Knjiga 147 Izdavači: Hrvatsko filozofsko društvo Filozofski fakultet I. Lučića 3, HR–10000 Zagreb Tel.: +385-(0)1-6111-808 Fax: +385-(0)1-6117-012 e-mail: hrfd@hrfd.hr Izdavački savjet: Sulejman Bosto, Marita Brčić Kuljiš, Thomas Sören Hoffmann, Željko Kaluđerović, Valentina Kaneva, Tomislav Krznar, Borut Ošlaj, Iva Rinčić, Marija Todorovska Glavni i odg. urednik: Ante Čović Zamjenik gl. i odg. urednika: Hrvoje Jurić Izvršni urednik: Luka Perušić Mladi izvršni urednik: Krešimir Babel Za izdavača: Zdravko Radman Recenzenti: Hrvoje Jurić, Ljudevit Fran Ježić Redaktura i korektura: Marko Kos, Nino Čengić Administracija: Mira Matijević Design: Zoran Pavlović Kompjutorski slog i prijelom: Stjepan Ocvirk Naklada: 500 primjeraka Tisak: GRAFOMARK, Zagreb Hrvatsko filozofsko društvo Zagreb, 2016. MATKO GLOBACNIK IZAZOV SKEPTICIZMA

UTJECAJ HUMEOVE METAFIZIKE I MORALNE FILOZOFIJE U EUROPI 18. STOLJECA CIP zapis dostupan u računalnom katalogu Nacionalne i sveuči- lišne knjižnice u Zagrebu pod brojem 000942266. Ova je knjiga tiskana uz financijsku potporu Ministarstva znanosti, obrazovanja i sporta Republike Hrvatske. ISBN 978-953-164-180-7 Zagreb, rujan 2016.  SADRŽAJ 11 Predgovor 13 Uvod I. DIo: HUmeova metafIzIka I moralna fIlozofIja U njIHovU PovIjesnom kontekstU 27 1. Iz empirizma u sentimentalizam 37 2. Skeptičko	ograničenje	metafizike 39 2.1. Osnove uma: impresije i ideje 45 2.2. O apstraktnim idejama prostora i vremena 54 2.3. Tri zakona asocijacije 65 2.4. Prirodno vjerovanje 71 2.5. Vjerojatnost 72 2.6. Između skepticizma i metafizičkog realizma 78 2.7. Osobni identitet 80 2.8. Skeptički idealizam zasnovan na empirizmu – sredstvo protiv racionalizma 85 3. Moralna	filozofija 94 3.1. Moralna psihologija 107 3.2. Sloboda volje 115 3.3. Teorija motivacije 122 3.4. Moralna razlikovanja 132 3.5. Umjetne vrline 143 3.6. Humeova teorija moralnog osjećaja 159 Dodatak:	Hume	o	religiji II. DIo: Utjecaj HUmeove metafIzIke I moralne filozofije	u	europi	18.	Stoljeća 171 1. Kontekst	recepcije	Humeovih	djela:	prosvjetiteljstvo 174 1.1. The Republic of Letters 176 1.2. Rana recepcija Treatise i kasnija Humeova filozofska djela 187 2. Hume	u	francuskom	prosvjetiteljstvu 187 2.1. Izostanak filozofskog odgovora 195 2.2. Najveća afera u životu: Rousseau 6 215 3. Nemo propheta in patria:	škotsko	prosvjetiteljstvo 217 3.1. Thomas Reid i škotska škola zdravog razuma 229 3.2. Drugi odgovori u škotskom i engleskom prosvjetiteljstvu 235 4. Humeov	utjecaj	u	njemačkom	prosvjetiteljstvu	do	pojave Kantove	kritičke	filozofije 239 4.1. U početku bijahu komentari Johanna Georga Sulzera 244 4.2. Moses Mendelssohn protiv Humeova skepticizma 252 4.3. Od prosvjetiteljske negacije do humeovske rehabilitacije religije: Johann Georg Hamann 279 4.4. Prema transcendentalnoj filozofiji: Johann Nicolaus Tetens 291 5. Hume i kant 293 5.1. Humeov utjecaj u Kantovu predkritičkom periodu 294 5.1.1. Preokret u Kantovoj filozofiji 296 5.1.2. Humeove teorije u Kantovim djelima 307 5.1.3. Utjecaj sentimentalizma 316 5.1.4. Oduševljenje Rousseauom 322 5.1.5. Vrhunac skeptičkih razmišljanja 324 5.1.6. Bliskost empirizmu 326 5.2. Buđenje iz dogmatičkog drijemeža 346 5.3. Postanak transcendentalnog idealizma 356 5.4. Prva Kritik protiv Humeova skepticizma 369 5.5. Kantova moralna filozofija 383 6. »Humeova osveta« kantu 384 6.1. Napad racionalista i empirista 385 6.1.1. Göttingenska recenzija prve Kritik 388 6.1.2. Prolegomena 393 6.1.3. Prvi zagovornici Kantove filozofije 396 6.1.4. Rasprave dobivaju zamah 401 6.1.5. Grundlegung i njeni kritičari 405 6.2. Filozofi »vjere i osjećaja« 407 6.2.1. Hamannova metakritika Kantova kriticizma 412 6.2.2. Spor oko panteizma 418 6.2.3. Jacobijev David Hume protiv Kanta 423 6.3. Kant odgovara protivnicima 426 6.4. Nastavak napada empirista i racionalista 427 6.4.1. Vrhunac empirističke kritike 429 6.4.2. Propast racionalizma 435 epilog:	Kraj	prosvjetiteljstva 439 zaključak 443 Bibliografija 467 summary 471 kazalo imena Mojoj obitelji

Napomena	o	prijevodu Kada citiram određeno djelo, pokraj stranice izvornika če- sto donosim stranice hrvatskog prijevoda u zagradama (pri- mjerice, Kant, Kritik der praktischen Vernunft, 32 [66]). O ko- jim se točno prijevodima radi može se vidjeti u bibliografiji na kraju knjige. Pri svakom citatu prijevoda posebno napomi- njem ukoliko sam određene dijelove ili termine sam preinačio. U slučaju kada ne citiram hrvatski prijevod, ja sam prevoditelj citata koji se javljaju u tekstu. popis	ilustracija Hume, jedan od najvećih istraživača ljudske prirode, njena glavna načela zasniva na prijenosu živosti koji provode vjero- vanje i drugi osjećaji. Svrha je ilustracija upravo unijeti živost u često suhoparne metafizičke i etičke rasprave, te potaknuti rad mašte i pružiti dodatne informacije o sadržaju. Izvori sli- ka i njihovih opisa mogu se naći u posebnom odjeljku unutar bibliografije na kraju djela. 1. David Hume 83 2. Naslovnica Encyclopédie 172 3. The Savage Man 210 4. Kant und seine Tischgenossen

