!is is a contribution from Consciousness in Interaction. !e role of the natural and social context in shaping consciousness. Edited by Fabio Paglieri. © "#$". John Benjamins Publishing Company !is electronic %le may not be altered in any way. !e author(s) of this article is/are permitted to use this PDF %le to generate printed copies to be used by way of o&prints, for their personal use only. Permission is granted by the publishers to post this %le on a closed server which is accessible to members (students and sta&) only of the author's/s' institute, it is not permitted to post this PDF on the open internet. For any other use of this material prior written permission should be obtained from the publishers or through the Copyright Clearance Center (for USA: www.copyright.com). Please contact rights@benjamins.nl or consult our website: www.benjamins.com Tables of Contents, abstracts and guidelines are available at www.benjamins.com John Benjamins Publishing Company © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved Bodily intentionality and social a!ordances in"context Erik Rietveld Department of Philosophy/AMC, University of Amsterdam !ere are important structural similarities in the way that animals and humans engage in unre"ective activities, including unre"ective social interactions in the case of higher animals. Firstly, it is a form of unre"ective embodied intelligence that is 'motivated' by the situation. Secondly, both humans and non-human animals are responsive to 'a#ordances' (Gibson 1979); to possibilities for action o#ered by an environment. !irdly, both humans and animals are selectively responsive to one a#ordance rather than another. Social a#ordances are a subcategory of a#ordances, namely possibilities for social interaction o#ered by an environment: a friend's sad face invites comforting behavior, a person waiting for a co#ee machine can a#ord a conversation, and an extended hand a#ords a handshake. I will review recent insights in the nature of the bodily intentionality characteristic of unre"ective action. Such 'motor intentionality' can be characterized as "our direct bodily inclination to act in a situated, environmental context" (Kelly 2005, p. 106). Standard interpretations of bodily intentionality see grasping an object as the paradigmatic example of motor intentionality. I$will discuss the implications of another, novel perspective that emphasizes the importance of unre"ective switches from one activity to another (Rietveld 2004) and understands bodily intentionality in terms of adequate responsiveness to a !eld of relevant a#ordances. In the %nal section I will discuss some implications for cognitive neuroscientists who use empirical %ndings related to the 'mirror neuron system' as a starting point for a theory of motor intentionality and social$cognition. Keywords: embodied cognition; enaction; motor intentionality; a#ective cognition; %eld of a#ordances !. Introduction !ere are important structural similarities in the way that higher animals and humans engage in unre"ective activities, including unre"ective social interactions. Firstly, it is a form of unre"ective embodied intelligence that is 'motivated' by the situation (cf.,$ Merleau-Ponty 1945/2002). Secondly, both humans and non-human animals © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved "#$ Erik Rietveld (henceforth 'animals') are responsive to 'a#ordances'; i.e. to possibilities for action o#ered by an environment (Gibson 1979; Michaels 2003; Chemero 2003). John McDowell, for instance, recently wrote: "[R]esponsiveness to a#ordances, necessarily bound up with embodied coping skills, is something we share with other animals" (McDowell 2007, p. 344). !irdly, both humans and animals are selectively responsive to one a#ordance rather than another, in a way that is related to the individual's dynamically changing needs. !is phenomenon of adequate responsiveness to relevant a#ordances in context is crucial and can even be seen as a paradigmatic form of unre"ective action. Relevant a#ordances are alluring and bodily activating possibilities for action. !is responsiveness has a basic normative aspect that cannot be reduced to mechanistic causal explanation. Unre"ective actions are performed without mediation of explicit deliberation or re"ection. Of course not all of our life is spent in a state of unre"ective action. Sometimes we lack the relevant skills, things go very wrong, or situations are too complex, thus forcing us to re"ect or deliberate explicitly. However, here I will restrict myself as much as possible to investigating those episodes where the activities of a skillful individual unfold without re"ection on his or her part. Discussion of the many interesting issues related to the interactions between re"ective action and unre"ective action will have to be postponed to another occasion. Social a#ordances are a subcategory of a#ordances, namely possibilities for social interaction o#ered by an environment: a friend's sad face invites comforting behavior, a person waiting for a co#ee machine or smiling can a#ord a conversation, and an extended hand a#ords a handshake. Notwithstanding its immediacy and unre"ectiveness, human responsiveness to social a#ordances can take both %rst-person experience and the broad socio-cultural context into account (Rietveld 2008c). We can distinguish 'social a#ordances' from 'object a#ordances', although as we will see, in my opinion the similarities between these two types of a#ordances are far more important than the di#erences. An example of an object a#ordance is a cup that a#ords grasping. Object a#ordances are a subcategory of a#ordances too. In concrete situations object a#ordances make up an important part of the context of social a#ordances, and vice versa. It is important to see that this integration of both types of a#ordances in one %eld of relevant a#ordances suggests that our responsiveness to object a#ordances is not independent of the social. Generally, the context of an object a#ordance contains both other object a#ordances and social a#ordances. Moreover, also responsiveness to object a#ordances normally partakes within socio-cultural practices. In the case of humans, on which I will primarily focus here, is in these practices that we acquire the abilities and concerns that are necessary for adequate responsiveness, for instance the ability to use a certain kind of tool appropriately. O&en the use-potential of an object © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved Bodily intentionality and social a#ordances in$context "#% a#ordance (say a mailbox) will be dependent upon the existence of a background practice (the "community with a postal system", Gibson 1979, p. 139). We will see below that responsiveness to object a#ordances has a normative dimension and that we can speak about responsiveness to irrelevant or relevant a#ordances within a particular socio-cultural context. Once an ability is acquired a&er a history of training, practice and experience in an environment (Ingold 2000/2011), the relationship between body and environment is modi%ed. !e individual is now attuned to, or at home in, a 'familiar' world. At that moment the level of skill rises to the point where the individual is able to perceive and respond