QIKJS-Part.VI.D (No.1) Qualitative Inquiry of Korean Judicial System Kiyoung Kim Professor of Law and Public Policy Dept. of Law, Chosun University Gawng-ju South Korea Introduction While the judicial branch or system is regarded as a bulwark of human rights protection and modern democracy, the intellectual approach was regrettably limited in view of public policy and administration. The concern and interest tend to be constrained on the studies of law, and parochial with their own narrative of legal theory and justice. That is because the characteristic of innovations are conservative and constitutionally structured while the actors or stakeholders are simply the deliberator of justice rather than the public administrators. As the pluralism of society progresses, the judicial system has gradually been viewed in other perspective that the elements of public policy can be a factor to give a scholarly dose for its character and identity (Baumgartner, 2013; Wejnert, 2014). That is particularly because those past assumptions are not only with the actors of judicial system, but also with the players of policy makers. As said, the problem would be exacerbated since the professionalism – often resilient and conservative and a culprit of those parochial assumptions -would be shared along the tripartite branches with the intra-governmental policy network (Bhatti, Asmus & Pedersen, 2010). In this crippling environment of system, the lacking or limitations of literature on the cohesive theory of PAKJS generally militate against the universality of understanding the process, action, and interaction of PAKJS based on the scientific frames, terms and concepts. In other words, the current world of policy makers and scholarly community on this topic can well be viewed as some of already determined or ideological scratch of issues and agendas, which is seen to contribute to the current disagreement on the PAKJS and unproven or even fragmented assertion from the scholarly critiques. From the distinctness of Korean judicial system as an object of research, the pattern or phenomenon cognizable with the implications of judicial policy would be somewhat distinguishable, which created the background of this study. One article had an interest in this concern, which made a point by arguing on the new partnership between the law and public policy (Birkland, 2014). The author pointed out a feasibility of mutual adaptation in response with the emerging profile of contemporary administrative state. The partnership has been reinforced with the backdrop of greater constitutional protections and development of administrative law. The argument and proposition would be one important lens to investigate the process and ideological critiquing of the major agendas of judicial reform. For example, the law school system, as a unique avenue for the qualification of lawyer, is being continually challenged and disputed involved with the equal protection of laws and basic right to public office or occupation (Han, 2014). We can phase in two areas of interplay between law and public policy 2 provided that the policy reform toward the American mode of legal education had been designed and enforced as a matter of national globalization plan by the policy makers of the government and civil group as well as public opinion leaders. Hence the narrative is grounded on the terms and phrases of two disciplines. My dissertation topic considerably has a focus on the theme of judicial reform. In the article dealing with the reform of personnel practices, the authors examined the extent of implementation concerned of the personnel reforms by the state governments (Nigro, Nigro & Kellough, 2013). The reform index is helpful that the author documented to illustrate the level of unemployment, which is useful to consider the Korean issues (2013). While the judges or lawyers may not be an employee in strict terms of Korean unionism, the organizational turf or concept of vested rights fairly had been a negative element against the reform of their staffing or qualification endorsement practice. For example, the bar association can be seen a quasi-labor union although it is a voluntary association, and the basic tone of judiciary in personnel practice largely has long been insulated from the concurrent sensibility of public. That impedes a progressive reform on this agenda. A recruitment of new lawyers had long been shackled in small number by the influence of bar association. A diversification about the background and ideology of justices in the process of selection often had not been satisfactory against the wishes and public anticipation. While the communitarianism as an agent of policy philosophy is not certain of which path is more solid with the Korean community, the staffing practice generally had been and currently is being a usual subject of public skepticism. Although the law school reform had been implemented years ago and earned some ground as a public institution, the current issue remains to be testified if it should be a sole avenue to crown the qualification as a lawyer (Han, 2014). Problem Statement The judiciary and national judicial system provides the governmental function and legal service ensuring the liberty and social justice, and generally had been considered as an indispensable institution for the Republican concept and modern democracy. Despite its importance, the policy researchers have given it little attention. As Korean government