~~-~-~~-~ -~-~~~~-~-----~-- .. ---~ ~-----------------------------A N011CE 1\-\\S tv\A1ER\",l*t./tA'I BE I'R01ECtEO S~ COl''IRI GlIl I \..A.'l'J (l\1t.E ,7 U;S. coDE) -~ Liberalism and the Moral Lift EDITED BY NANCY L. ROSENBLUM HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

Cambridge, Massachusetts

London, England

The Liberalism ofFear

JUDITH N. SHKLAR

Before we can begin to analyze any specific form of liberalism we must surely state as clearly as possible what the word means. For in the course of so many years of ideological conflict it seems to have lost its identity completely. Overuse and overextension have rendered it so amorphous that it can now serve as an all-purpose word, whether of abuse or praise. To bring a modest degree of order into this state of confusion we might begin by insisting that liberalism refers to a political doctrine, not a philosophy of life such as has traditionally been provided by various forms of revealed religion and other com- prehensive Weltanschauungen. Liberalism has only one overriding aim: to secure the political conditions that are necessary for the exercise of personal freedom. Every adult should be able to make as many effective decisions without fear or favor about as many aspects of her or his life as is compatible with the like freedom of every other adult. That belief is the original and only defensible meaning ofliberalism. It is a political notion, because the fear and favor that have always inhibited freedom are overwhelmingly generated by governments, both formal and in- formal. And while the sources of social oppression are indeed nu- merous, none has the deadly effect of those who, as the agents of the modem state, have unique resources ofphysical might and persuasion at their disposal. Apart from prohibiting interference with the freedom of others, liberalism does not have any particular positive doctrines about how people are to conduct their lives or what personal choices they are to make. It is not, as so many of its critics claim, synonymous with modernity. Not that the latter is a crystal clear historical concept. Generally it does not refer to simply everything that has happened --~-~----- -~- Varieties ofLiberalism Today • 22 since the Renaissance, but to a mixture ofnatural science, technology, industrializ~tlOn, skepticism, loss ofreligious orthodoxy, disenchant- ment, nilrilism, and atomistic individualism. This is far from being a complete list, but it covers the main characteristics of modernity as it is perceived by those who believe that the word stands for centuries of desPdir and that liberalism is its most characteristic political man- ifestativn. It i~ by no means necessary to engage in disputes about the quality of d~e historiography or factual validity of this sort of discourse in general, but for the student ofpolitical theory at least one point must bl! noted. That is that liberalism has been -very rare both in theory and in rractice in the last two hundred odd years, especially when we reo.!l that the European world is not the only inhabited part of the p/)be. No one could ever have described the governments of easten Europe as liberal at any time, though a few briefly made a feeT:*.e effort in that direction after the First World War. In central E), ope it has been instituted only after the Second World War, and t'_'..!n it was imposed by the victors in a war that we forget at our 'i eril. Anyon.e who thinks that fascism in one guise or another is dead and gone ought to think again. In France liberalism under the three Republics flickered on and off and is only now reasonably secure, though it is still seriously challenged. In Britain it has enjoyed its longe::.t political success, but not in the vast areas, including Ireland, thar England ruled until recently, Finally, let us not forget that the lh.rited States was not a liberal state until after the Civil War, and ,;ven then often in name only. In short, to speak of a liberal era is not to refer to anything that actually happened, except possibly by comparison to what ~ame after 1914. The state of political thought was no more liberal than that of the reigning governments, especially in the years after the French Rev- olution. And we should not forget the deeply illiberal prerevolution- ary republican tradition of which John Pocock has reminded us so forcefully. It is in any case difficult to find a vast How of liberal ideology in the midst of the Catholic authoritarianism, romantic cor- poratist nõ,talgia, nationalism, racism, proslavery, social Darwinism, imperialism, militarism, fascism, and most types of socialism which dominatd the battle of political ideas in the last century. There was a current of liberal thought throughout the period, but it was hardly the dC'"linant intellectual voice. In the world beyond Europe it was not I"ard at all. It was powerful in the United States only if black people are not counted as members of its society, '''if i~

~\~ The Liberalism ofFear .