Predgovor Ova je knjiga nastala kao znatno prošireno i dopunjeno izdanje moga diplomskog rada Utjecaj Humeove metafizike i moralne filozofije u Europi 18. stoljeća, koji je obranjen 29. rujna 2014. na Odsjeku za filozofiju Filozofskog fakul- teta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Zahvaljujem mentoru, profesoru Anti Čoviću koji mi je ponudio da objavim rad u Biblioteci »Filozofska istraživanja«. Dužan sam zahvaliti recenzentima i svima koji su na razne načine doprinijeli objavljivanju ove knjige, a time i podupirali u ogromnom poslu njena pisanja i dovršavanja, koji sam ipak s velikim užitkom radio. Od ve- like mi je pomoći u tome poslu bila izdašna stipendija Grada Zagreba za izvrsnost u studiju. Posebnu zahvalnost dugujem Ljudevitu Franu Ježiću i Josipu Brlekoviću koji su pročitali ranije verzije rukopisa i dali mi brojne savjete. Za moguće sam pogreške, dakako, sam odgovoran. Zagreb, 20. svibnja 2016.

Uvod U ljeto 1776. godine, u lijepoj je novoizgrađenoj kući na Trgu sv. Andrije u novome dijelu Edinburgha svoje posljed- nje dane provodio jedan stariji čovjek. Većinu vremena sjedio bi nakrivljeno u stolici u salonu za primanje, čitajući knjige, pišući pisma, primajući posjetitelje i korigirajući svoja djela, tada poznata među većinom učenih ljudi u Europi, za novo izdanje.1 Bio je to škotski filozof David Hume, ali mnogi nje- govi prijatelji i poznanici još bi povezivali slavno ime s debe- ljuškastom osobom koja je većinu života svojim šalama i dob- rim raspoloženjem znala razveseliti svako društvo. Sada je pred njima stajao sablasno blijed čovjek koji je naglo mršavio, jasno odajući znakove napredujuće bolesti koju ni šale ni lije- po sivo odijelo i perika na glavi nisu mogle prikriti.2 »Starost nije ništa doli jad«, tužio se on u pismu prijatelju.3 Učeni svijet u njegovoj zemlji kao da mu nije htio olakšati teško stanje u posljednjim godinama i mjesecima života. Profesor u Aber- deenu James Beattie izgradio je svoju reputaciju neargumen- tirano blateći Humea, predstavljajući ga kao smiješnog skep- tika koji je proturječio najjasnijim načelima zdravoga razuma. Njegovo je djelo Essay on Truth postalo iznimno popularno, donoseći mu 1773. godišnju novčanu potporu od britanskog vladara i doktorat Sveučilišta u Oxfordu. Niti škotskome knji- 1 John Young Thomson Greig, ed., The Letters of David Hume, vol. II (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1932), 235; Ernest Campbell Mossner, The Life of David Hume, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980), 561–563, 589. 2 Ibid.; James Boswell, »An Account of my Last Interview with David Hume, Esq.«, in: James Fieser, ed., Early Responses to Hume, 2nd ed., vol. IX: Early Responses to Hume's Life and Reputation (Bristol: Thoemmes Press, 2005), 288. 3 Raymond Klibansky, Ernest Campbell Mossner, ed., The New Letters of David Hume (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 288. 14 ževniku Jamesu Boswellu Hume nije bio po volji. Strašno ga je mučila misao o ništavilu nakon smrti, a još i više činjenica da jedan tako oštrouman filozof i krepostan čovjek poput Hu- mea zagovara »ateizam«.4 Ipak, ostarjeli se mislilac do kraja života borio protiv krivih interpretacija svoje filozofije, iako je davno odlučio da neće ulaziti u javne polemike. Krajem listopada 1775. svome je iz- davaču poslao proglas protiv Reida i Beattieja, poručujući im da u svojoj zadrtoj gorljivosti nisu shvatili pravu bit njegove filozofije jer su se koncentrirali na mladenačko djelo nazvano A Treatise of Human Nature.6 Proglas je bio tiskan na počet- ku popularnijih ali površnijih prerada Treatise, koje je usprkos onemoćalom tijelu revno prepravljao, i dalje se nadajući da će čitateljska publika kroz njih napokon shvatiti njegovu filozo- fiju. U kolovozu 1776., osjećajući da mu se bliži kraj, Hume je napisao oproštajna pisma. Jedno od njih bilo je poslano u Francusku, grofici Boufflers koja ga je desetak godina prije spojila s proslavljenim piscem Jean-Jacquesom Rousseauom.7 Iako je Humeov odnos s potonjim završio najvećim mogućim skandalom, ipak je taj događaj dublje pronio njegovo ime po čitavoj Europi. Većina francuskih prosvjetitelja u tom je skan- dalu bezrezervno podržavala Humea, ali niti oni nisu imali ra- zumijevanja za njegovu filozofiju, ako ona nije bila u skladu s njihovim idealima, iako su ga tijekom njegova boravka u Francuskoj tretirali poput božanstva. Činilo se da je Humeova misao u učenome svijetu Europe mogla pobuditi samo otpor i nerazumijevanje, ako već nije bila prešućivana. 4 Boswell, »An Account of my Last Interview with Hume«, 286–291; Mossner, Life of David Hume, 577–579, 587–588, 597–598.  David Hume, My Own Life, in: Greig, Letters of David Hume II, 3. 6 Ibid., 301; David Hume, An Enquiry concerning Human Understanding: A Critical Edition, edited, and with a work »A History of the Enquiry concerning Human Understanding« by Tom L. Beauchamp (Oxford: Claren- don Press, 2000), Advertisement. 7 Greig, Letters of David Hume II, 335. Puno ime i naslov grofice je Ma- rie-Charlotte Hippolyte de Campet de Saujeon, grofica Boufflers-Rouverel. 