immediately to 'a#ordances' in this new domain. I am interested in the phenomenological description and analysis of an individual's adequate responsiveness to a#ordances in skillful unre"ective action. I believe that for our insight into motor intentionality it is important to develop a better understanding of the way humans and animals are responsive to a !eld of relevant a#ordances. !e %rst aim of this paper is to investigate the nature of 'motor intentionality' or 'bodily intentionality' that is characteristic of unre"ective action (Merleau-Ponty 1945/2002). !e second aim is to shed light on some aspects of the context in which social a#ordances are encountered in unre"ective action. I will discuss the %eld of a#ordances, the normative aspect of responsiveness to a#ordances, and the role of the individual's concerns respectively. !e third aim of this paper is to show that the novel insights in motor intentionality presented here are relevant for cognitive neuroscientists who use empirical %ndings related to the 'mirror neuron system' as a starting point for a theory of motor intentionality and social cognition (in particular Rizzolatti$& Sinigaglia 2008; Sinigaglia 2008). Before moving on to a discussion of unre"ective action and the %eld of a#ordances, let me brie"y introduce the concept of 'motor intentionality' and explain how the notions of 'concern' and 'emotion' are related. Maurice Merleau-Ponty introduces motor intentionality to distinguish it from two other types of behavior that traditionally have received more attention. He suggest, to quote Evan !ompson, that our primary way of relating to things is neither purely sensory and re"exive, nor cognitive or intellectual, but rather bodily and skillful. Merleau-Ponty calls this kind of bodily intentionality 'motor intentionality'. (!ompson 2007, p. 247; cf., Gallagher 2005) Motor intentionality is the bodily intentionality that characterizes skillful unre"ective action. It manifests itself both in everyday skillful unre"ective activity and in unre"ective expert-level performances, such as those of a football player engaged in a "ow of action, or of an architect working on the improvement of one of his designs (Rietveld 2008a/c). !is latter example of the architect at work is of crucial importance because © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved "!# Erik Rietveld it shows that not just simple routines but also types of activity that were traditionally seen as 'high-level' cognition can be understood in terms of unre"ective responsiveness to a %eld of a#ordances. Until recently, the standard interpretation of motor intentionality saw grasping an object, for instance a co#ee mug, as Merleau-Ponty's (1945/2002) paradigmatic example of motor intentionality. !ompson had put it as follows: [Merleau-Ponty's] example is grasping or intentionally taking hold of an object. In grasping something we direct ourselves toward it, and thus our action is intentional. But the action does not refer to the thing by representing its objective and determinate features; it refers to it pragmatically. (!ompson 2007, p.$247)1 However, some important recent papers on Merleau-Ponty's (1945/2002) discussion of motor intentionality have made a plausible case for an alternative perspective (Rietveld 2004, 2008b; Dreyfus 2007a; !ybo Jensen 2009). Even though grasping something is indeed an instance of motor intentionality, the paradigmatic phenomenon might be another one for Merleau-Ponty, namely being responsive to possibilities for action on the horizon of one's %eld of action (Dreyfus 2007a). !is latter interpretation %ts well with my earlier analyses of embodied cognition in action (Rietveld 2004, 2008a, b, c). It is a responsiveness to a#ordances "in the background" that may motivate one to switch unre"ectively yet appropriately from doing one thing to doing another within a "ow of activities. Here I would like to shi& attention away from the question 'What is the paradigmatic example of bodily or 'motor' intentionality according to Merleau-Ponty' to the question 'How can we characterize the bodily intentionality characteristic of adequate unre"ective action'. Rather than exegesis this amounts to the presentation of a proposal based on my own earlier work on skillful unre"ective action. I propose to understand bodily or 'motor' intentionality not just in terms of responsiveness to a#ordances on the horizon, but in terms of responsiveness to the !eld of a"ordances as a whole. To give an example, while drawing an image of a proposed intervention in public space, an architect at work can simultaneously be responsive to his digital drawing pen, the !. !is orthodox position is in line with Sean Kelly's (2000, 2005) understanding of motor intentionality in Merleau-Ponty. Grasping a co"ee mug is, according to Kelly, Merleau-Ponty's paradigmatic example of motor intentionality: "Merleau-Ponty argues that the phenomenological analysis of action indicates the need for a category of behavior that is between the purely reflexive and the purely cognitive. He calls this category motor intentional behavior, and he takes the grasping of an object to be a canonical example of this type of behavior. When we grasp an object we are directing ourselves toward it, and therefore the action is intentional" (Kelly 2000, p. 176). © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved Bodily intentionality and social a#ordances in$context "!! image on his computer screen, the cup of co#ee that solicits grasping and drinking, the colleague who enters the building and solicits greeting, and multiple a#ordances on the horizon of his current drawing situation (perhaps the possibility of answering a few e-mails that he received yesterday, the possibility of booking a hotel for his visit to the US next month, or the possibility of making a to do-list for tomorrow, etc.). In short, our pre-re"ective, bodily intentionality can be characterized as adequate responsiveness to a %eld of relevant a#ordances.2 !e term 'concerns' covers all that matters to an individual (Frijda 1986, 2007; Lambie & Marcel 2002; Bennett & Hacker 2003). According to Bennett and Hacker: !e manifestation of an emotion exhibits an appraisal of people, things and events relative to one's concerns (and one's concerns may stretch far beyond one's personal welfare and illfare). (Bennett & Hacker 2003, p. 217) !is is in line with what we know from emotion psychology: a#ective perturbations are related to what is signi%cant for the organism. For example, according to Nico Frijda (1986), emotions are related to changes in action readiness that are generated as a reaction to objects or events that are appraised as relevant to the individual's concerns. At the psychological level of analysis we can say that emotions regulate 'control precedence', i.e. the priority of an activity over other tasks (Frijda 2004, p.