~1 ~ Why then, given the actual complexity of the intellectual history , ~ -s.' of the past centuries, is there so much easy generalizing about mod- ~ ~ ~ ernity and its alleged liberalism? The reason is simple enough: lib- ~~ eralism is a latecomer, since it has its origins in post-Reformation _~ ~ & Europe. Its origins are in the terrible tension within Christianity ~ ~" between the demands of creedal orthodoxy and those of charity, ~~ 'l between faith and morality. The cruelties of the religious wars had " ~ ~ the effect of turning many Christians away from the public policies .l'~~ of the churches to a morality that saw toleration as an expression of ~ "\: Christian charity. One thinks of Sebastien Castellion among Calvin- ~ ~_~ .ists, for example. l Others, tom by conflicting spiritual impulses, be- N,:,\came skeptics who put cruelty and fanaticism at the very head of the .". ~~human vices; Montaigne is the most notable among them. In either ~~~~case th.e iñiv:idual, whether. the bearer of a sacre~ conscie?ce or, the 1')~otent:1al VIctIm of cruelty, IS to be protected agamst the mcurslons ~ ~ " 'of public oppression. ~~~, ~ater,.~hen the bond be~een ~onscience and. God is severed, the ~~mvlOlability ofpersonal deCISIOns m matters offalth, knowledge, and ,\,". ~mora1ity is still defended on the original grounds that we owe it to ~ ~each other as a matter of mutual respect, that a forced belief is in \''1~itself false and that the threats and bribes used to enforce conformity ~~are inherently demeaning, To insist that individuals must make their ~~own choices about the most important matter in their lives-their ~ hreligious beliefs-without interference from public authority, is to ~~go very far indeed toward liberalism. It is, I think, the core of its \::; historical development, but it would be wrong to think of principled toleration as equivalent to political liberalism. Limited and responsible government may be implicit in the claim for personal autonomy, but without an explicit political commitment to such institutions, liber- alism is still doctrinally incomplete. Montaigne was surely tolerant and humanitarian but he was no liberal. The distance between him and Locke is correspondingly great. Nevertheless, liberalism's deepest grounding is in place from the first, in the conviction of the earliest --F*---*-----------------------------------. t defenders of toleration, born in horror, that cruelty is an absolute viI, an offense against God or humanity. It is out of that tradition that the ooliticalliberalism offear arose and continues amid the terror of our time to have relevance. 2 There are ofcourse many types ofliberalism that remain committed to the primacy of conscience, whether in its Protestant or Kantian versions. There is Jeffersonian liberalism of rights, which has other foundations; and the Emersonian quest for self-development has its , . j'f.,fYt' 7.1 AbtJ"V;f +1-t-//i'/;$&J . m'7 API:&!:m /'/1/:(4;~':'/~&r''i]7~/pE"~/,;fh l~;i(; (ii. Z f l/brh h //f'A"Z'\ rh'lcl/-/her 1.../h-vS<! .tJ~'7&.f /vLr~ .1', ,s-l-r ~4-f-"'*M:UiJIIfZ:arh'/-'~,,/"",,1";"/&1:''7 ~~. ~ p li1;t-1 Jt Iin'//t/Y /~ .'7 N t.!. (/j d l7;,-d~r"7 ~7 /!<hP'4/').. )-{S mNnc, {~ A/J (..,?""Lr-:yn:rh ~..t./fl-L2'/,~/rt-,.,P"/- ...... //';J~//1 f'i I Vanetles ofLIberalIsm To or • 2"4* !.), / 1. ne Iveraltsm 0 reor,'J ~ ------'~~rz...<?r . / • ,>\,••y..\'r'1~\ \i>~~ vi) ~,jJJ>S own liberal political expression .. Liberalism does not in principle have to depend on spe~fic religious or philosophical systems of thought. /' It does not have to chQQs~ tJ);@o{ll as long as they do not reject t.oleration , which is w ...NQ. theory that gives public a ties the unconditional right to impose beliefs and even a vocabulary as they may see fit upon the citizenry can be described as even remotely liberal. Ofall the cases made against liberalism, the most bizarre is that liberals are really indifferent, ifnot openly hostile, to personal freedom. This may follow from the pe- culiar identification ofLeviathan as the very archetype of liberal phi- losophy, but it is a truly gross misrepresentation which simply assures that any social contract theory, however authoritarian its intentions, and any anti-Catholic polemic add up to liberalism.3 The convoluted genealogy of liberalism that insists on seeing its origins in a theory of absolutism is not in itself interesting. More common is a sort of free association of ideas that perceives a danger to traditional revealed religion in toleration and hence assumes that liberalism is ofnl!cessity atheistic, agnostic, relativistic, and nihilistic. This catalogue .of accusations is worth mentioning, because it is com- monplace an'" because it is easily and usefully refuted. The original mistake is the failure to distinguish psychological affinities from log- ical consequences. As a result, these critics cannot grasp that the liberalism offear as a strictly political theory is not necessarily linked to anyone religious or scientific doctrine, though it is psychologically more compatible with some rather than with others. It must reject only those political doctrines that do not recognize any difference between the spheres of the personal and the public. Because of the primacy of toleration as the irreducible limit on public agents, liberals must always draw such a line. This is not historically a permanent or unalterable boundary, but it does require that every public policy be considered with this separation in mind and be consciously de- fended as meeting its most severe current standard. The important point for liberalism is not so much where the line is qrawn, as that it be drawn, and that it must under no circumstances be ignored or forgotten. The limits of coercion begin, though they do not end, with a prohibition upon invading the private realm, which originally was a matter of religious faith, but which has changed and will go on changing as objects of belief and the sense ofprivacy alter in response to the technological and