15 Unatoč tomu, Humeov dobar prijatelj Adam Smith u jed- nome je pismu opisivao filozofove napore da pred smrt svo- jim veselim raspoloženjem uvjeri prijatelje kako se čvrsto drži skepticizma u pogledu zagrobnog života, povlačeći paralele s Lukijanom, jednim od brojnih autora koje je čitao posljednjih mjeseci. Hume je u šali priznao Smithu da među svim oprav- danjima koje su Haronu davali oni koji su oklijevali ući u nje- gov brod nije mogao naći nijedno koje bi njemu odgovaralo. On bi odgađanje prelaska na drugu stranu rijeke opravdavao potrebom da dodatno usavrši svoja djela, nadajući se da će otvoriti oči javnosti i svjedočiti padu prevladavajućih »susta- va praznovjerja«.8 Međutim, to mu nije ispunjeno. Humea je groznica čvrsto prikovala za krevet nekoliko dana nakon pi- sma grofici Boufflers. Svome nećaku izdiktirao je posljednje pismo, upravljeno Smithu, napisano ponajprije zbog brige oko posthumnog objavljivanja djela Dialogues concerning Natural Religion, koje je trebalo biti njegova posljednja riječ u svim stvarima koje su prelazile granice iskustva.9 Uvečer 24. kolovoza 1776. izgubio je moć govora, a sljedećeg je dana u četiri sata popodne prešao Aheront i ostavio ovaj svijet. Una- toč snažnoj kiši, povodom pogreba održanog 29. kolovoza okupila se gomila ljudi, gledajući kako se iz kuće u Ulici sv. Davida iznosi lijes s tijelom položenim na vječni počinak u grob koji je arhitekt Robert Adam kasnije oblikovao kao kla- sicistički mauzolej. Mišljenja okupljenih i dalje su bila podije- ljena, pri čemu su neki rezignirano šaptom komentirali pokoj- nikov »ateizam«.10 Jedine dvije zemlje od kojih je »sv. David« očekivao prizna- nje bile su Francuska i Velika Britanija. U ovoj posljednjoj nade je polagao poglavito u Škotsku jer je posljednja genera- cija Engleza posve utonula u »barbarstvo« te stoga od njih nije očekivao gotovo ništa.11 Međutim, u svojim posljednjima da- nima Hume nije ni slutio da upravo među Nijemcima ili »Go- 8 Ibid., 450–452. 9 Ibid., 335–336. 10 Mossner, Life of David Hume, 591, 603. 11 Greig, Letters of David Hume II, 310. 16 tima«, kako ih nazivao, njegova filozofija počinje igrati veliku ulogu.12 U dalekom je Königsbergu Johann Georg Hamann, duhovni otac pokreta Sturm und Drang, već desetljećima bio inspiriran Humeom te je brzo po izdavanju Dialogues (1779.) čitao to djelo, prevodio ga i hvalio njegovu ljepotu svojim pri- jateljima i poznanicima. Za Hamanna je Hume bio suprotno od ateista, prorok koji je u svojim ironičnim obratima i šalama nevoljko propovijedao istinu, a ta je istina bila potreba čistog vjerovanja. I tada tek izdano ogromno djelo sveučilišnog pro- fesora iz Kiela, Johanna Nicolausa Tetensa, Philosophische Versuche über die menschliche Natur und ihre Entwickelung (1777.), dobrim se dijelom bavilo Humeovom filozofijom. Ono se zajedno s Hamannovim nedovršenim prijevodom Dialogues uskoro našlo na radnome stolu profesora sa Sveučilišta u Königsbergu, Immanuela Kanta.13 Iako mu je na zidu u sobi visjela Rousseauova slika, u Kantovoj se glavi stalno vrtjela misao o tome kako obraniti svoja uvjerenja od Humeove filo- zofije koja ga je zaintrigirala prije puno godina, pišući skice za djelo koje će 1781. objaviti pod naslovom Kritik der reinen Vernunft.14 Desetak godina kasnije, duhovna epoha 18. stoljeća, koju je obilježavalo prosvjetiteljstvo, dolazila je do svoga klimaksa u Francuskoj revoluciji. Izgledalo je da su prosvjetiteljski ideali koje su desetljećima zagovarali francuski philosophes napo- kon ispunjeni. Za njih je svako ljudsko biće po svome razumu sposobno za usavršavanje i na takvoj racionalističkoj osnovici odvija se vječno napredujuće kretanje povijesti.15 Kant, koji 12 Mossner, Life of David Hume, 594. 13 Johann Georg Hamann, Briefwechsel, herausgegeben von Walther Ziesemer und Arthur Henkel, Bd. III (Wiesbaden: Insel-Verlag, 1957), 376; Dieter-Jürgen Löwisch, »Kants Kritik der reinen Vernunft und Humes Dialogues concerning Natural Religion«, Kant-Studien 56 (1965), 171. 14 Reinhold Bernhard Jachmann, Immanuel Kant geschildert in Briefen an einen Freund, in: Alfons Hoffmann, Hg., Immanuel Kant. Ein Lebensbild nach Darstellungen der Zeitgenossen Jachmann, Borowski, Wasianski (Hal- le a. S.: Hugo Peter, 1902), 122; Karl Vorländer, Immanuel Kant: Der Mann und das Werk, Bd. I (Leipzig: Felix Meiner, 1924), 248–262. 15 Ulrich Im Hof, Das Europa der Aufklärung, 2. Auflage (München: C. H. Beck, 1995), 12–14, 145. 17 je postao najznačajniji njemački filozof toga doba, svojom je filozofijom zahvaljujući poticajima oštroumnog Škota Humea izvršio temeljitu kritiku razuma i jasno odredio njegove gra- nice. Sva racionalna bića mogu matematičkom egzaktnošću spoznati prirodne zakone u svijetu iskustva, a u praktičkom rasuđivanju nadaje im se moralni zakon koji je razlog spozna- vanja njihove autonomije od prirode, ali i postojanja Boga i besmrtnosti duše. Ali Kant nije sudbinu svoje filozofije čvrsto vezao samo uz razum i prosvjetiteljstvo, nego i uz Humea,16 a brojni su njemački mislioci sa sve većom uvjerljivošću dokazivali da pruski filozof nije zadovoljavajuće nastavio putom kojim je isprva pošao škotski skeptik. Dok su Kantovi sljedbenici isti- cali da je Hume samo otvorio skeptičke dvojbe koje nije rije- šio, njemački filozofi koji su bili skloni empirizmu ili raciona- lizmu bili su nezadovoljni Kantovim rješenjem, a nastavljači Hamannove mistične filozofije tvrdili su da je Hume rješenje tih dvojbi vidio u odbacivanju čitavog racionalnog znanja i u priklanjanju čistom vjerovanju. Učeni svijet kasnoga njemač- kog prosvjetiteljstva žestokim je raspravama sve više naliko- vao košnici prepunoj bijesnih pčela. Glavni problem koji je dominirao tim raspravama ticao se moći razuma, stare prije- porne točke između racionalista i empirista, ali