$159). !is brings me to a methodological point. I believe that insights from phenomenology, psychology and neuroscience can complement each other (Klaassen et al. 2010). One example is the notion of relevance-related changes in action readiness, a notion at the psychological level of description (Frijda 2007, 2010). !is notion sheds light both on the %rst person experience of being drawn to act on an a#ordance (Rietveld 2008c) as well as on the causal bodily impact of detected relevant a#ordances, including changes at the neural level of description (Rietveld 2008a; Frijda 2010). ". Skillful unre#ective action and the $eld of relevant a!ordances Our everyday activities unfold in situations that o#er a multiplicity of possibilities for action. While typing this text, the apple on the right side of my laptop a#ords eating, the cup of co#ee drinking from it, and my colleague next door a#ords conversation. Every now and then I unre"ectively switch from typing to eating or drinking and back to typing again. A relevant possibility for action is embedded in a %eld of other ". !is field of a"ordances can include possibilities that would require reflection if one were to act on them. © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved "!" Erik Rietveld soliciting possibilities for action. !is implies that several other a#ordances form the context of both object a#ordances and social a#ordances encountered. Part of the phenomenology of responsiveness to a#ordances is that a#ordances are not mere possibilities for action but are bodily potentiating and/or experienced as having a"ective allure (Rietveld 2008b). Dreyfus and Kelly (2007, p. 52) describe the phenomenology of responsiveness to a#ordances as 'experience in which the world solicits a certain kind of activity'. O&en we simply respond skillfully to a#ordances in online activity. I have argued elsewhere (Rietveld 2008a) that for understanding such episodes of unre"ective action, it is crucial that our responsiveness to a#ordances is concernful, in the sense that it takes into account what matters to us; our current needs, interests and preferences. We normally take for granted that we are not responsive to all a#ordances, but primarily to relevant a#ordances for us.3 I will use the term solicitations (Dreyfus & Kelly 2007) as a synonym for the relevant a#ordances that we are responsive to. As mentioned in the introduction, for understanding how we switch unre"ectively from doing one thing to doing another it is important that one can be a#ected by an a#ordance in on the background of one's %eld of action; by an a#ordance "on the horizon" (Dreyfus 2008; Rietveld 2008a; Rietveld 2004). Moreover, the %eld of relevant a#ordances in which we are situated is made up of a %gure-a#ordance we are currently directed at and responding to, and a multiplicity of more marginally present grounda#ordances that solicit us as well. A quote from Merleau-Ponty might illustrate this phenomenon of being a#ected by solicitations to act with a more marginal position in my %eld of relevant a#ordances: To see an object is either to have it on the fringe of the visual %eld and to be able to$concentrate on it, or else respond to this summons by actually concentrating upon it. (Merleau-Ponty 1945/2002, p. 78, my italics) Dreyfus & Kelly (2007) notice correctly that solicitations are not merely perceived possibilities that re"ect what one could or could not do. !e demand character (what the thing or event is inciting or ordering, Frijda 2007) is intrinsic to the experience of a relevant a#ordance. !e phenomenology of responsiveness to a#ordances in unre"ective action suggests that the individual feels immediately attracted or drawn to act in a certain way (Dreyfus & Kelly 2007, p. 52). His or her activity is immediately summoned by the situation (Merleau-Ponty 1945/2002, p. 78). One does not just see what the situation allows one to do without actually arousing one's action readiness but, rather, one gets bodily ready to act. At the psychological &. In the neurological condition utilization behavior, which is discussed below, we encounter examples of responsiveness to irrelevant a"ordances. © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved Bodily intentionality and social a#ordances in$context "!& level of analysis we can understand this getting bodily set to respond to the situation as a relevance-related change in the readiness of coping skills.4 !is phenomenon of readiness has a position in between capacity and overt action. At this psychological level of analysis, the phenomenon of being attracted or drawn by a solicitation can be understood as an emotional perturbation in Frijda's (1986) sense. According to Frijda (2010) occurrent motive states are crucial for understanding what causes unre"ective actions. Occurrent motive states are states of action readiness or action tendencies that are generated as a reaction to objects or events that are relevant to the individual's concerns (Frijda 2010). !ese relevance-related embodied "states of action readiness [...] "exibly motivate "exible actions" (Frijda 2007, p.$115). He makes the following important observation: Emotions should not be primarily understood as reactions. !ey are best viewed as modulations of a prevailing background of continuous engagement with the environment. (Frijda 2007, p. 38) Frijda's eye for the background of continuous bodily engagement with the world dovetails nicely with my current e#ort to call attention to the importance of not only relevant %gure-a#ordances but also ground-a#ordances, that is to the %eld of relevant a#ordances as a whole. At the psychological level of analysis there is something in between overt action and a capacity: readinesses of coping skills (cf., Frijda 2007). !anks to the 'the intentional arc' (Merleau-Ponty 1945/2002) these readinesses are motivated from without in the sense that perceived relevant a#ordances are able to generate bodily action readinesses. It is our bodily responsiveness to the 'summons' of ground-a#ordances that makes understandable how our gaze can be attracted by a possibility for action that is unrelated to our current task yet signi%cant (and sometimes even more signi%cant than it). Generation of action readinesses in response to a#ordances present can occur in parallel to the individual's already being engaged in some overt activity. For instance, while typing this sentence the cup of co#ee and cookies on the right side of my keyboard may simultaneously generate states of bodily action readiness. In sum, thanks to earlier learning and experience, which have shaped our abilities and sensitivity to relevant a#ordances, we can here and now be moved towards improvement of our situation by simply being responsive to our particular %eld of relevant a#ordances. !is %eld includes multiple a#ordances, including social a#ordances. !is is a situated kind of normativity, namely the normative aspect of embodied cognition in adequate unre"ective action. !is deserves further investigation. '. Janna van Grunsven (2008) introduced this term in an insightful discussion of Wrathall (2000) and Dreyfus (2000). © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved "!' Erik Rietveld Let's therefore now turn again to !ompson's work in order to see what he has to say about the normative aspect of bodily intentionality. &. %e normative aspect of bodily intentionality in Merleau-Ponty As part of his introduction to motor intentionality !ompson (2007) discusses our adequate responsiveness to a#ordances. He writes: In grasping something we direct ourselves toward it [...] At the same time, things in my surroundings, such as teacups, computer keys, and door handles, have motor senses or meanings, what Gibson (1979) calls 'a#ordances,' which elicit appropriate actions. #ings in the world bring forth suitable intentional actions and motor projects from the subject [...]