military character ofgovernments and the productive relationships that prevail. It is a shifting line, but not an erasable one, and it leaves liberals free to espouse a very large range of philosophical and religious beliefs. The liberalism offear is thus not necessarily tied to either skepticism or to the pursuit of the natural sciences. There is, however, a real psychological connection between them. Skepticism is inclined to- ward toleration, since in its doubts it cannot choose among the com- peting beliefs that swirl around it, so often in murderous rage. Whether the skeptic seeks personal tranquility in retreat or tries to calm the warring factions around her, she must prefer a government that does nothing to increase the prevailing levels of fanaticism and dogmatism. To that extent there is a natural affinity between the liberal and the skeptic. Madison's discussion in the Federalist of how to end sectarian and similar factional conflicts through freedom is the perfect example of the fit between skepticism and liberal politics. 4 Nevertheless, a society ofbelievers who choose never to resort to the use of the agencies of government to further their particular faith is imaginable, though not usual. The intellectual flexibility of skepticism is psychologically more . adapted to liberalism, but it is not a necessary element of its politics. A society governed by extremely oppressive skeptics can be easily imagined if, for example, they were to follow Nietzsche's political notions energetically. That is also true of the natural sciences. These tend to flourish most in freedom, quite unlike the fine arts and literature in this respect, but it is not impossible to imagine a science- friendly dictatorship. The publicity and the high standards of evi- dence, as well as the critical cast of mind which the natural sciences ideally require, again may suggest a psychological bond between the inner life of science and liberal politics. That is, however, far from being necessarily or even normally the case. There are many thor- oughly illiberal scientists, in fact. The alliance between science and liberalism was one of convenience at first, as both had much to fear from the onslaughts ofreligion. With this shared enemy ofcensorship and persecution in abeyance, the identity of attitudes tended to fade. Science and liberalism were not born together; the former is far older. Nothing, however, can erase the chief difference between the two. The natural sciences live to change, while liberalism does not have to take any particular view of tradition. To the extent that the European past was utterly hostile to freedom and that the most ancient of Indo-European traditions is the caste society, liberals must reject particular traditions. No society that still ~~~~--~-~--~---qi--'---"---"----Varieties ofLiberalism Today . 26 has traces of the old tripartite division of humanity into those who pray, dlose who fight, and those who labor can be liberat.s To turn one's back on some or even most traditions does not, however, mean thaI: one must forego all tradition as a matter of intellectual honesty. Lib::ralism need not decide among traditions that are not hostile to its aspirations, nor does it have to regard the claims of any traditions inherently false, simply because it does not meet scientific standards of rational proo£ It all depends on the content and tendencies of the tradition Clearly representative government is impregnated with tra- ditions in Britain and in the United States. The habits of voluntarism depend on a variety of traditions. These are surely more than merely compatible with liberalism. Intellectual modesty does not imply that the liberalism of fear has no content, only that it is entirely nonutopian. In that respect it may well be what Emersor. called a party of memory rather than a party of hope. 6 And indeec1 there are other types of liberalism that differ from it sharply in this respect. First of all there is the liberalism of natural rights wh;.ch looks to the constant fulfillment of an ideal preestablished nCl'mative order, be it nature's or God's, whose prin- ciples have to b..! realized in the lives of individual citizens through public. guarantees. It is God's will that we preserve ourselves, and it is our own and society's duty to see that we are protected in our lives, liberties, and property and all that pertains to them. To that end we have a due'! to establish protective public agencies and the right to demand that they provide us with opportunities to make claims against e-ach and all. If w;! take rights seriously we must see to it that principles such as those ,of The Declaration of Independence be made effective in every aspec: of our public life. If the agencies of government have a single priJ.nary function it is to see to it that the rights of individuals be realized, bxause our integrity as God's or nature's creations requires it. Conceivably one might argue that a perfect or optimal society would be composed solely of rights claiming citizens. In all cases, therefJ':e, the liberalism of natural rights regards politics as a matter of cit\Zens who actively pursue their own legally secured ends in accodance with a higher law. The paradigm ofpolitics is the tribunal in Nhich fair rules and decisions are made to satisfy the greatest põsible number of demands made by individual citizens against one ar.other individually, and against the government and other socially powerful iñtitutions. The liberalism ofnatural rights envisages ajust The Liberalism ofFear' 27 society composed of politically sturdy citizens, each able and willing to stand up for himself and others. Equally given to hope is the liberalism of personal development. Freedom, it argues, is necessary for personal as well as social progress. I' I We cannot make the best of (jur potentialities unless we are free to do so. And morality is impossible unless we have an opportunity to choose our courses of action. Nor can we benefit from education unless our minds