and bar association have endured a history long struggle for the idealistic judiciary and judicial system, complaint from all sides of public voice and international statistics of distrust in the national justice administration share a common theme that the public policy of Korean judicial system (PPKJS) does not support effectively for the public and stakeholders. The problem of public disagreement, inconsistencies of policy making as well as the desultory discourse of PPKJS varying with the successive administrations truly are an authentic puzzle that should be resolved with the cohesive account on the elements I plan to develop with the GT approach. To date, no empirical evidence concludes on the true phenotype of PPKJS and its trajectory over creation, evolution, and current through the prospect. On the while, the scholarly literature available for this field of inquiry is limited to practice-based or issueby-issue exploration, merely a structural argument on the constitution, or consequent lack of political legitimacy (Han, 2014; Hwang, 2012; Yang, 2013). A cogent argument can be made that much of what is written and believed to be true about the PPKJS is based less on policy side research and more on opinion or legend. Although the stakeholders or interested actors – e.g. judicial bureaucrats, judicial committee members of national assembly, leaders of national bar, civic leaders of judicial affairs -are substantial to affect the shaping of Korean judicial system, the evidence-based and policy side research had not been attempted thus far that had disfigured understanding of the phenomenology of PPKJS (Kim, 2009; Weible, Heikkila, deLeon, Sabatier, 2012; Wood, 2006). This generates an important knowledge gap between the current understanding of Korean judicial system based on the law and Korean politics and that based on the policy process, actions, 3 interactions within the PPKJS. This under-research contributes to the current version of dissidence, no integral thought of policy side Korean judicial system, unproductive or resilient progress of agendas and programs, as well as creating a contending public response of many already implemented policies for the transformation or reform of Korean judicial system. Conclusions Through the studies, I can present the following conclusions with some suggestions (Kim, 2014a,b,c;2015a,b,c,d). First, the typology of PPKJS had revealed the character of "fortuity and tumult" in greater extent through the history that compressed in short period of time the western struggle of thousand year. It has been seen even capricious that we can see the original form of constitutionalism and on the separation of powers principle as distinct between ten years. Second, the constitution itself had not brought the modern democracy into it right place, but the political leadership had been any heavy factor to determine the nature of judiciary and judicial system. Third, the constitution, nevertheless, had been any ultimate ground that they recourse in carrying their professional duty and critical element to distinguish their role and responsibility from other intellectual or professional community. It could be a practical barrier that shields them from becoming an extremist. In this respect, the professionalization thesis comes into any decisive perspective to deal with their system and community. Forth, the KJS or professional community is intertwined very crucially with the politics of nation and even national education. The new constitution court had played out immensely teaching the value and ideals of nation, and liberal constitutionalism. They serve an important post of national policy making in KNA and core executive bureau. Fifth, the input aspect is considered importantly to deal with the challenge of professional community because the system building for the quality judicial service and efficient public offices depends on the expertise, skills and knowledge. The concern on this aspect tends to have muted generally in the pre-1987 period because the nation remains classic or dictated by the totalitarian form of government. This turned sharply with deluge of policy reform ideas for the KJS. The staffing of justices, political neutrality of KPO with new enactment of statutory terms, as well as law school reform simply dominates the theme of judicial reform around the transformative period. Sixth, the professional community tends to create a focus on the professional economics, which invites the socio-capitalism discourse or the psychic preparation to understand their issues properly plays to instruct them. Since the epistemology of community is complex and coarse from feudal or classic, ethics and moral of bureaucracy and public office, through the market theory of legal service, the kind of Protestantism origin western perspective had to be friendly for self-identification and governmentality. An oxymoron for the global public perhaps would be the current election competition for four candidates. For the communitarian vision for the law people, it could be a stimulus to imply of the socio-cultural personality of professionals. They would be a lot and conservative while Trump commented, "If I lose, I do not think that you will ever 4 see me again." They would be a progressive to wheel the history of civilization once Birny pledged, "I am not writing for the obituary." They would be trained professionals if Cruz and Kaisic share the hands against Trump in the remaining