. (!ompson 2007, p. 247, my italics) !ere is a direct relation between my body as a system of potentiated readinesses on the one hand, and my world of experienced solicitations to act, on the other. So in motor intentional activity it is the world that directly (without mediation of explicit deliberation or re"ection) motivates our appropriate actions. However, like McDowell (2007, p. 344), !ompson (2007, p. 247) immediately remarks that this responsiveness to relevant a#ordances presupposes something, namely that we possess embodied know how; that we are skilled.5 So in motor intentional activity, it is 'simple' responsiveness to a#ordances by a skilled individual that brings forth appropriate actions. Here it is important to see that appropriate unre"ective action in a complex situation, such as for instance that of an architect at work, requires a much broader contextual-attunement than just grasping an object in a (. Husserl's notion of 'I can' had inspired Merleau-Ponty: "In describing the kinesthetic experience of bodily movement in intentional action, Husserl had already stated that its intentional structure is 'I can' (move this way) rather than 'I think' (a particular thought) (1989, pp. 266–277). Merleau-Ponty takes up this formulation and applies it to motor intentionality: 'Consciousness is in the first place not a matter of 'I think that' but of 'I can'' [1945/2002]. Consider his example [...] of the football player in action [...]" (!ompson 2007, p. 313, he refers to an example in Merleau-Ponty 1942/1983). I believe that the best way to understand this phenomenon of 'I can' is as an a"ordance-generated responsiveness of coping skills or abilities (importantly this responsiveness can be disorganized or partial; see Rietveld 2008b) that is reflected in our experience of the situation. Phenomenologically the intentional structure of the experience of everyday skillful unreflective action can be characterized by being drawn to respond; it is characterized by lived possibilities for action. !e football player example in Merleau-Ponty (1942/1983) is all about motor intentional activity. !e player is responsive to a"ordances: the openings between the adversaries. © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved Bodily intentionality and social a#ordances in$context "!( way that is technically adequate. Acting appropriately requires that a complex and particular situational context is taken into account by the individual's motor intentional activity. !ompson summarizes his ideas on bodily intentionality of an individual absorbed in a "ow of activity as follows: Motor intentionality is the sort of intentionality that characterizes habitual actions and bodily skills, or what Hubert Dreyfus (1991, 2002[a], 2005) calls absorbed skillful coping [...]. (!ompson 2007, p. 313) !ompson then continues by accepting an important aspect of Dreyfus' interpretation of motor intentional activity: this takes place in the context of the individual's lived movement towards an optimal grip on the situation. !ompson writes: As Dreyfus explains: 'According to Merleau-Ponty, in absorbed, skillful coping, I$don't need a mental representation of my goal. Rather, acting is experienced as a steady "ow of skillful activity in response to one's sense of the situation. Part of that experience is a sense that when one's situation deviates from some optimal body-environment relationship, one's activity takes one closer to that optimum and thereby relieves the 'tension' of the deviation. One does not need to know, nor can one normally express, what that optimum is' (Dreyfus 2002a, p. 378). (!ompson 2007, p. 313) In the particular situation the individual experiences a deviation from adequate performance as an (a#ective and behavioral) tension that motivates improvement. An architect at work, correcting the design of a door, might for instance live this normative aspect of skillful unre"ective action as discontent that calls for improvement of the door. Lived normativity and motor intentionality are like two sides of the same coin. In sum, !ompson suggests that bodily intentionality is characteristic of (skillful) unre"ective action, a type of activity that we as everyday experts perform in our familiar environments. Furthermore, with respect to the lived normative aspect of motor intentional activity, there is a central role of the tendency towards an optimal grip, which Dreyfus described in the above quotation and to which I will turn now. '. Motor intentionality and the tendency towards an optimal grip In this section I would like to suggest that bodily responsiveness to relevant a#ordances is the central phenomenon at the psychological level of analysis (of the whole individual in its situation); i.e. for understanding what normally drives behavior of animals and humans in unre"ective action. If we take the idea that lived normativity and bodily intentionality are two sides of the same coin seriously, then this has important implications for an account at the © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved "!) Erik Rietveld psychological level of analysis. It suggests that for animals and humans alike the function of bodily intentionality is the tendency towards an optimal grip on the world. To quote Dreyfus: Merleau-Ponty understands motor intentionality as the way the body tends toward an optimal grip on its object. As he puts it: 'For each object, as for each picture in an art gallery, there is an optimal distance from which it requires to be seen, a direction viewed from which it vouchsafes most of itself. !e distance from me to the object is not [experienced as] a size which increases or decreases, but [as] a tension which "uctuates round a norm' (Merleau-Ponty 1945/2002, p. 352). (Dreyfus 2007a, p. 63, my italics) Merleau-Ponty compares this to handling a microscope: "We therefore tend towards the maximum of visibility, and seek a better focus as with a microscope" (MerleauPonty 1945/2002, p. 352). !e crucial thing to see is that the function of bodily intentionality is not just getting in touch with the world or situation, but rather getting an improved grip on the world or situation. !is lived, normative aspect of normal motor intentionality is o&en ignored, or at least not integrated in accounts of motor intentionality. For instance it is what is missing in !ybo Jensen's (2009) otherwise illuminating discussion of Merleau-Ponty's (1945/2002) work on motor intentionality. !e tendency towards an optimal grip describes and clari%es how one can be moved to improve by the situation when one is immersed in action. One does not need an explicit representation of the right distance. !e distinction between optimal and suboptimal is determined actively and pre-re"ectively. Determining this expresses a form of bodily intelligence in interaction with an aspect of the environment. In the context of his work on the tendency towards an optimal grip in basic perception, Kelly describes the experience of lived normativity as a felt "normative pull" (Kelly 2005, p. 107). As I have discussed in detail elsewhere (Rietveld 2008b, Chapter$7), in his later work Merleau-Ponty is still interested in this bodily or instinctive type of normativity and intentionality. Let me present one of the central (yet somewhat obscure) quotes that I discussed there: [M]y body de%nes the optimal forms; when we look in the microscope, Husserl says, there is a strange teleology of the eye that means that this eye is appealed to instinctively by an optimal form of the object. !e activity of the body de%nes this form; therefore the idea of a Rechtgrund is established in us, from which all knowledge will be formed. [...] !e Absolute in the relative is what my body brings me. (Merleau-Ponty 2003, p. 75) Even when unre"ective action is drawn to move by the world, the active body (for instance the individual at work using his microscope) is not fully determined by © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved Bodily intentionality and social a#ordances in$context "!