are free to accept and reject what we are told and to read and hear the greatest variety of opposing opinions. Morality and knowledge can develop only in a free and open society. There is even reason to hope that institutions ofleaming will eventually replace politics and government. It would not be unfair to say that these two forms of liberalism have their spokesmen in Locke and John Stuart Mill respectively, and they are ofcourse perfectly genuine expressions ofliberal doctrine. It must be said, however, that neither one of these fto patron saints of liberalism had a strongly developed historical Vn:emory, and it is on this faculty ofthe human mind that the liberalism of fear draws most heavily. I The most immediate memory is at present the history of the world since 1914. In Europe and North America torture had gradually been eliminated from the practices ofgovernment, and there was hope that \t it might eventually disappear everywhere. With the intelligence and loyalty requirements of the national warfare states that quickly de- veloped with the outbreak of hostilities, torture J:Otumai and h~ flourished on a colossal scale ever since. 7 We somewhere someone is being tortured right ñhas again become the most common form of social control. To this the horror ofmodern warfare must be added as a reminder. The liberalism of fear is a response to these undeniable actualities, and it therefore concentrates on 'damage control. Given the inevitability of that inequality of military, police, and persuasive power which is called government, there is evidently al- ways much to be afraid o£ And one may, thus, be less inclined to celebrate the blessings of liberty than to consider the dangers of tyr- anny and war that threaten it. For this liberalism the basic units of political life are not discursive and reflecting persons, nor friends and enemies, nor patriotic soldier-citizens, nor energetic litigants, but the weak and the powerful. And the freedom it wishes to secure is free- dom from the abuse ofpower and intimidation of the defenseless that this difference invites. This apprehension should not be mistaken for Varieties ofLiberalism Today • 28 the. obsessive ideologies which concentrate solely on the notion of totalitarianism. This is a shorthand for only the extremity of insti- tutionalized violence and almost implies that anything less radically destructive need not CO!1cern us at all. The liberalism of fear, on the contrary, regards abuse~ of public powers in all regimes with equal trepidation. It worries about the excesses ofofficial agents at every level ofgovernIllent, and it assumes that these are apt to burden the poor and weak most heavily. The history of the poor compared to that of the various elites makes that obvious enougr .. The assumption, amply justified by every page of political histOl y, is that some agents of government will behave law- lessly and brutally in small or big ways most of the time unless they are prevented from doing so. The lib~ralism inspired by these considerations does resemble Isaiah Berlin's negative liberty, but it is not exactly the same. Berlin's neg- ative Eberty of "not being forced" and its later version of "open doors' is kept conceptually pure and separate from "the conditions of Jii,erty," that is, the social and political institutions that make personal freedom possible. That is entirely necessary if negative lib- erry is to be fully distinguished from what Berlin calls "positive l:terty," which is the freedom of one's higher from one's lower self. 'i~ cannot be denied, moreover, that this very dear demarcation of l1egative liberty is the best means of avoiding the slippery slope that can h!=ld us to its threatening opposite. :r-.;tvertheless, there is much to be said for not separating negative liberty from the conditions that are at least necessary to make it pJ'>sible at all. Limited government and the control of unequally c.:vided political power constitute the minimal condition without "Ihich freedom is unimaginable in any politically organized society. It is not a sufficient condition, but it is a necessary prerequisite. No door is opi;!n in a political order in which public and private intimi- dation PLevail, and it requires a complex system of institutions to avoid '.:...lat. If negative freedom is to have any political significance at all. I~ must specify at least some of the institutional characteristics of a rdatively free regime. Socially that also means a dispersion ofpower ;.mong a plurality of f.:*olitically empowered groups, pluralism, in short, as well as the ehmination of such forms and degrees of social inequality as expose people to oppressive practices. Otherwise the "open doors" are ? metaphor-and not, politically, a very illumi- nating one at that. Moreover, there is no particular reason to accept the moral theory ---~.-------------------------------------------------The Liberalism ofFear • 29* on which Berlin's negative freedom rests. This is the belief that there are several inherently incompatible moralities among which we must choose, but which cannot be reconciled by reference to a common criterion-paganism and Christianity being the two most obvious examples. 