e claim that research represents reality unproblematically, in principle, can undermine the author's responsibility for and ethical approach to her fi eld and communication partners. In this regard, Helen Kara argues 72 Schaeff er, "Fictional vs. Factual." 73 Rhodes and Brown, "Writing Responsibly," 469. 74 White, "Value of Narrativity." 75 Richard Harvey Brown, Society as Text: Essays on Rhetoric, Reason, and Reality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 144. 76 Rhodes and Brown, "Writing Responsibly," 476. Creative Nonfiction in Social Science 302 that there is a link between thinking creatively and working ethically.77 Based on a study of 258 doctoral students from the physical and social sciences, Michael Mumford et al. found strong and consistent relationships between ethical decision-making and creative thinking.78 Furthermore, the very openness about creativity in research is an ethical position: "Th is is because," Kara writes, "such a position recognises that research is constructed, with aesthetic aspects; something that was hidden by the traditional styles of social science writing and presentation."79 Similarly, according to Stoller, "sensuous," imaginative and creative scholarship is tightly linked to humility.80 Creative nonfi ction emphasizes that rather than in claims for neutral, objective representation of the Other, a researcher's responsibility is located inside the connection between her self and the Other, i.e., in the way she constitutes the particular others as objects of knowledge.81 Research ethics resides between our decisions on what to write about and how to write about it. Creative nonfi ction thus interconnects the ethics and aesthetics of writing. Bibliography: Archetti, Cristina. "Journalism, Practice and ... Poet ry." Journalism Studies 18, no. 9 (2017): 1106–127. Kotišová, Johana. Crisis Reporters, Emotions, and Technology: An Ethnography. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019. Kotišová, Johana. "An Elixir of Life? Emotional Labour in Cultural Journalism." Journalism (submitted for publication). Bauman, Zygmunt. "On Writing: On Writing Sociology." Th eory, Culture and Society 17, no. 1 (2000): 79–90. Bloor, Michael. "Th e Rime of the Globalised Mari ner: In Six Parts (with Bonus Tracks from a Chorus of Greek Shippers)." Sociology 47, no. 1 (2012): 30–50. Brady, Ivan. "Two Poems." Qualitative Inquiry 5, no. 4 (1999): 566–67. 77 Kara, Creative Research Methods for the Social Sciences. 78 Michael D. Mumford et al., "Creativity and Ethics: Th e Relationship of Creative and Ethical Problem-Solving," Creativity Research Journal 22, no. 1 (2010): 74–89. 79 Kara, Creative Research Methods for the Social Sciences, 35. 80 Stoller, Sensuous Scholarship. 81 Rhodes and Brown, "Writing Responsibly." Johana Kotišová 303 Brady, Ivan. "Narrative Soup." Qualitative Inquiry 16, no. 5 (2010): 361–63. Brady, Ivan. "Mohave Runner." Qualitative Inquiry 19, no. 7 (2013): 533–37. Brown, Richard H. Society as Text: Essays on Rhetoric, Reason, and Reality. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987. Brožík, Rostislav. "Kaj o aligatoris – Kde je krokodýl." In Romské osady v kulturologické perspektivě, eds. Marek Jakoubek and Ondřej Poduška, 131–58. Brno: Doplněk, 2003. Caulley, Darrel N. "Making Qualitative Research Reports Less Boring: Th e Techniques of Writing Creative Nonfi ction." Qualitative Inquiry 14, no. 3 (2008): 424–49. Culler, Jonathan. Literary Th eory: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. Deuze, Mark. "What Is Journalism? Professional Identity and Ideology of Journalists Reconsidered." Journalism 6, no. 4 (2005): 442–64. Ezzy, Douglas. Qualitative Analysis: Practice and Innovation. London: R outledge, 2002. Fay, Brian. Contemporary Philosophy of Social Science: A Multicultural Approach. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 1996. Galvin, Kathleen T. and Monica Prendergast. Poetic Inquiry II – Seeing, Caring, Understanding. Rotte rdam: Sense Publishers, 2016. Geertz, Cliff ord. Works and Lives: Th e Anthropologist as Author. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988. Genette, Gérard. "Fictional Narrative, Factual Narrative." Poetics Today 11, no. 4 (1990): 755–74. Hesse-Biber, Sharlene and Patricia Leavy, eds. Handbook of Emergent Methods. New York: Guilford Press, 2008. Kara, Helen. Creative Research Methods for the Social Scie nces: A Practical Guide. Bristol: Policy Press, 2015. Latour, Bruno. Aramis: Th e Love of Technology. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996. Creative Nonfiction in Social Science 304 Lievrouw, Leah A. "Materiality and Media in Communication and Technology Studies: An Unfi nished Project." In Media Technologies: Essays on Communication, Materiality and Society, eds. Tarleton Gillespie, Pablo J. Boczkowski, and Kirsten A. Foot, 21–52. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2014. Livholts, Mona. "Th e Loathsome, the Rough Type and the Monster: Th e Violence and Wounding of Media Texts on Rape." In Sex, Violence and the Body. Th e Erotics of Wounding, eds. Vivien Burr and Jeff Hearn, 194–211. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2009. Mills, Charles Wright. "Sociological Poetry." In Th e Politics of Truth: Selected Writings of C. Wright Mills, ed. John H. Summers, 33–35. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008. Mumford, Michael D. et al. "Creativity and Ethics: Th e Relationship of Creative and Ethical Problem-Solving." Creativity Research Journal 22, no. 1 (2010): 74–89. Pauly, John J. "Th e New Journalism and the Struggle for Interpretation." Journalism 15, no. 5 (2014): 589–604. Rhodes, Carl and Andrew D. Brown. "Writing Responsibly: Narrative Fiction and Organization Studies." Organization 12, no. 4 (2005): 467–91. Richardson, Laurel. Fiel ds of Play: Constructing an Academic Life. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997. Schaeff er, Jean-Marie. "Fictional vs. Factual Narration." In Handbook of Narratology, eds. Peter Hühn, Jan Christoph Meister, John Pier, and Wolf Schmid, 179–96. Berlin: Walter De Gruyter, 2012. Stoller, Paul. Sensuous Scholarship. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997. Tracy, Sarah J. "Qualitative Quality: Eight 'Big-Tent' Criteria for Excellent Qualitative Research." Qualitative Inquiry 16, no. 10 (2010): 837–51. Usher, Robin. "Telling A Story About Research." In Perspectives on Methodology and Practice, eds. George MacKenzie, Jackie Powell, and Robin Usher, 27–41. London: Falmer Press, 1997. Van Maanen, John. Tales from the Field: On Writing Ethnography. Chica go: University of Chicago Press, 1993. Johana Kotišová 305 Watson, Asleigh. "Directions for Public Sociology: Novel Writing as a Creative Approach." Cultural Sociology 10, no. 4 (2016): 431–47. White, Hayden. "Th e Value of Narrativity in the Representation of Reality." Critical Inquiry 7, no. 1 (1980): 5–27. Creative Nonfiction in Social Science