* external forces, but has its own perspective from where one distinguishes between optimal and suboptimal and self-corrects in action. !is grounds the individual's situated normativity in the given particular situation. In unre"ective action we encounter not only a bodily type of intentionality, but simultaneously also a bodily type of normativity. Dreyfus continues his interpretation of the tendency towards an optimal grip as follows: Objects, in other words, draw us to get an optimal grip on them, and we experience a tension whenever the body/world relation fails to achieve that optimum. For Merleau-Ponty, this tension is a fundamental aspect of our involvement. (Dreyfus 2007a, p. 63, my italics)6 !ere is an immediate tendency to lessen the experienced tension. Importantly, however, there is no representation of the goal in advance of this responsiveness to the situation; no "pre-existing sense" of the appropriate distance in this particular situation before the actual performance (Kelly 2006, p. 4). An advantage of this attention to the %rst-person perspective is that it clari%es that improving the situation not only makes things better, it also makes us (at the personal level) feel di#erently. For instance, when we are compelled to act in a certain way and give in to that, we also reduce our felt lack of equilibrium. Concerning social a#ordances, it is important to realize that the notion of the tendency towards an optimal grip is not just relevant for understanding how we deal unre"ectively with an object like a painting or something we try to see clearly under a microscope. !e same phenomenon functions in all types of motor intentional activity, including intersubjective situations. Merleau-Ponty, for instance, uses the example of immediately addressing a public with words, attitude and tone appropriate for it (1945/2002, p. 122). And Dreyfus (2002b) and Rietveld (2008c) uses the example of how we move to an appropriate distance from other people in an elevator. Elsewhere I$have discussed the example of an immediate response to a friend who obviously feels miserable (Klaassen et al. 2010, p. 56). As mentioned earlier, social a#ordances can simply be treated as a subcategory of a#ordances, all of which are integrated in the %eld of a#ordances. To conclude this section: !ere is no goal representation or pre-existing sense of what is adequate in advance of our performance in the highly particular situation ). Merleau-Ponty also writes: "An oblique position of the object in relation to me is [...] felt as a lack of balance, as an unequal distribution of its influences upon me. [...] !ere is one culminating point of my perception which simultaneously satis!es [multiple] norms, and towards which the whole perceptual process tends. [... !rough the] body I am at grips with the world" (Merleau-Ponty 2002, p. 352, my italics). © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved "!$ Erik Rietveld of our everyday unre"ective lives. Optimal grip is an experiential equilibrium, and disequilibrium is experienced as a tension, similar to the tension we experience when someone stands too close and we are immediately compelled to step back. Such a tension is a#ective and behavioral at same time. It seems that the function of motor intentional activity is best conceived in terms of the tendency towards an optimal grip. Or in my own words, the function of bodily intentionality is being moved to improve (one's situation) by simply being responsive to a %eld of relevant a#ordances (including social a#ordances). (. %e role of a!ect in motor intentional activity We should realize that it is characteristic for the skillful body as a concernful 'system of possible actions' (Merleau-Ponty 1945/2002, p. 291; Rietveld 2008a) that it inhabits familiar environments, where it not only knows how to act, but, moreover, where it cares about what happens. We allow ourselves to be invited by some alluring and potentiating possibilities for action rather than by other a#ordances. In motor intentional activity one moves towards objects that look already "attractive or repulsive" before one perceives their objective qualities (Merleau-Ponty 1945/2002, p. 28).7 Merleau-Ponty (1945/2002) discusses the example of a cra&sman, a wallet maker, in his familiar environment who perceives the world around him in terms of his possibilities for action. Merleau-Ponty describes it as follows: [T]he subject, when put in front of his scissors, needle and familiar tasks, does not need to look for his hands or his %ngers, because they are ... potentialities already mobilized by the perception of scissors or needle, the central end of those 'intentional threads' which link him to the objects given. [...It] is the piece of leather 'to be cut up'; it is the lining 'to be sewn'. (1945/2002, pp. 121–122, my$italics) !is is a good example of the way the motor potentialities (the I can's, so to say) of the body are provoked or recruited by a#ordances (e.g. leather 'to be cut up'). !e body that is attuned to its environment does not deliberate but allows itself to be invited *. Here it is also important to note how action and perception are meshed for Merleau-Ponty. Previous activity has contributed to one's currently present sensory stimuli: "[S]ince all the stimulations which the organism receives have [...] been possible only by its preceding movements which have culminated in exposing the receptor organ to the external influences, one could [...] say that the behavior [of the organism] is the first cause of all the stimulations" (Merleau-Ponty 1942, p. 13). © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved Bodily intentionality and social a#ordances in$context "!