8 Whatever the truth of this metapolitical assumption may be, liberalism can do without it. The liberalism of fear in fact does not rest on a theory of moral pluralism. It does not, to be sure, offer a summum bonum toward which all political agents should strive, but it certainly does begin with a summum malum, which all of us know and would avoid if only we could. That evil is cruelty and the fear it inspires, arid the very fear offear itself. To that extent the liberalism of fear makes a universal and especially a cosmopolitan claim, as it historically always ha.s done. What is meant by cruelty here? It is the deliberate infliction of physical, and secondarily emotional, pain upon a weaker person or group by stronger ones in order to achieve some end, tangible or intangible, of the latter. It is not sadism, though sadistic individuals may flock to occupy positions of power that permit them to indulge . their urges. But public cruelty is not an occasional personal inclina- tion. It is made possible by differences in public power, and it is almost always built into the system of coercion upon which all gov- ernments have to rely to fulfill their essential functions. A minimal level of fear is implied in any system of law, and the liberalism of fear does not dream of an end of public, coercive government. The fear it does want to prevent is that which is created by arbitrary, unexpected, unnecessary, and unlicensed acts offorce and by habitual and pervasive acts of cruelty and torture performed by military, paramilitary, and police agents in any regime. Of fear it can be said without qualification that it is universal as It is physiological. It is a mental as well as a physical reaction, and it is common to animals as well as to human beings. To be alive is to be afraid, and much to our advantage in many cases, since alarm often preserves us from danger. The fear we fear is of pain inflicted by others to kill and maim us, not the natural and healthy fear that merely warns us of avoidable pain. And, when we think politically, we are afraid not only for ourselves but for our fellow citizens as well. We fear a society of fearful people. Systematic fear is the condition that makes freedom impossible, and it is aroused by the expectation of institutionalized cruelty as by nothing else. However, it is fair to say that what I have called "putting cruelty first" is not a sufficient basis for political liberalism. It is simply Varieties of Liberalism Today • 30 a tiI'st principle, an act ofmoral intuition based on ample observation, on which liberalism can be built, especially at present. Because the lear of systematic cruelty is so universal, moral daimsbased on its prohibition have an immediate appeal and can gain recognition with- out much argument. But one cannot rest on this or any other na- turalistic fallacy. Liberals can begin with cruelty as the primary evil only if they go beyond their well-grounded assumption that almost <J~ people fear it and would evade it if they could. If the prohibition orcruelty can be universalized and recognized as a necessary condition of the dignity of persons, then it can become a principle of political morality. This could also be achieved by asking whether the prohi- bition would benefit the vast majority of human beings in meeting their known needs and wants. Kantians and a utilitarian could accept one ('1 these tests, and liberalism need not choose between them. What liberalism requires is the possibility of making the evil of cwelty and fear the basic norm of its political practices and prescrip- tions. The only exception to the rule of avoidance is the prevention of greater cruelties. That is why any government must use the threat of punishment, thollgh liberalism looks upon this as an unavoidable evil, to be controlled in its scope and modified by legally enforced rules of fairness, 0:;0 that arbitrariness not be added to the minimum of fear required for law enforcement. That this formulation owes something to Kant's philosophy oflaw is evident, but the liberalism of fear does aot rest on his or any other moral philosophy in its entirety.9 It :.nust in fact remain eclectic. What the liberalism of fear owes to Locke is also obvious: that the governments of this world with their overwhelming power to kill, maim, iTLdoctrinate, and make war are not to be trusted uncondi- tionally ("lions"), and that any confidence that we might develop in their zgents must rest firmly on deep suspicion. Locke was not, and neither should his heirs be, in favor ofweak governments that cannot fr::.l1e or carry out public policies and decisions made in conformity to requirements of publicity, deliberation, and fair procedures. What ;~ to be feared is every extralegal, secret, and unauthorized act by jJublic agents or their deputies. And to prevent such conduct requires a con:t ant division and subdivision ofpolitical power. The importance ofv J ~untary associations from this perspective is not the satisfaction tha.~heir members may derive from joining in cooperative endeavors, bl: r their ability to become significant units of social power and in- fh.ence that can check, or at least alter, the assertions of other orga- 1',zed agents, both voluntary and governmental. The Liberalism ofFear' 31 The separation of the public from the private is evidendy far from stable here, as 1 already noted, especially if one does not ignore, as the liberalism of fear certainly does not, the power of such basically public organizations as corporate business enterprises. These ofcourse owe their entire character and power to the laws, and they are not public in name only. To consider them in the same terms as the local mom and pop store is unworthy of serious social discourse. Never- theless, it should be remembered that the reasons we speak ofproperty as private in many cases is that it is meant to be left to the discretion of individual owners as a matter of public policy and law, precisely because thisis an indispensable and excellent way oflimiting the long arm ofgovernment and ofdividing social power, as well as ofsecuring the independence ofindividuals. Nothing gives a person greater social resources than legally guaranteed proprietorship. It cannot be unlim- ited; because it is the creature of the law in the first place, and also because it serves a public purpose--the dispersion of power. Where the instruments of coercion are at hand, whether it be through the use of economic power, chiefly to hire, pay, fire, and determine prices, or military might in its various manifestations, it is the task ofa liberal citizenry to see that not one official or unofficial agent can intimidate anyone, except through the use of well-under- stood and accepted legal procedures. And that even then the agents of coercion should always be on the defensive