sada u novijem i radikalnijem obliku, dobrim dijelom zbog izazova koji je Hume postavio tadašnjim misliocima. Dvojbe da na razumu počiva opravdanje moralnosti i religije te da on može sam sebe kritizirati i postavljati granice ljudskog razumijevanja svijeta postajale su sve jače.17 Ti su problemi po sebi nužno povlačili pitanje metafizike i mogućnosti odgovora na pitanja koja je ona postavljala, ali i moralne filozofije koja je obuhvaćala pro- 16 O prijevodu termina poput razuma (Vernunft) s njemačkog jezika vidi poglavlje II.5.1.2. Immanuel Kant, Prolegomena zu einer jeden künftigen Metaphysik, die als Wissenschaft wird auftreten können, in: Gesammelte Schriften, herausgegeben von der Königlich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Bd. IV, (Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1911), 257, 260 [9, 11]. 17 Frederick Charles Beiser, The Fate of Reason: German Philosophy from Kant to Fichte (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1987), 1. 18 blem autonomije od svijeta nužnosti i uloge razuma i osjećaja u praktičkom rasuđivanju. U pozadini svega toga ključno je bilo pitanje sudbine prosvjetiteljstva jer je upravo ono počiva- lo na legitimitetu razuma. Naizgled je paradoksalno da je Humeov skepticizam bio korišten od najrazličitijih strana u tim intelektualnim sukobi- ma, a razlog tome je višestranost njegove filozofije. Za jedne je ona bila negativna rušilačka snaga, za druge korisno sred- stvo u katarzi od racionalističkog dogmatizma, a za treće si- gurna osnova za izgradnju novoga svjetonazora obilježenog vjerom i osjećajem. Hume, iako je fizički bio na vječnome počinku u Edinburghu, duhom je bio živ i duboko upleten u sve te rasprave koje su odlučivale budućnost filozofije. Jasno je da vraćanje tim temama u drugu polovicu 18. stoljeća nije čisto historijskog značenja, već znači zadiranje u korijen i srce problema koji su krucijalno važni za suvremenu filozofiju, a obuhvaćeni su u temama poput početaka egzistencijalizma i postmodernizma, odnosa epistemologije i etike, znanosti i fi- lozofije, razuma i vjere. Spomenuti su problemi otvoreni punih pola stoljeća prije početka Francuske revolucije. Na kraju prve knjige Treatise, tog »mladenačkog« i »nezrelog« djela, Hume ih je sažeo u pesimističnoj tvrdnji da se sve što se može sa sigurnošću znati svodi na impresije, ili slijed osjetilnih utisaka i osjećaja koji se u umu smjenjuju jedni za drugima.18 Time je on simbolički srušio prosvjetiteljski optimizam i stvorio izazov na koji će brojni mislioci toga doba pokušati odgovoriti, vjerojatno niti ne sluteći koliku će krizu kasnije prouzrokovati. Njegova je filozofija izložena u Treatise bila početna točka prave revo- lucije u povijesti filozofije, koja pamti malo takvih radikalnih promjena koje potpuno mijenjaju smjer filozofskoga mišlje- nja. Da bi se shvatio tijek te revolucije, potrebno je odgovo- riti na dva velika pitanja. Prvo se tiče razjašnjavanja temelja Humeove teorijske i praktičke filozofije koje su svojim dobro argumentiranim idejama zahtijevale dubinsku promjenu u eu- 18 David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature: A Critical Edition, ed. Da- vid Fate Norton and Mary J. Norton, vol. I (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2007), 1.4.7.3; Beiser, Fate of Reason, 3. 19 ropskoj misli, a drugo različitog utjecaja tih ideja na mnogo- brojne europske mislioce 18. stoljeća, koji su svoju filozofiju oblikovali kao odgovor Humeu, i čija se djela ne mogu dubin- ski razumjeti bez shvaćanja njegove filozofije. Stoga je prvi cilj ovoga djela dati izlaganje Humeove mo- ralne filozofije i metafizike, ili bolje rečeno, ograničenja me- tafizike, na čijim temeljima stoji njegov cjelokupni sistem. Kako bi se izbjegla svaka dvojba oko termina i unijela jasnoća u sadržaj i opseg rada, potrebno je najprije kratko definirati što Hume misli pod terminima metafizike i moralne filozofije, te objasniti vezu između ta dva područja u njegovoj misli. U definiranju svog stava prema metafizici škotski filozof nužno zadire u epistemologiju i filozofiju uma, ne radi njih samih, već upravo radi rješavanja metafizičkih problema. Krajnji is- hod, a to je Humeov antimetafizički stav kojim proglašava svaku metafiziku nemogućom, ipak ostaje fundamentalno va- žan i unutar granica opće metafizike ili ontologije jer odgovara na pitanje bića, tj. daje odgovor na pitanje što uopće jest, što postoji? Uostalom, treba se imati na umu da kolikogod Hume odbacuje tradicionalnu metafiziku, područje istraživanja koje ga je dovelo do tog rezultata i dalje zove upravo tim starim filozofskim terminom.19 I izrazi morals i moral philosophy u engleskom jeziku 18. stoljeća zahtijevaju objašnjenje jer oni obuhvaćaju šire područje nego današnja etika, pa u Humeovoj terminologiji čak označavaju sve što se tiče uma ili duha.20 Ova će se knjiga ponajprije koncentrirati na moralnu filozofiju u njenu suvremenom značenju, dakle na etiku i moralnu psi- hologiju kao njen neizostavni dio, jer problematizira teme fun- damentalno značajne za striktno etičku problematiku, poput slobode volje. Konačno, kakva je poveznica metafizike i mo- ralne filozofije u Humeovu djelu, ali i drugim djelima koja su nastala pod njegovim utjecajem? Ona čini dva lica iste stvari, izložene u dvije različite knjige. Skeptičko ograničenje ljud- 19 Metafizika se upravo pod takvim »ontološkim« značenjem upotreblja- vala u ranomodernom engleskom jeziku, kao spekulacija o prvim načelima stvari, o biću i bitku. Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd ed., s. v. »metaphysics«. 20 Hume, Enquiry concerning Human Understanding, 1.1 [57]. Vidi ko- mentar urednika uz citirano mjesto. 20 skih kognitivnih moći za Humea je apsolutni i nužni preduvjet kako bi se uklonile vjekovne zablude i sa sigurnošću izgradila praktička filozofija.21 I drugi će slijediti tim stopama, poput Kanta, koji je tek ograničenjem čistog spekulativnog razuma napravio prostor za izgradnju svoje praktičke filozofije. Tek nakon toga, ograničenjem tradicionalne metafizike i uklanja- njem paničnog straha od skepse koji proganja novovjekovnu filozofiju od Descartesa, na sigurnim temeljima izgrađena praktička filozofija može dobiti svoju punu snagu. Želja da se prije razlaganja Humeova utjecaja u Europi 18. stoljeća prvo temeljito razjasni njegova filozofija leži u činje- nici da su čak i najznačajniji radovi o toj temi na hrvatskome jeziku vrlo siromašni i parcijalni. Iako je u hrvatskoj akadem- skoj filozofiji škotski filozof prisutan najkasnije od početaka predavanja na prvom hrvatskom modernom sveučilištu (osno- vanom 1874. godine u Zagrebu), o njemu je ipak pisano ne- obično malo. Štoviše, Humeovo je djelo bilo isključivo prepo- znato kao iskra koja je pokrenula Kanta svojim skepticizmom i empirijskim istraživanjem na području metafizike i episte- mologije. To je zapravo bio rezultat tadašnjeg istraživanja u Njemačkoj, pokrenut ponajprije novokantovskim interesima s kojima su hrvatski filozofi bili dobro upoznati. »Plodonosna supstanca« Humeove misli, po njemačkim novokantovcima, »leži jedino i samo u njegovoj skepsi« koja pobuđuje ostale na odgovor, a u svemu ostalom ta bi skepsa, ukoliko bi se dosljed- no slijedila, doslovno vodila ravno u katastrofu.22 Jasno je da 21 Vidi Humeovo pismo Francisu Hutchesonu u kojem uspoređuje metafizičara s anatomom (moglo bi se slobodno reći anatomom ljudskoga uma) što daje savjet slikaru, koji predstavlja etičara: »An anatomist, how- ever, can give very good advice to a painter or statuary. And, in a like man- ner, I am persuaded that a metaphysician may be very helpful to a moralist, though I cannot easily conceive these two characters in the same work.« Greig, Letters of David Hume I, 33. 22 Ernst Cassirer, Das Erkenntnisproblem in der Philosophie und Wissenschaft der neueren Zeit, Bd. II (Berlin: Bruno Cassirer, 1922), 359; Erich Adickes, »Die bewegenden Kräfte in Kants philosophischer Entwicklung und die beiden Pole seines Systems«, Kant-Studien 1 (1897), 19. Dakako, bilo je filozofa iz njemačkog govornog područja koji su u Humeu našli in- spiraciju, poput Edmunda Husserla, Franza Brentana i Alexiusa Meinonga. 21 su oni znali malo ili ništa o vrijednosti Humeova naturalizma i moralnog osjećaja koji čini pozitivan dio njegove filozofije i kojom se on svrstava među najveće mislioce. Hrvatski su fi- lozofi toga vremena dakle prenijeli rezultate takva manjkavog istraživanja u svoja djela, preko kojih se izvorni Hume gledao kroz vrlo uskogrudnu perspektivu, koju i danas često zauzi- ma u sažetim pregledima filozofije, a to je kao skeptik koji je uzdrmao koncept kauzalnosti.23 Takvo je mišljenje bilo uzrok dugo prevladavajuće pogrešne interpretacije njegove filozofi- je, koju kao da je predvidio prije svoje smrti. Naime, Hume je zamišljao da bi mu Haron na njegove molbe za produženjem života dok ne vidi uspjeh svoje filozofije bezobzirno odgovo- rio kako se to neće dogoditi još stotinama godina.24 Otprilike od polovice 20. stoljeća u svijetu je došlo do prave renesanse radova (ponajprije na engleskom jeziku) o Humeu, koja su maknula isključivu skeptičku stigmu s njegova imena i ponudila drugačije interpretacije njegove filozofije čime je on prepoznat kao inspiracija za brojne teme suvremene filozofije, poput epistemologije, etike ili filozofije religije. Ipak je i tada u nas o tome pisano vrlo malo pa se niti slika o njemu kao o po- bijenom skeptiku nije promijenila. Međutim, u onovremenim se djelima na hrvatskom jeziku ispravno skrenula pozornost na druga važna područja Humeova djelovanja, s metafizike i epi- stemologije na etiku, estetiku i filozofiju religije, dok se upo- zorilo na važne pomake od pozicije njemačke filozofije krajem 19. i početkom 20. stoljeća, u istraživanju škotskoga filozofa u novijim radovima. Te studije ipak nisu slijedile put interpreta- cije Humeove filozofije iz njegovih izvornih djela, sagledane u okviru cjelovitosti njegove misli. Zbog toga se često dolazi- 23 Naravno da je i prije 1874. Hume bio čitan u Hrvatskoj, ponajprije u višim društvenim slojevima. Tako knjižnica HAZU čuva francuski prije- vod Humeovih Essays (izabrao i uredio Jean Auguste Jullien de Boulmiers ili Desboulmiers) iz 1767. godine, primjerak koji je bio u vlasništvu ilirca Dragojla (Dragutina) Kušlana. Što se tiče ocjena o Humeu u akademskim krugovima poslije 1874., vidi Franjo Marković, Razvoj i sustav obćenite estetike (Zagreb: Nakladom Kraljevske hrvatsko–slavonsko–dalmatinske zemaljske vlade, 1903), 160–161 i Albert Bazala, Povjest filozofije, sv. II (Zagreb: Matica hrvatska, 1909), 277–285. 