% by the perceived possibilities for action in the given situation. !e body's abilities are immediately potentiated by some of the meaningful a#ordances around it. In the concluding chapter of Phenomenology of Perception Merleau-Ponty writes about motor intentional activity the following: [W]e ... have a world, that is, a collection of things which emerge from a background of formlessness by presenting themselves to our body as 'to be touched', 'to be taken', 'to be climbed over'. (Merleau-Ponty 1945/2002, p. 512) !e idea that in a "ow of unre"ective action we perceive our entire world primarily in terms of a %eld of relevant a#ordances may make it better understandable how it is possible that we tend towards an optimal grip on our world in motor intentional activity. !is process of being responsive to relevant a#ordances is inseparable from the individual's concernfulness, because, to quote Merleau-Ponty, "we consider everything that bears a signi%cant relationship to our concerns as part of our present" (1945/2002, p. 495). In concrete situations of skilled activity, a form of embodied intelligence is 'motivated' from without by the world. !e individual perceives a relevant solicitation to act, an a#ordance that matters to him or her and is experienced as attractive. An engaged person does not perceive his or her situation in a neutral way. Before any stimulus arrives, something is already there: a skilled individual with certain current concerns already involved in some activity. !ese concerns have been shaped through past learning in his or her socio-cultural practice and determine what shows up as relevant for him or her in this speci%c situation. We have seen that an individual in a familiar world is surrounded by many a#ordances that invite to act and to move adequately towards improvement. By way of contrast, the neurological condition 'utilization behavior' (Lhermitte 1983) sheds some light on our normal relationship with the world and use-objects in particular. It con%rms Merleau-Ponty's observation that the objects in our environment do not leave us cold, but a#ect us in striking ways. In utilization behavior such immediate responsiveness to a#ordances does no longer take the individual's concerns into account. !e French neurologist Lhermitte coined the term 'utilization behavior' in the early 1980's. It describes the phenomenon that these patients with a lesion of the frontal lobe (and/or of interconnected subcortical structures) demonstrate an exaggerated dependency on the environment in guiding their behavior. Patients with utilization behavior (UB) grasp and use familiar objects when they see them, disregarding a signi%cant part of their situational context (Archibald et al. 2001; Boccardi et al. 2002; Eslinger 2002). !ey respond to irrelevant a#ordances. Such a UB-patient may, for example, put on a pair of glasses even though nothing is wrong with his eyes. Or upon seeing a bed he may start to undress, although this bed is in someone else's house. (For a detailed © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved ""# Erik Rietveld discussion of utilization behavior see Chapter 6 of Rietveld 2008b). An important characteristic of utilization behavior is that these patients are not emotionally distressed about their inappropriate actions. !ey manifest apathy instead. !is correlation of a lack of experienced tension with a lack of motivation to correct inappropriate performance illustrates, by way of contrast, how lived normativity and motor intentionality are related normally. Patients with utilization behavior have a (generally bilateral) lesion of the medial premotor system (for the distinction between the lateral and medial premotor system, see Goldberg 1985; Archibald et al. 2001; Eslinger 2002). !is results in a disinhibition of the "stimulus-driven" lateral premotor system at the neural level and reduced emotional responses (""at a#ect"). ). How we unre#ectively switch activities and improve our situation !e above discussion of the role of a#ect in motor intentional activity makes it easier to see how we normally unre"ectively switch activities and improve our situation. In a "ow of absorbed skillful coping we may switch activities as the result of attraction or repulsion that we experience pre-re"ectively. Alluring and potentiating relevant a#ordances clarify how such unre"ective switching may occur. For instance from typing, to eating a cookie, to drinking co#ee and back to typing. As mentioned above, recently something similar but more far-reaching was suggested by Dreyfus in his discussion of motor intentionality. It is worth taking another look at his point. Dreyfus relates such unre"ective switching to the tendency towards an optimal grip. He puts it as follows: [H]umans and animals alike [...] respond to situations [i.e. comforting a friend, seeking food, etc. ER] on the horizon of their current situation neither as fully actual nor as merely possible, but as soliciting them to turn to them to get a better grip on their world. [...T]hanks to motor intentionality, we shi& tasks while staying absorbed [...]. (Dreyfus 2007a, p. 64, my italics; cf., Rietveld 2004/2008a) Importantly, this suggests that without any need for deliberation we tend towards an optimal grip simply by being responsive to soliciting a#ordances (including those that are "on the horizon"). Dreyfus stresses that we sense "tasks and situations other than the one I'm actually engaging in right now as potential8 because they are on the horizon summoning me right now [...]" (Dreyfus 2007a, p. 65). How should we conceive of this? $. Recall that the potential is to be distinguished from the merely possible. © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved Bodily intentionality and social a#ordances in$context ""! !e following quote on the movement of our gaze may clarify it somewhat: Merleau-Ponty [...] holds that when something solicits me to shi& my attention [...] an a#ordance on the horizon of my involved activity summons my body to a new task [...]. (Dreyfus 2007a, pp. 62–63) It is because things matter to us, i.e. because we are concernful and a#ective creatures, that we can be summoned unre"ectively by a#ordances on the horizon. At the psychological level of analysis we can use Frijda's work on relevance detection to increase our insight in this phenomenon. We can say that alluring possibilities for action in the background of the %eld of a#ordances can potentiate bodily readiness and draw bodily activity in a new direction. To conclude, a#ordances on the horizon can allure me ("summoning me") and potentiate action; that is, get me ready to act. In this way that what I have called "background-a#ordances" (Rietveld 2008c) may motivate an unre$ective switch from doing one thing to doing another that improves our grip on the world. Unre"ective bodily intelligence is motivated by our %eld of a#ordances. !e structure of the %eld of relevant a#ordance generates appropriate action readinesses9 and moves us towards improvement of our particular situation. So, when skilled, we can be "moved to improve" (Rietveld 2008b). If indeed the proper function of motor intentional activity is tending towards an optimal grip on the available a#ordances, then this function can be investigated further by studying how we are adequately responsive to relevant a#ordances; that is by studying the mechanisms (including the neural mechanisms) of this responsiveness. Note that this suggests that phenomenological description and analysis can be relevant for functional analysis. I believe that this new understanding of bodily intentionality as responsiveness to a %eld of relevant a#ordances (including social a#ordances) is relevant for cognitive neuroscientists who use empirical %ndings related to the 'mirror neuron system' as a starting point for a theory of motor intentionality and social cognition. !erefore I$will discuss Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia's (2008) ideas on motor intentionality and social cognition in the %nal section of this paper. *. Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia on motor intentionality and social a!ordances In this section I would like to show %rst of all that Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia (2008) suggest$ in Mirrors in the Brain that not only perceived objects, but also actions of others should be conceived in terms of "evoked potential motor acts" or invitations to %. As mentioned above, these action readinesses can be partial or disorganized. © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved """ Erik Rietveld act (Giorello & Sinigaglia 2007). I believe that their interpretation of our motor intentional activities o#ers possibilities for interdisciplinary cross-fertilization, because it shares with Merleau-Pontian phenomenology an emphasis on the importance of responsiveness to a#ordances, including social a#ordances. Yet, two important critical questions are: (1) to what extent they are able to do justice to the normative aspect of unre"ective action and in particular to the fact that we are selectively responsive to one (social) a#ordance rather than another; and (2) to what extent they are able to do justice to the basic phenomenon of motor intentionality: to adequate responsiveness to a %eld of relevant a#ordances as a whole. !e discovery of mirror neurons shows that when perceiving the intentional actions of another individual, there are %ring patterns in our premotor cortex (to be more precise, in the part Goldberg (1985) called the lateral premotor system) that are similar to the patterns that occur when we execute these actions ourselves. Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia interpret this activity as grounding our bodily and pragmatic understanding of the perceived intentions and actions of other individuals. !is understanding does not require any re"ection but is primarily an embodied kind of understanding. !e other's action gives rise in us to a potential motor act. !is interpretation of the mirror neuron %ndings is similar to their interpretation of another discovery: (lateral) premotor F5 neurons that respond to objects. Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia suggest namely that we understand the objects around us in terms of the motor opportunities or "possible actions" (2008, p. 49) they o#er us.10 !e perception of a cup gets us bodily ready to act in a speci%c way; to grasp it with this or that grip. Inspired by Merleau-Ponty's analysis of motor intentionality Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia articulate this responsiveness to perceived objects as follows: !e behaviour of F5 and AIP neurons [helps us] to capture at the neurophysiological level the motor dimension of experience which, in the words of Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1945, pp. 159, 162), 'provides us with a way of access to the world and the object [...] which has to be recognized as original and perhaps as primary'. (Rizzolatti & Sinigaglia 2008, p. 52) Even more importantly for the purpose of stressing the importance of our responsiveness to a#ordances for clarifying motor intentional action at the neural level of analysis, they suggest that in this type of activity we immediately understand objects in terms of the invitations to act that they o#er us: !#. "!e finding that visuo-motor F5 and AIP neurons respond to object presentation both in executive (grasping an object) and in observation (fixating the same object without picking it up) tasks indicate that the object in question is coded in the same way in both conditions. In#other words, the sight of the cup is just a preliminary form of action, a call to arms so to speak [...]" (Rizzolatti & Sinigaglia 2008, p. 49, my italics). © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved Bodily intentionality and social a#ordances in$context ""& [T]he analysis of the visuo-motor transformations operated by the AIP-F5 neurons indicates that the seeing which guides the hand is also (and above all) seeing with the hand, by which the object is immediately coded as a given set of invitations to act. (Rizzolatti & Sinigaglia 2008, pp. 50) So according to Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia this neural premotor system seems to code aspects of our perceived physical environment in terms of responsiveness to a#ordances or invitations to act. As mentioned above, the same goes for perceived actions of others: !e close link between the visual and motor responses of the mirror neurons does seem to indicate that when an individual observes an action performed by others, a potential motor act is evoked in this brain which is to all e#ects similar to that which was spontaneously activated during the organization and e#ective execution of action. (Rizzolatti & Sinigaglia 2008, pp. 96–97, my italics)11 Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia conclude that not only in the case of canonical neurons but also in the case of mirror neurons the visual scene is immediately coded in terms of possibilities for action.12 !ey hold that the only di#erence is that in the %rst case the visual stimulus is an object and in the second case object-related and goal-directed movements made by someone else (Rizzolatti & Sinigaglia 2008, p. 98).13 Because perceptions of objects and of acting others intrinsically involve a (potential) motor engagement for us, Giorello and Sinigaglia (2007) speak of "Perception as an invitation to act" (p. 55). Note that they (Giorello & Sinigaglia 2007) not only discard the dichotomy between perception and action but implicitly also that between social cognition and object-directed cognition (or at least they seem to do so as far as motor intentional activity is concerned). Both perceived objects and perceived activities of other individuals are meaningful for us because they o#er us invitations to act.14 !!. !ey add: "[With respect to] the primary function of the mirror neurons [...] it can be said that these neurons are primarily involved in the understanding of the meaning of 'motor events', i.e. of the actions performed by others" (Rizzolatti & Sinigaglia 2008, p. 97). !". "!erefore what was said earlier regarding the F5 canonical neurons and the visuomotor neurons of the anterior intraparietal area (AIP) holds true in this case also: the visual stimulus is immediately coded starting from the corresponding motor act, even if it is not e"ectively executed" (Rizzolatti & Sinigaglia 2008, p. 98). !&. We should keep in mind that mirror neuron experiments are about quite basic activities such as certain hand movements or grasping something, and not about the di"erence between, for example, grasping a cup of co"ee and a cup of tea. !'