and limited to pro- portionate and necessary actions that can be excused only as a response to threats of more severe cruelty and fear from private criminals. It might well seem that the liberalism of fear is radically conse- quentialist in its concentration on the avoidance of foreseeable evils. As a guide to political practices that is the case, but it must avoid any tendency to offer ethical instructions in general. No form ofliberalism has any business telling the citizenry to pursue happiness or even to define that wholly elusive condition. It is for each one of us to seek it or reject it in favor of duty or salvation or passivity, for example. Liberalism must restrict itself to politics and to proposals to restrain potential abusers ofpower in order to lift the burden offear and favor from the shoulders of adult women and men, who can then conduct their lives in accordance with their own beliefs and preferences, as long as they do not prevent others from doing so as well. There are several well-known objections to the liberalism of fear. It will be called "reductionist," because it is first and foremost based on the physical suffering and fears of ordinary human beings, rather ,---------~-------~------.....-"-,--,-- .. -_.. ------.----~---------------------Varieties ofLiberalism Today • 32 t:lan on moral or ideological aspirations. Liberalism does not collapse politics into administration, economics, or psychology, so it is not reductive 1n this sense. But as it is based on common and immediate experiences, it offends those who identify politics with mankind's most noble aspirations. What is to be regarded as noble is, tp be sure, highly contestable. 'J.'o call the liberalism of fear a lowering ofone's sights implies that <"motions are inferior to ideas and especially to political causes, It may be noble to pursue ideological ambitions or risk one's life for a "cause," but it is not at all noble to kill another human being in pursuit ofone's owr. "causes." "Causes," however spiritual they may be, are not self-justifying, and they are not all equally edifying. And even the most appealing are nothing but instruments of torture or craven excuses lor it, when they are forced upon others by threats, and bribes. We would do far less harm if we learned to accept each other as sentient beings, whatever else we may be, and to understand that physica ~ well-being and toleration are not simply inferior to the other aims ~hat each one of us may choose to pursue. There tS absolutely nothing elevated in death and dying. Even if that Wf'r~ the case, it is not the task ofpublic authority to encourage, prom.)te, and enforce them, as they still do. Self-sacrifice may stir our *'.cimiration, but it is not, by definition, a political duty, but an act supererogation which falls outside the realm of politics. There is !lothing "reductive" about building a political order on the avoid- atF;e offear and cruelty unless one begins with a contempt for physical e:xperien--.:e. The consequences of political spirituality are, moreover, far less devating than it might seem. Politically it has usually served as an excuse for orgies of destruction. Need one remind anyone of that t,...L1ly ennobling cry: "Viva la muerte!"-and the regime it ush- ered m? 1>, related objection to the liberalism offear is that it replaces genuine h~, nan reason with "instrumental rationality. "10 The meaning of the {(')rmer is usually left unclear, but as a rule it is not a version ofPlatonic idealism. "Instrumental rationality" refers to political practices that purs.ue only efficiency or means-ends calculations, without any ques- tioning or' the rationality or other possible worth of their aims or outcon:.es. Since the liberalism of fear has very clear aims-the re- dUC~H.m offear and cruelty-that sort ofargument appears to be quite irrelevant. More telling is the notion that "instrumental reasoning" places all Its confidence in procedures, without adequate attention to the raThe Liberalism ofFear . 33 tionality of the conduct and discourse ofthose who participate in and follow them. It trusts the mechanisms for creating consent and en- suring fairness, without any attention to the character ofthe individual citizens or to that ofthe society as a whole. Even ifa pluralistic political system under the rule oflaw were to yield a free and relatively peaceful society, it would not be genuinely rational, and not at all ethical, unless it also educated its citizens to a genuine level of political un- derstanding and with it the capacity to be masters of their collective life. This is supposed to be "substantially" rational in a way that the liberalism of fear, with its attention to procedures and outcomes, is not. But in fact the argument is not about rationality at all, but about expectations of radical social change and of utopian aspirations. The accusation of "instrumentality," if it means anything at all, amounts to a disdain for those who do not want to pay the price of utopian ventures, least of all those invented by other people. It refuses to take risks at the expense of others in pursuit of any ideal, however rational. It cannot be denied that the experience of politic~ according to fair procedures and the rule oflaw do indirectly educate the citizens, even though that is not their overt purpose, which is purely politicaL The habits of patience, self-restraint, respect for the claims of others, and caution constitute forms of social discipline that are not only wholly compatible with personal freedom, but encourage socially and per- sonally valuable characteristics. 