24 Greig, Letters of David Hume II, 451. 22 lo do manjkavih zaključaka poput nedosljednosti ili čak protu- rječnosti između njegova skepticizma i naturalizma.25 Upravo u vidu upozorenja na takve manjkave zaključke može se konačno upozoriti na točku koja je krucijalna za ovo istraživanje, a to je imperativ da se Humeov filozofski sustav proučava u jedinstvu njegove misli. Jer otkidanje dijelova nje- gove filozofije, poput nekog slavnog problema (primjerice, indukcije ili kauzalnosti) i njihovo odvojeno proučavanje si- guran je put u pogrešnu interpretaciju, budući da je Humeov sustav spojen vrsnoćom filozofske argumentacije koja neraz- dvojivo spaja najrazličitije aspekte toga sustava, poput nega- tiviteta njegova skepticizma (koji se i danas prečesto jedino uzima u obzir) i pozitivnosti osjećaja i prirodnih impulsa u čovjeku. 25 Možda i najbolji rad napisan o Humeu do sada na hrvatskome jeziku potječe od Gaje Petrovića, »Problem spoznaje u filozofiji D. Humea«, u: David Hume, Istraživanje o ljudskom razumu, preveo Ivo Vidan, 2. izdanje (Zagreb: Naprijed, 1988), 9–54. Petrović je upozorio na tada aktualnu stranu literaturu, oslanjajući se ponajprije na rad Normana Kemp Smitha, i na osno- vi toga pružio je važne informacije o naturalističkom načinu interpretiranja Humeove filozofije. Ali on se nije osvrnuo, štoviše, odbacio je Humeovu pozitivnu filozofiju koja počiva na vjerovanju i osjećaju, te u nekim dijelovi- ma, gdje sam pokušava dati doprinos, i gdje se odvaja od Kemp Smitha, nudi informacije koje lako mogu odvesti čitatelje na krivi trag. Tako na- veliko raspravlja o tobožnjoj antropološkoj orijentaciji Humeove »znanosti o ljudskoj prirodi«, dok je ona zapravo vrlo slabo povezana s današnjom filozofskom antropologijom. Hume pod tim nazivom misli ponajprije na filozofiju uma i epistemologiju, te govori o konstantnosti moći ljudskog ra- zumijevanja svijeta, što se lako vidi iz prvih par stranica »velike Rasprave«. Iako je Kemp Smithova knjiga i danas nezaobilazna studija o Humeu, u proteklo je vrijeme došlo do puno novih spoznaja o njegovoj filozofiji. Tako su revidirane brojne Kemp Smithove teze (primjerice, o vanjskom svijetu i principima ljudske prirode), a njegov se zaključak, da je Humeova filozo- fija opterećena proturječnostima, pokazuje pogrešnim. Noviji su interpre- tatori pokazali koliko je teško vidljivog, sofisticiranog zaključivanja Hume upotrijebio, te učinio svoj sustav konzistentnim, što je bilo izvan dohvata Kemp Smithova, a time i Petrovićeva, vremena. Humeova je filozofija re- ligije, iz sasvim očiglednog razloga, zaintrigirala Branka Bošnjaka u nje- govu pregledu Povijest filozofije, sv. III (Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Matice hrvatske, 1993), 284–297, no on se koncentrirao samo na taj aspekt njegove filozofije (pregled bi ipak trebao težiti cjelini filozofove misli), a i pogriješio je u onim elementima koji interpretiraju osnovne postavke njegova sustava. 23 Glavni je cilj ovoga rada izložiti Humeov utjecaj na odre- đene europske mislioce 18. stoljeća, u doba zreloga i kasnoga prosvjetiteljstva do njegova simboličnog kraja 1789. godine, tj. početka Francuske revolucije, pri čemu glavni fokus ostaje na problemima koji se tiču metafizike i moralne filozofije. U razlaganju te teme ova knjiga slijedi suvremenu metodologiju proučavanja razvoja filozofskih teorija kroz njihov povijesni kontekst, a koja je u Njemačkoj nazvana istraživanjem konste- lacija (Konstellationsforschung).26 Jedno je od ključnih postig- nuća takva pristupa uviđanje da su objavljena filozofska djela tek fragmenti jedne veće slike, koji se teško mogu ispravno protumačiti bez poznavanja cjeline, a ona se može detaljnije rekonstruirati uz pomoć otkrivanja skrivenih ili otvorenih utjecaja jednih mislilaca na druge, njihove korespondencije, recenzija i drugih izvora. Isto kao što se iz stalno mijenjaju- ćih konstelacija tj. položaja nebeskih tijela iščitava drugi ho- roskop, tako i međusobni odnos određenih filozofa proizvo- di različite poticaje u »prostoru mišljenja« (Denkraum), tj. u onim temama koje su tada bile diskutirane. Upravo je uviđanje da je filozofski prostor rasprave dinamičan, a ne statičan, da su objavljena djela rasprave s drugim misliocima, a ne od hi- storijskog konteksta izolirani monolozi, i da ona predstavljaju tek jedan fragment u stalno mijenjajućoj diskusiji još jedno ključno postignuće ovakva pristupa. Utoliko je zadatak ovoga rada još teži jer proučava dugotrajniji utjecaj mislioca iz jedne filozofske tradicije na mislioce iz drugih tradicija, sa svim je- zičnim i terminološkim problemima koje takva tema nosi.27 26 Posebna je inspiracija u takvu pristupu bio Beiserov klasik The Fate of Reason. Termin Konstellationsforschung uveo je Dieter Henrich. Vidi njegov članak »Konstellationsforschung zur klassischen deutschen Philoso- phie. Motiv – Ergebnis – Probleme – Perspektiven – Begriffsbildung«, in: Konstellationsforschung, Hg. Martin Mulsow, Marcelo Stamm (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2005), 15–30. 27 Ibid., 28; Marcelo R. Stamm, »Konstellationsforschung – Ein Metho- denprofil: Motive und Perspektiven«, in: Konstellationsforschung, 36–39. Ovaj rad nadilazi tipično istraživanja konstelacija jer se ne zadržava u okvi- rima nacionalnih filozofskih tradicija, ali i ne smatra da konstelacije nuž- no obilježava vremenski rapidan razvoj filozofskih teorija. Vidi Henrich, »Konstellationsforschung«, 22–23. 