. "[E]very perceived object (things and other people's behaviour as well) 'invites us to action with reference to it'" (Giorello & Sinigaglia 2007, p. 56, quoting Mead 1938). © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved ""' Erik Rietveld !is is in line with my emphasis on the importance of responsiveness to the %eld of a#ordances, because such a %eld integrates both social a#ordances and object a#ordances. However, from this one certainly cannot conclude that mirror neurons and canonical neurons are the best way to understand our responsiveness to this %eld at the neural level of analysis. I believe that for our purpose the importance of the work by Rizzolatti and colleagues is rather that it suggests that an 'a#ordance-related' (or 'potential action-oriented') view of neural processing is the way to go. A more dynamic account, such as for instance Walter Freeman's (2000), seems to be better suited for understanding how neural processing is related to the %eld a#ordances as a whole because it presents a more global level of description (see Rietveld in press). According to Freeman (2000) the brain's macroscopic activity pattern relates dynamically to the signi%cances (plural) in the given particular situation; or in my own words, to the !eld of relevant a#ordances. !e activity of the mirror neuron system is not a phenomenon at the most relevant level of description because it re"ects just one slice out of our neural/bodily responsiveness to this %eld. An illustration of this is that, so far at least, Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia (2008) have focused exclusively on the lateral premotor system and ignored the medial premotor system. !e condition of utilization behavior suggests that we need a better understanding of the interactions between the lateral premotor system (parietal cortex, lateral premotor cortex, cerebellum, and thalamus) and the medial premotor system (pre-(SMA), ACC, basal ganglia, and thalamus) (cf., Goldberg 1985; Archibald et al. 2001; Eslinger 2002). Moreover, the fact that subcortical lesions can generate utilization behavior suggests that the interactions of cortical and subcortical structures, such as the basal ganglia, will have to be taken seriously here as well. Given the fact that the medial premotor system actually seems to exercise control over the lateral premotor system (Archibald et al. 2001), it is quite amazing that this topic does not get more serious attention from people interested in mirror neurons. Utilization behavior suggests that the medial premotor system contributes crucially to the reliable and appropriate sensitivity of our actions to the broader situational context. Bilateral lesions to the medial premotor system lead to a responsiveness to irrelevant and inappropriate a#ordances. Furthermore, I would like to note that within cognitive neuroscience work on the neural basis of decision and action is highly relevant, because this %eld studies the neural mechanisms underlying deciding 'what is worth doing' next (Rushworth et al. 2004; see Rietveld 2008b, Chapter 6). To conclude, Giorello, Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia theoretically integrate the %ndings on mirror neurons and canonical neurons by seeing both types of activity as underlying responsiveness to invitations to act. Not only perceived objects, but also actions of others should be conceived in terms of "evoked potential motor acts" or invitations to act (Giorello & Sinigaglia 2007). Of course it is an open question how far we may © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved Bodily intentionality and social a#ordances in$context ""( extrapolate these %ndings regarding the role of the motor system in relatively simple acts to more complex actions in everyday life. Nevertheless, I think that their work suggests that an a#ordance-based account is the right way to go for attempts to clarify motor intentional activity and social cognition in unre"ective action (cf., Brincker forthcoming). On the critical side I believe that Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia (2008) do not pay su'cient attention to the fact that we are selectively responsive to one (social) a#ordance rather than another. !ey neglect the context of a#ordances; the fact that any a#ordance is surrounded by many other available a#ordances. !erefore, a next step for them should be to move from responsiveness to a#ordances to responsiveness to relevant a#ordances. I think that the reason why Rizzolatti and Sinigaglia do not pay much attention to that issue may have to do with the fact that they seem to ignore an important aspect of motor intentional activity: its normativity, both the %rst-person experience of lived normativity and the normativity that derives from the individual's activities being situated in a particular socio-cultural practice. !e notion of normativity implied here is a very basic one: it is revealed when we distinguish better from worse, adequate from inadequate, or optimal from suboptimal in the context of a speci%c situation within a particular practice (Rietveld 2008c). Elsewhere I have suggested that a skillful individual's responsiveness to relevant a#ordances forms the core of the normative aspect of embodied cognition in action. I refer to the phenomenology of such responsiveness as 'being moved to improve' (Rietveld 2008c). A focus on relevant a#ordances would be able to do justice to the normative aspect of motor intentional activity. If it is right to say that the function of motor intentional activity is best conceived in terms of the tendency towards an optimal grip on the world (at the level of the individual as a whole), then subprocesses of motor intentionality, such as activity of the mirror neuron system which Sinigaglia interprets as contributing to 'pragmatic action understanding', could also be understood as contributing to this function of the individual's being moved to improve. Importantly, this would suggest that pragmatic action understanding is not a goal in itself, nor that it is to be understood in the light of a pre-given goal, but, rather, that it is an aspect of our performance of tending towards an optimal grip on the world. !at is to say, of reducing a#ective tension, which is re"ected in the way the world is experienced (see Ward & Stapleton in this volume) by being responsive to experienced solicitations to act; a responsiveness that establishes a relative equilibrium in the body-world system. Crucial for understanding motor intentionality in unre"ective action is the idea that it is not a pre-given goal that motivates such action. !ere is no goal representation or pre-existing sense of what is adequate in advance of our performance in this highly particular situation. Optimal grip is an experiential equilibrium, and disequilibrium is experienced as an a#ective tension, similar to the tension we experience © !"#!. John Benjamins Publishing Company All rights reserved "") Erik Rietveld when someone stands too close and we are immediately compelled to step back. Adequate performance is enacted in the particular situation. Acknowledgments !anks to Maria Brincker, Michael Brownstein, Hubert Dreyfus, Nico Frijda, Sean Kelly, Julian Kiverstein, Fabio Paglieri, Corrado Sinigaglia, Martin Stokhof, Dan Zahavi for feedback on an earlier version of this paper. !is research project was %nancially supported by the European Science Foundation (ESF, CNCC-travel grant) and 'Netherlands Organisation for Scienti%c Research' (NWO, VENI-grant). I would like to express my gratitude for awarding these grants. !is paper was %rst presented at the ESF/CNCC workshop 'Self & Other', Sassari University, Alghero, October, 2008.