11 This, it should be emphasized, does not imply that the liberal state can ever have an educative government that aims at creating specific kinds of character and enforces its own beliefs. It can never be didactic in intent in that exclusive and inher- ently authoritarian way. Liberalism. as we saw, began precisely in order to oppose the educative state. However, no system ofgovern- ment, no system of legal procedures, and no system of public edu- cation is without psychological effect, and liberalism has no reason at all to apologize for the inclinations and habits that procedural fair- ness and responsible government are likely to encourage. If citizens are to act individually and in associations, especially in a democracy, to protest and block any sign ofgovernmental illegality and abuse, they must have a fair share ofmoral courage, self-reliance, and stubbornness to assert themselves effectively. To foster well- informed and self-directed adults must be the aim of every effort to educate the citizens of a liberal society. There is a very clear account of what a perfect liberal would look like more or less. It is to be found in Kant's Doctrine of Virtue, which gives us a very detailed ~~ ________ ~ ___ ~ ____________ c_~.,._ .. ,. ____________________________ _ Varieties ofLiberalism Today • 34 The Liberalism ofFear . 35 account of the disposition of a person who respects other people without condescension, arrogance, humility, or fear. He or she does not insult others w~th lies or cruelty, both of which mar one's own character no less than they injure one's victims. Liberal politics depend for their success on the efforts of such people, but it is not the task ofliberal politics to foster them simply as models ofhuman perfection. All it can claim is that if we want to promote political freedom, then this is appropriate behavior. This liberal prescription for citizenship, it is now often argued, is both a very unhistorical and an ethnocentric view that makes quite unwarranted claims for universality. That it arose at a given time and place '$, after all, inevitable, but the relativist now argues that the liber:!li$m of fear would not be welcomed by most of those who live under their traditional customs, even if these are as cruel and op- pres'iive as the Indian caste system. 12 To judge inherited habits by str,ndards that purport to be general, even though they are alien to a pe.)ple, is said to be an arrogant imposition of false as well as partial principles. For there are no generally valid social prohibitions or rules, and the task of the social critic is at most to articulate socially im- mane'nt values. All this is not nearly as self-evident as the relativistic defend.ers of local customs would have us believe. Ualess and until we can offer the injured and insulted victims of m.)..t of the world's traditional as well as revolutionary governments a genuine and practicable alternative to their present condition, we have no way ofknowing whether they really enjoy their chains. There is very litde evidence that they do. The Chinese did not really like Mao's reign any more than we would, in spite of their political and cultural distance from us. The absolute relativism, not merely cultural but psychological, that rejects the liberalism offear as both too "West- ern" and too abstract is too complacent and too ready to forget the herrors of our world to be credible. It is deeply illiberal, not only in i.ts submission to tradition as an ideal, but in its dogmatic identification of every local practice with deeply shared local human aspirations. To step outside these' customs is not, as the relativist claims, partic- ularly insolent and intrusive. Only the challenge from nowhere and the claims of universal humanity and rational argument cast in gen- eral terms can be put to the test of general scrutiny and public criti- crsm. 13 The unspoken and sanctified practices that prevail within every , ! tribal border can never be openly analyzed or appraised, for they are by definitic.n already permanently settled within the communal con- sciousness. Unless there is an open and public review ofall the prac- tical alternatives, especially of the new and alien, there can be no responsible choices and no way of controlling the authorities that claim to be the voice of the people and its spirit. The arrogance of the prophet and the bard who pronounce the embedded norms is far greater than that of any deontologist. For they profess not only to reveal a hidden popular soul, but to do so in a manner that is not subject to extra tribal review. That orgies of xenophobia just might lie in the wake of these claims of hermeneutical primacy is also not without historical example. The history of nationalism is not en- couraging. But even at its best, ethnic relativism can say little about fear and cruelty, except that they are commonplace everywhere. 14 War also, though not perhaps in its present nuclear possibilities, has always existed. Are we to defend it on that ground? Actually, the most' reliable test for what cruelties are to be endured at any place and any time is to ask the likeliest victims, the least powerful persons, at any given moment and under controlled conditions. Until that is done there is no reason not to assume that the liberalism of fear has . much to offer to the victims of political tyranny. These considerations should be recalled especially now, as the lib- eralism offear is liable also to being charged with lacking an adequate theory of "the self." The probability of widely divergent selves is obviously one of the basic assumptions of any liberal doctrine. For political purposes liberalism does not have to assume anything about human nature except that people, apart from similar physical and psychological structures, differ in their personalities to a very marked degree. At a superficial level we must assume that some people will be encumbered with group traditions that they cherish, while others may only want to escape from their social origins and ascriptive bonds. These socially very important aspects of human experience are, like most acquired characteristics, extremely diverse and subject to change. Social learning is a great part ofour character, though the sum ofall our roles may not add up to a complete "self" For political purposes it is not this irreducible "self" or the peculiar character that we acquire in the course of our education that matter, but only the fact that many different' "selves" should be free to interact politi- cally. To those American political theorists who long for either more communal or more expansively individualistic personalities, I now offer a reminder that these are the concerns of an exceptionally priv- ileged liberal society, and that until the institutions of primary free- Varieties ofLiberalism Today • 36 dom 'Ire in place these longings cannot even arise. Indeed the extent to wh..ch both the communitarian and the romantic take free public institutions for granted is a tribute to the United States, but not to thei~ sense of history. 