campaign. They are a routine desk officer to defend their clients or prepare for the court briefs as something like the cruise deep and sojourned, which would be pronounced interchangeably. He also would be globalized as Korean Methodist often comes with their intellectual work, whose pronunciation, Kaisic, means in Korean words and Ohio, his state of political career, comes to nuance for open America. Given the odds is told for Hillary in high chances now, it is true the success is often glorious and can depend on the luck. Nevertheless, the hunch may be interesting to strip of the stands of profession, which underlies their professional, political, and socio-economical lives. Over the history of KJS, I believe that four attributes had shaped their identity through their professional, social and intellectual lives. Some may feel more hotly that they had struggled within the political arena in various engagements. We also can see, as same to the US, that the lawyers had been one of notable professions to produce a higher share in the political world. That would be statistically true except for the presidency given the times of totalitarian government in Korea. We can agree that the personality of profession naturally cherishes the kind of attributes for competence and fitness as expected of their role and responsibility. The kind of argument would often be framed in that dichotomy between the left and right, and they would have to take long hours of preparation to search for the wisdom and comparative thought of public virtue. It would be very probable if they would be hilarious, such as job satisfaction, once they won the case or obtained a relief for the victims of injustice. That would be a unique time from his work engagement. Given the importance of input or human capital for the liberalist terms of economist, the insight from four attributes satire is that the education and training have to be adequate and effective that can be a policy factor in designing the system of breeding a new attorney and professional curriculum or CLE courses. The policy makers should have given a due consideration to deal with the law school project. Given its acceptance by the public, they would do better to develop productive ideas on their curriculum and instructions as well as the ambit of government supervision. As the communitarian value guides, it is necessary that the due extent of authority and power had to be devised properly with various interested branches and their own professional organization. The civil monitor has to persist to watch the ideologies of justices or important post of judicial and quasi-judicial officer. A congruent disagreement can serve better to create a forum of KSC or KCC for benign contention to improve society. The context is very delicate to approximate the basic humanity on dialectics and adversary system. It could also get similar with the deals of Academia as one notable constitutional scholar characterized, "leisure or plenty time to mediate and delivered their duty uniquely in any scholarly way among the government," in his treatise entitled Least Dangerous Branch. It is no surprise in US that the professors of law and court judges have same educational qualification in this regard. This also would be one interesting point of observing the progress of law school reform in Korea since the current academic status of new born law schools, in terms of professor's academic degree, is not same to US. Given the plutocracy argument is plausible to understand the US constitutionalism and increasing profile of Korea as an economic state, it is hardly deniable that some ethical preparation for the attorneys is deemed proper concerning their socio-cultural epistemology of professional economics. The knowledge economy already informed much of their professional discourse, such as diversification of available job sectors, police and public sector attorney as well as in-house counsel for the small firms and development of specialty through their career paths, such as law and medicine or public health, law and labor or environment and on. It is connected into the concept of exploiting the area of legal demand in the initiative of concerned leadership of law community, such as manager of big law firms and KBO as well as law school teachers. The theme has once been visited for the specializations of law school through the approval of government and many law 5 schools continue to intensify their research centers or professional journals of special title. I can state that four traits of profession had been inherent within the personality of lawyers and main expectations of society at least in the western society. The social manifestations had been tumultuous as surveyed, but incarnated over the time period of three characterization in any biased way, but inescapably. In view of Koreans, we may be reflexive that the ongoing theatre of US presidential election showcases much of political freedom and importance of political culture or spectrum of intellectual stance, which is communicative and competitive as well as natural through the history. It was unfortunate, on the other hand, that the Korean law community had not been graced as such to be bailed of developmental state value and consequent justification for the totalitarian mode of government. I believe that this is despite their western level of professionalism, but had to be waived or surrendered for the higher priority of state. Now the