24 U ovakvim metodološkim okvirima postavljaju se pitanja recepcije Humeovih djela i njegove filozofije u Europi 18. sto- ljeća, načina na koji su različiti mislioci posredovali njego- ve ideje među sobom i utjecaja koje su one imale u daljnjem razvoju filozofije. O svemu tome u radovima na hrvatskome jeziku nije se gotovo uopće pisalo. To nije iznenađujuće jer sinteza o tome do sada nije napisana ni na drugim jezicima, ali je svijest o problemu Humeova utjecaja itekako prisutna i fra- gmentarno obrađena u brojnim radovima. No taj je problem od krucijalnog značenja za problematiziranje te ispravnije i du- blje shvaćanje razvoja zapadne filozofije u dugome trajanju, od 18. stoljeća do danas. 443 Bibliografija I. Izvori 1.1. Hume Najsuvremenije i jedino kritičko izdanje Humeovih filozofskih djela, s opširnim uredničkim komentarima, iz Oxfordove je edicije The Clarendon Edition of the Works of David Hume. Nažalost, u trenutku pisa- nja ovog rada ta serija nije dovršena jer zasada je izdano pet od osam planiranih svezaka. Prva dva sveska obuhvaćaju Treatise i manje spise povezane s tim djelom, treći svezak sadrži Enquiry concerning Human Understanding, četvrti Enquiry concerning the Principles of Morals, a peti dvije rasprave, A Dissertation on the Passions i The Natural History of Religion. Zadnja tri sveska su u pripremi. Šesti i sedmi obuhvatiti će Essays: Moral, Political, and Literary, a zadnji, osmi, posthumno objav- ljeno djelo Dialogues concerning Natural Religion. Isti izdavač pripre- ma Humeovu korespondenciju, koju bi trebao urediti David Raynor. Do tada se kao zamjena za ta neobjavljena djela koriste druga standardna izdanja Humeovih filozofskih radova i korespondencije. Greig, John Young Thomson. The Letters of David Hume. Volume I–II. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1932. Hume, David. A Concise and Genuine Account of the Dispute between Mr. Hume and Mr. Rousseau . . . Translated from the French. London: Printed for T. Becket and P. A. de Hondt, 1766. --. Essays: Moral, Political, and Literary. Edited, and with a Fore- word, Notes, and Glossary by Eugene F. Miller. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1985. --. Istraživanje o ljudskom razumu. Predgovor »Problem spoznaje u filozofiji D. Humea« Gajo Petrović. Preveo Ivo Vidan. Drugo izdanje. Zagreb: Naprijed, 1988. --. An Enquiry concerning the Principles of Morals: A Critical Edition. Edited, and with a Work »A History of The Enquiry on Morals« by Tom L. Beauchamp. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998. 444 --. 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Pristupljeno 7. 9. 2014). 467 summary This book is concerned with the influence of Hume's meta- physics and moral philosophy in 18th century Europe and it is divided into two main parts. The first part is focused on the exposition of Hume's metaphysics and moral philosophy in their historical context, because this topic is still mostly un- known in Croatia. The second part deals with the influence of Hume's metaphysics and moral philosophy on selected Euro- pean thinkers of the Age of Enlightenment until the beginning of the French Revolution in 1789. The book's methodology is strongly influenced by historical approach of American phi- losopher Frederick Charles Beiser and German philosopher Dieter Henrich. Unlike them, however, this author isn't con- fined to one (German) philosophical tradition, but investigates the influence of one thinker from British philosopical tradi- tion on thinkers from other European philosophical traditions, mainly German and French, as well as Scottish. Since the most important European thinkers of the second half of the 18th cen- tury were influenced by Hume's thought, only in this way is it possible to properly understand the development of Western philosophy. It is also argued in the book that it is possible to translate and determine crucial philosophical terms in Croatian language only by careful analysis of historical context, com- parative interpretation of various philosophical texts, and com- parison of various terms in other European languages. The first part of the work begins by elucidating historical context in which Hume's philosophy was developing, namely, interconnectedness of empiricism, sensibility, and sentimental- ism, medicine and philosophy. Afterwards, the book is explain- ing Hume's metaphysics: his theory of perceptions, space and time, association, natural belief, probability, personal identity, 468 and his skeptical idealism. The most important achievement of this part is recognition that causal inference relies chiefly on belief which is actually a feeling, and therefore, the whole philosophy and reasoning concerning matters of fact for Hume relies on sentiment. It is also recognized that Hume had to rely on pure belief, unaided by custom or experience, in explaining the existence of the external world which would be important for the further development of Western philosophy. Hume's moral philosophy is explained by investigating his moral psychology, theory of moral freedom, theory of moti- vation, moral distinctions, artificial