15 Too great a part of past and present political experience. is neglected when we ignore the annual reports ofAmnesty InternatIonal and of contemporary warfare. It used to be the mark of liberaEs;n that it was cosmopolitan and that an insult to the life and liberty of a member of any race or group in any part of the world was of genuine concern. It may be a revolting paradox that the very success of liberalism in some countries has atrophied the political err.T,Jathies of thei.r citizens. That appears to be one cost of taking freedom for gr:mted, but it may not be the only one. Liberalism does not have to enter into speculations about what the potentialities of this or that "self" may be, but it does have to take into acc01mt the actual political conditions under which people live, in order to act here and now to prevent known and real dangers. A conce:n for human freedom cannot stop with the satisfactions ofone's OWl" society or clan. We must therefore be suspicious of ideologies of solidarity, precisely because they are so attractive to those who hnd liberalism emotionally unsatisfying, and who have gone on in our century to create oppressive and cruel regimes of unparalleled horror. The assumption that these offer something wholesome to the atomized citizen m2.y or may not be true, but the political conse- quences are not, on the historical record, open to much doubt. To seek emotional and personal development in the bosom of a com- munity or in romantic self-expression is a choice open to citizens in liberal societies. Both, however, are apolitical impulses and wholly self-oriented, which at best distract us from the main task of politics when they*.u;! presented as political doctrines, and at worst can, under unfortunate circumstances, seriously damage liberal practices. For although both appear only to be redrawing the boundaries between the pe*;.*~,mal and the pUblic, which is a perfectly normal political practip;, it cannot be said that either one has a serious sense of the impli~ations of the proposed shifts in either direction. 16 It might well seem that the liberalism of fear is very close to an- archIsm. That is not true, because liberals have always been aware of th::, degree; of informal coercion and educative social pressures that even thl;' ~nost ardent anarchist theorists have suggested as acceptable suhstiutes for lawY Moreover, even if the theories of anarchism were ~,.ss flawed, the actualities of countries in which law and gov- emml.:nt have broken down is not encouraging. Does anyone want The Liberalism ofFear • 37 to live in Beirut? The original first principle of liberalism, the rule of law, remains perfectly intact, and it is not an anarchistic doctrine. There is no reason at all to abandon it. It is the prime instrument to restrain governments. The potentialities ofpersecution have kept pace with technological advances; we have as much to fear from the in- struments of torture and persecution .as ever. One half of the Bill of Rights is about fair trials and the protection of the accused in criminal trials. For it is in court that the citizen meets the might of the state, and it is not an equal contest. Without well-defined procedures, honest judges, opportunities for counsel and for appeals, no one has a chance. Nor should we allow more acts to be criminalized than is necessary for our mutual safety. Finally, nothing speaks better for a liberal state than It;gal efforts to compensate the victims of crime rather than merely to punish the criminal for having violated the law. For he did injure, terrify, and abuse a human being first and foremost. It is at this point that the liberalism of fear adopts a strong defense of equal rights and their legal protection. It cannot base itself upon the notion of rights as fundamental and given, but it does see them . as just those licenses and empowerments that citizens must have in order to preserve their freedom and to protect themselves against abuse. The institutions of a pluralist order with multiple centers of power and institutionalized rights is merely a description of a liberal political society_ It is also of necessity a democratic one, because without enough equality of power to protect and assert one's rights, freedom is but a hope. Without the institutions of representative democracy and an accessible, fair, and independent judiciary open to appeals, and in the absence of a multiplicity of politically active groups, liberalism is in jeopardy. It is the entire purpose of the lib- eralism of fear to prevent that outcome. It is therefore fair to say that liberalism is monogamously, faithfully, and permanently married to democracy-but it is a marriage of convenience. To account for the necessity of freedom in general, references to particular institutions and ideologies are not enough. One must put cruelty first and understand the fear of fear and recognize them every- where. Unrestrained "punishing" and denials ofthe most basic means of survival by governments, near and far from us, should incline us to look with critical attention to the practices of all agents of all governments and to the threats of war here and everywhere. If I sound like Caesare Beccaria, or some other refugee from the eighteenth century, it may well be that I have read the sort of reports they read about the ways of governments. The foreign news in the