community of law people is never only the kind of Cruz or Kasic, the picture of their work engagement, but inevitably embroiled, as once argued, with the kind of politics between the left and right over the transformation within 1990's. Since the politics of expert is not so much with the prevailing context of historic lessons or their trait on a tacit knowledge or professional terms, the new challenge would be more profound with their enhanced professionalism or socio-economic justice and due epistemology. The status of profession within this purview needs of distinguishing as I expounded earlier with the anarchist scholars or philosophers. In some sense, they forge an impression as if the Marists labor world or stateless idealism already had become complete, and would be evangelical as an emancipation agency. The kind of scholarly experts -such as neoliberalism trackers or socio-cultural philosophers - would be one bulwark, in another sense, against the violent emancipation as compared with the increasing mid-income earners for the common neighborhood. In any way, the role of lawyer is not such type that they would rather be proper to see as an activist on the basis of law and constitutionalism, which presupposes the state. Therefore, the nepotism and professional terms of competence and learning had to constitute a crucial policy factors to design the system and institution or practice. This is very plausible. Nevertheless several issues deserve an attention in terms of politics. First, the public policy making hinges crucially on the constitutional role of judiciary and consequent importance of separation of powers principle. Second, a regionalism in Korea had been a hyperbole to concern the appointment practice of president for important public offices. The phenomenon is not unfounded that the president had preferred their regional background, which slightly differs from the US tradition of spoils system on the campaign supporters or funding groups. As imagined, we can state various reasons for that difference, and it is fortunate that it tends mild for the case of judicial or quasi-judicial posts. Given its political nature of issue,1 the socio-economic perspective could not give any critical account or coherent explanation in this respect since they see the state illusory at its basics. It is needless to mention about region. In this sense, it is justifiable that classes it as one of nepotism issue in Korea while other countries may properly see it the kind of political issue of nation, such as US and Germany, federal republics. One preeminent politician in Korea, named H.C. Lee, once proposed the small split of federal nation on geographical basis, which implies the pressure or strains of regionalism within the public minds. In the least, it is interesting to experiment on the system of proportional appointment within the judicial offices. The political neutrality of KPO is chronic issues for the national politics and often asserted with the implication of political arms for the president or executive branches. The controversy often had been made stopped or insignificant with the media coverage of unethical heads of KPO or prosecutors, and the accused practice of KPO could continue on 1 The territory, government, and populace are traditional three elements for the state or nation, in which the regionalism is insignificant of socio-economic ideals or thought, but rather kindred of politics or state studies. 6 the new head. Besides the policy importance played out by media, it tends to avoid the conclusive deals with the issue. I suggest that the enhanced professionalism with a supportive measure or system to trace each complaint of KNA or opposition parties had to be devised. Otherwise, it would be necessary to protect the honor of organization by seeking the public excuse for the unfounded claim. Another point of consideration inheres with the debate of founding fathers to construct the identity of nation for the constitutional republic. Given the historic experience and background as well as recent transformation toward the American culture, the service would not only be symbolic, but also instructional to inculcate the professional community and nationals. It also is able to reinforce a platform for the constitutionalism that the professions stand on. The correct address of the controversy could save from any inherent disagreement on ideology or philosophy of nation among the nationals and even the attorney group. In understanding the PPKJS, the empirical data had convinced its crucially intertwined nature among various elements of public policy, which begins with the policy environments, psychology and learning of professionals and nationals, to the political leadership and characteristic of government, economic, cultural and social condition, through the theory of capitalism discourse. The critical discourse approach is inherent in nature or ontologically assumed partly because of their professional role or responsibility and also because the PPKJS is their own affair idealistically expected of participatory decision making. It is no useless to consider the notice and comment period or formal website would be provided for the professionals as the Federal Registra practices of new rules and regulations. The oppositions or claims from various minds and ideas could be afforded with the avenue to reflect their critical opinion or suggestions. Through the professional exchange on the diverse