virtues, and the relation of his sentimentalism towards utilitarianism and virtue ethics. The most important achievement in this investigation is the conclusion, contrary to most Anglophone scholars, that belief or feeling is the only motivational force for Hume. It is also ar- gued that Hume resolves his doubts concerning personal iden- tity with his theory of the passions, and that he is a determinist whose sentimentalism is non-consequentalist. Supplement to the first part of the book contains brief discussion of Hume's philosophy of religion. Second part of the book begins by explaining historical context in which Hume's philosophy was received in the "Re- public of Letters". It is argued that Hume's radical doubt in the powers of reason even in the field of practical philosophy and experience was unsuitable for the general public of the "Age of Reason". However, Hume never abandoned his philosophy laid out in A Treatise of Human Nature; he only rewrote it in the more popular essayistic style in An Enquiry concerning Human Understanding and An Enquiry concerning the Principles of Morals. Hume's metaphysics and moral philosophy were not well received in the French Enlightenment which was dominated by philosophes and salonnières. His fame rested chiefly on his historical writings. The most distinctive moment when his philosophy showed its true face was in his correspondence with Turgot in 1768 and in a debate between d'Holbach, N. S. Bergier, and G. J. Holland concerning d'Holbach's book Système de la Nature during the early 1770s. The chapter on the French Enlightenment concludes with comparison of Rous- 469 seau's thought and Hume's philosophy, as well as the history of their famed quarrel which spread Hume's fame even more throughout Europe. Third chapter of the second part of this book deals with the reaction of Thomas Reid and Scottish School of Common Sense to Hume's philosophy. It is argued that their naive re- alism and dogmatic appeal to common sense didn't offer a strong argument against Hume's scepticism, which was also a powerful tool for vindication of sentimentalism in philosophy, a fact that they didn't mention. This chapter concludes with a brief discussion of relationship between Hume and other Brit- ish thinkers like Kames, A. Smith, R. Price and J. Priestley. Largest part of the book focuses on the influence of Hume's metaphysics and moral philosophy in the German Enlighten- ment. It argues that the most important philosophers who took effort to respond to Hume before Kant, like J. G. Sulzer, M. Mendelssohn, and J. N. Tetens, mostly didn't take into account Hume's moral philosophy, and that they didn't offer a con- vincing response to Hume's scepticism. The only exception was J. G. Hamann who embraced Hume's theory of belief and his arguments against rationalism. Main achievement of this part of the book is recognition that Hamann didn't distort Hu- me's theory of belief by translating it with the word Glaube, because Hume himself didn't make difference between faith and belief, as well as the fact that Hume influenced the be- ginnings of the German Sturm und Drang through Hamann's Socrates in Sokratische Denkwürdigkeiten, who was guided by Humean belief or feeling. The exposition of Hume's influence on Kant begins by re- counting Hamann's role in mediating knowledge of Hume's skepticism to young Kant in 1759. This book tries to prove that Hamann already at this time had knowledge of the Treatise and that Kant awoke from his dogmatic slumbers (with Hamann's help) in the early 1760s, which is explained in detail by care- ful analysis of Kant's writings of that period. It is also argued that Hume's radical skepticism concerning the possibility of metaphysics was crucial for Kant's recognition of the antino- mies of pure reason, and that Hume formulated purest antino- my of freedom (in strict Kantian sense of the word) already in 470 the first Enquiry. Kant's refutation of Hume's skepticism con- cerning the power of reason in the Kritik der reinen Vernunft is explained in the context of his transcendental deduction of the categories. Kant showed that Hume begged the question in explanation of space and time, personal identity, and could therefore easily prove the necessary connection between cause and effect in the pure concept of the understanding. The last part of the book deals with "Hume's revenge" to Kant by explaining Humean critiques of Kant through think- ers like C. Garve, J. G. H. Feder, H. A. Pistorius, Hamann, and F. H. Jacobi. It was particularly through the sharp critiques of those thinkers, who accused Kant of inconsistencies, that even Kant's adherents began to try to reform his philosophy. The book concludes in year 1789 with a short epilogue and a conclusion. It brings much more new findings and insights that cannot be mentioned here due to the character of this short summary. 471 kazalo imena adam, Robert (1728–1792.), 15, 216 Adickes, Erich (1866–1928.), 20, 265, 292, 310, 324–326 Alanen, Lili, 95, 98–99, 101, 103 Alembert, Jean le Rond d' (1717– 1783.), 174–175, 194, 208–209 Allison, Henry E., 186, 357, 363, 431, 434 Andre, Shane, 159, 163–165 Anselmo Canterburyjski (1033– 1109.), 72 Aristotel (384–322. pr. 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