tones of journal or public forum, the communicative action could be made basic to shape and manage the KJS that could enable creating and sharing a communitarian value for the professional community and nation. Once Lenin had spoken, the Soviet or labor union is the classroom of communism he realized in his land. Now at the right south of US, Castro appeared wearing a training shirt to teach and experiment, the kind of classroom look for any idealistic solution for the nation. The kind of experimentalism or reformative context of deals is any strand for the scholars and law professionals notwithstanding their practical variants or essentials of ethics. Although we would not agree on basics, the mindset and attitude are some inherent quality for the policy leadership and law professionals on the concern of system building. A critical understanding of environment and influence, public value and ideals, through action plans and alternatives with the stewardship, professional knowledge and belief should be their original status for various pending issues and transformation in the future. Assuming that the communitarian thought can have a comprehensive potential to guide the national and professional policy issue, new direction cherishing the importance of national history and coincidental policy focus on the national treasure and new studies of history are encouraging especially for the PPA discipline. That is not exaggerating provided that the policy making inescapably hinges on the culture and historic lesson. The enhanced highlight on national registra for public records and documents is stimulating that could create the stable condition of public policy making and reduce a policy failure. The triad of philosophical teaching, i.e., epistemology, tenet of social democracy, and that of national democracy, could inculcate the bottom-line of professionals in the face of public policy challenge for their system and institutions. As we surveyed, the history provided an insight and instilled a lesson how profound the political leadership could spoil the professional community. Cho, a victim of First period, had actually been a presidential candidate in 1956, who later was executed by the impotent judiciary controversially. The incident implied of conflict through the professional ethics, policy environment of two confronting Koreas, and public skepticism on then leadership. Since the perspective is not 7 entirely same with the critique of capitalism, we can state that the public officers, including judge in this case, are expected of courage and compassion and he or she could say no if Cho was truly innocent. The episode of two Koreas had never gone as a history as the global public is well exposed. This element constitutes a distinct policy point of considerations when we explore any plausible frame of Korean communitarianism. At least the communication channel should have been open and notorious as if the freedom of expression proved as an essential of modern democracy. We could have a lesson that it was truly shame to suppress even the professional communication among the scholars and intellectuals or punish a possession of leftist books. The issue, however, is never completely resolved as the national security act is debated. The history, gradual cultural heritage and lesson could be feasible to properly understand many loopholes that we experienced and remedied. As we see, the interview process to fail the ideologically suspect examinee of NJE over the decades of totalitarian government had been muted public issue only communicated by the concerned informally. The anomaly had been cured by the new government of transformative period that were restored of personal honor. We cannot state any definite viewpoint, in terms of professional ethics, if it is a justice provided that the US, some original nation, is not completely resolved to accept the communists or problem activists. It brought another legal issue, but Korean experience is not the same if the decision had not been based on the law and justice, but very arbitrarily, perhaps on the sophisticated situational logic played by the protagonists. In this sense, we also found another example that the politics would be more traumatic than law and institution if in the case of unitary or small scale of country. The passage rate of AE reveals another aspect in futurist sense that the need to chart the progress of law school reform is no longer unnecessary. Since the KBO is stern to maintain the quota of new attorneys, the passage rate was set forth at 75% of law school admits initially. Now in 2016, we had a sixth term of exam in which 55% of exam applicants had been successful. The share differed if the tally was measured. The exam applicants would be a sensitive basis for the examinees than law school admits. The yearly accumulation of failed examinees contributed to lower rate of passage rate, which aggrieved much the exam applicants. They expected to become a lawyer on the natural stream of graduation, which is not such now and seemingly would aggravate. AE vagabonds could be uttered by the interested group in short period time years through as if NJE was satire to ground the reform. The intensity of inter-law school competition is expected and the commercial concept of law schools would not be improbable for public discourse and reason. They might raise reform voice to ameliorate the situation, for example, two times exam administration yearly, change of degree name to the doctorate, and other career possibilities for teaching or public office. That would not be egregious if the institution modeled after the US type. The fraternity and socialization within the law schools would face tougher challenges. For the epistemology or socialization of law people as an economic professional, I may suggest based on the three part analytic on the socio-cultural understanding for new materialism. Given the trait of professions and radical influx of market adjustment, I believe that the recourse to the theory of Durkheim, Weber, Talcott and Bourdieu could provide some alternative for reflexivity and new cognitions of lawyers necessary toward a new materialism of professional society. The views would be more primate and cosmologic beyond the general discourse of professionalization thesis importantly toned to deal with for understanding of the KJS. The kind of cognitive concession could reinforce the role and compassion of fluctuated decadal streams with reforming and transforming policy deals. A slew of past reforms could well allow the community to rethink their identity and future of profession, which sometimes bloated or distracted the important aspect of psychic or mental adjustment of professionals. As Durkheim posited, the lawyers would finally be destined to the three part dimensions of epistemology that are composed of social structure, culture and minds. He and his disciples through Weber, Talcott, Bourdieu and so exploited the three part analytic to understand 8 the socio-cultural cognition of humanity within the specific society.2 This could be compared with the more original version on Marxist materialism and in any discriminated way for reconstitution or revolt. While arguing on the unfit of lawyers and concept of human rights as contradicted with the prevailing professional terms, it is undeniable that one of fallacy lies in the over-encompassing stretch of general materialistic dialectic without a specificity of modern professionalism. The division of labor in Durkheim notion could only be applicable in his dyadic manifestations between bourgeios and proletariat. Within the base of production mode, he viewed that the false consciousness and practical consciousness was discoursed that the working class practiced their economic lives while the superstructure continually sides the capital class with the ideology. This dictotomy would less likely service addressing the identity of professions despite any slim probability if some lawyers might ensconse with odds of revolt or smokescreen their daily lives with the professional engagement. This is a firm finding that was supported by the data I have collected thus far. Given a fit with the three part analytic, the lawyers are able think about KJS and self-identity, firstly in terms of social structure, which is typically conceptualized as the objective and empirically observable patterns of human interaction. It occurs between the human and with physical objects, and gave a point of distinction between the mechanic and organic societies by the frequency, intensity, and diversity of human interaction. This would guide to cure the resilience or disagreement of policy actors in KJS, whose focus had to be reshuffled to make the professionals social and congruent. In the face of transformation, it depended if the professionals can infer a shared, but immaterial system of abstract symbols and attached meanings. Given a coherent patterned whole is an ultimate destination of KJS, the kind of rite or religious sanctity from Durkheim and Weber are the keys that theme to resolve the distracted or community of crisis. Fr example, the public and professional perception of new law schools need to be rethought on the hard stance. It means that the neutral stance between the past and current would not be appropriate for the policy makers. They either support and even propagandize to persuade the public and professionals. The law school needs to be a ritual of profession given the current stage of development or must be abolished otherwise. The income disparity within the lawyers generally discouraged the community that the social structure conditioned on the profession gradually aggravate by the increasing view of materialism against the profession. The strategy with various programs and learning schemes would be designed to increase a shared, but immaterial system of abstract symbols, such as Korean legal history tours for lawyers or membership training for the world history of judicial struggles. While the culture, as a second element, is vague in terms because of lack of a direct empirical referent, it should be inter-subjective system or double contingency that is made up of mental constructs representing the meaningful content of social interaction between Ego and Altar. His paradigm of conscience collective is some kind of immediately needed point of consideration to assuaged many aroused interest holders through the past experience. Although Durkeheim had stated it could not be explicitly taught to the people, new situation of contemporary informative society and high speed of sharing, as well as wide public forums, the new cultural initiative of KBO and public leadership could inform them with new values and ideals for their collective identity. The totality of beliefs and sentiments common to the professions within the community can even be powerful to supersede the intrepid public reason that had not surrendered by the opposing groups and persisted futilely over the years. This understanding underlies the notions of such 2 Weber then suggested the typology of instrumental, value-oriented, and emotional action. This shared characteristic of Durkheimian and Weberian theory allowed Talcott Parsons to infer the ideas of three part analytic: social, symbolic, and psychic systems. Interestingly, Parsons illustrated his justification on this analytic that sociologists, anthropologists, and psychologists could serve each of three dimensions based on the concept of division of labor. 9 philosophers through the modern professionalism and capitalistic economy. The past transformation inherently called the kind of lessons to better understand the crisis of Korean judicial system. In terms of the legal service market and policy side views of KJS, new norms and values are demanded for the shared Ego and Altar. The attorneys of KBO are skeptical of arrogant judges in bench and politically affected public prosecutors. Hall's cultural dopes had been some typical over the transformation and through the skepticism or despair of old lawyers over the prejudiced period of judiciaries or law people. It is really the time that the policy makers or interested players need to be humble and austere by abstracting current empirical objects into collective representation in shared attitude. I suppose that the new policy institute of Supreme Court could take any lead role to inculcate and teach the age of professionals, which also is coincidental with the wide spread of lifelong education initiative. As we see in the mind dimension of analytic, it is like putty and molded passively by external forces, as well as non-empirical and subjective. The mind, however, is an important element that could survive the contemporary capitalism and modern professionals. It typically include thoughts, feeling, perceptions and other mental processes that is balanced with biological urges or impulses and fleeting sensory perceptions. Although the traditional sociologists thought it as post-perceptual, I never disagree an increasing truths that the mind could be pre-clumped or practiced as pre-structured as Martin argued or on the basis of habitus. The application of preexisting cultural categories could work on one hand, but the some cultural shift within the new policy programs or reforms now should be shared by contending players that can better provide a platform toward the new materialism within the professional society. The dialogue enabling the sociology of professionals by reaching meeting of minds, however, needs to continue to develop the reformed system and institutions. We need to act or substantiate on the gender capitalism, for example, which left far behind the progress of western states than any other issues of PPKJS. The extent of commercial ads for the attorneys needs to be rethought in designing the professional ethics. The division of labor and professional competence with paralegal areas, such as reality consulting or others emerged as a new agenda that needs our attention and constant watch of further development. Nevertheless, it requires a consideration of public policy given the policy situation is not exactly same with the US case in terms of commercialization viewpoint of law school policy. In addition to proposing the use of three part analytic in dealing with the PPKJS, my suggestion also goes with its critical understanding to settle the new materialism vision of professions. To say, the social structure is merely the social facts that the activism and reformative critique could be a crucial steam to play out the policy making role of KJS. 10 References Kim, Kiyoung, Ethics, Law and Social Justice (April 10, 2015a). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2592876 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2592876 Kim, Kiyoung, Human Rights: Are They Just a Tweak for the Policy Makers or Administrators? (March 3, 2015b). European Academic Research, Vol. II, Issue 6, September 2014. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2572951 Kim, Kiyoung, Public Policy and Governance: Some Thoughts on Its Elements (April 3, 2015c). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2589526 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2589526 Kim, Kiyoung, The Constitution and Tripartite System of Government: From the Mutiny for the Limited Government Through the Interbranch Subtlety. (September 1, 2014b). International Journal of Advanced Research (2014a), Volume 2, Issue 9, 392-401. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2574711 Kim, Kiyoung, Theories and Tenets: An Impalpable Troll for the Policy Makers, Research Officers and Administrators? (March 4, 2015d). International Journal of Interdisciplinary and Multidisciplinary Studies (IJIMS), 2014, Vol 1, No. 8, 30-50.. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2573526 Kim, Kiyoung, The Relationship between the Law and Public Policy: Is it a Chi-Square or Normative Shape for the Policy Makers? (September 10, 2014c). Social Sciences. Vol. 3, No. 4, 2014, pp. 137-143. doi: 10.11648/j.ss.20140304.15. . Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2577832 Kim, Kiyoung, The Separation of Powers Principle: Is it a Lynchpin or Pushpin for the Voyage of American Public? (August 1, 2014a). International Journal of Advanced Research (2014), Volume 2, Issue 8, 887-895. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=