Why Should LGBTQI Marriage Be Legalized

Traditional paradigm on marriage equality focused on a humanitarian appeal and was set as a path dependency model on marriage equality for the suppressed regions. However, such gender-based focus has largely neglected the multilateral movements underlying the macro-political-economic structures that shaped law as a power political means. Consequentially, LGBTQI existence became marginalized from the public consciousness with structural realist state hierarchies that further undermines the fundamental freedoms of the LGBTQI population. This makes the question on LGBTQI equal marriage from a simple humanitarian value-based discourse to a macro-political-economy question. The article adopts the Maslow's hierarchy of needs as the analytical framework on the developing country as the People's Republic of China (PRC) in relation to multilateralism and global economy on the necessity to legalize LGBTQI marriage.


Introduction
With the anti-colonial discourses of the post-civil-war regime, the economic model and international behavior of PRC substantially fits into the civil war economic model. The cultural and ethnic nationalism that shaped the "soft power" discourse has majorly been used as a surrogate economy method to utilize international and global economy in order to consolidate territorial power. [1] The militarization of the South China Sea is a typical geopolitical agenda. [2] For the surrogate economy's disguise in the financial realm, Brexit and the Trade War became a consequential response from the multilateral movement and underlies PRC's constitutional change for power grip. Power interdependence theory thus takes strong roots in market incrementalism for regionalist world orders instead of a liberal democratic one. [4] Civil economy, with this regard takes no room for such regime models with the Cold War mentality on political economy. [5] Even though the third sector is a prominent indicator for the demilitarization in totalitarian regimes, the surrogate economy strategized to launder the financial information in the third sector to disguise military monetary flows with cultural economy. This shaped the neoliberal deficiency in global governance. [3] It is also for this reason, no substantial real money has been in the third sector for mainland China that serves the interest of the civil economy. The offshore realm thus becomes not of a tax heaven, but of a sheltered base. For the substantiality on a civilized and state centered economy, the third sector needs a legalized status on the management of resources for the basic needs of the civil society, and LGBTQI marriage one of them.

The Competitive Market Model
One of the totalitarian schemes is the state capitalist model on military economy. With centralized banking, the unitary party system promises to cater to the basic needs of the civil society and distributes production bases through the state system. The top-down economic designs don't generate a bottom-up third sector for the quantification on the basic needs according to the Maslow's model. Such scheme is further enhanced by the state-controlled and state-centered cultural indigenous propaganda. [6][4] The Maslow's model, on the other hand, is adapted to provide life essentials through the centralized and industrially controlled banking system. This means that as long as the large base of population can be controlled statistically in the deficiency needs for their labor, the global economic structure can be effectively managed by the centralized banking system. The surrogate economic model can then be used to disguise the real transactions under the monetary flows with access to the backend governance systems. [2] This also underlies the reason for the strict organizational principles on the state level for party surrogation via the state system. It is for this reason, no humanistic conceptualization is formed in such a regime either for economic or political purposes. On the other hand, the indigenous cultural economic surrogation model produces war incentivization products massively distributed over the civil economy. This further suppressed the population's mental faculties to conceptualize the real basic needs and take causal inference of economic declines to foreign powers. The nationalism ideology hence gets enhanced by the model of information circulation. Some politicians have conceptualized this as militarizing the civil society without due humanitarian respect to the circumstances such population face.
Foreign the third sector, but due to the corporate management on risks with compliance models, the power political game in the global economy only furthered the degradation on the liberal international order. Take for example the insurance industry. Private equities in the industry are incrementalized to the centralized banking system by the China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission. This has substantially decreased the private sector's incentives to invest in the developing economy for shrinkage of asset equities, and put the competitive element of bottom-up economy into the incrementalist regional control. The military information sectors have then been incorporated to the American economy with offshore companies as supply chains. It is for such operations, market incrementalism with power interdependence counterparts has substantially become the macroeconomic disguise for the military and geopolitical ambitions of the PRC regime. The market competition model thence becomes of a zero-sum power competition model. It is also for the economic model, the PRC government has no incentive to legalize LGBTQI marriage from normative humanitarian perspectives.

The Importance of Equal Marriage
Apart from the normative notions on equal marriage from a humanitarian perspective, the legalization of LGBTQI marriage can substantially change the civil society's economic incentives in the service sector. Albeit non-governmental organizations have long established services in the developing country, such as the Beijing LGBT Center and with incentivized civil organizations in the cultural economy, the top-down censorships for partisanship ideological securities still play an important role to prevent the conceptualization on gender diversity. Furthermore, the ideological security indoctrinations can be used as a diplomatic rhetoric to marginalize the population from international endorsements. Even though the population are well-incentivized for the legalization, the incentives for legalization has largely been incentivized by the deficiency needs. This further put the LGBT "rainbow" economy into questionable practices that further increased the costs on the maintenance of such organizations. Even though the liberal international order embraces diversity, the basic incentives for inclusion is still based on Human Resources management considerations other than the equal human values before the law. This has marginalized the fundamental freedoms of the LGBTQI population, hence the deficiency needs in a degradative cycle. It is with this regard, the economic health of the PRC regime is reflected in the global economy. The Fordist model of utilitarian industry does not solve the deficiency issues in the third sector, moreover, the technological elements can be engineeringly reversed for military production. [3] This means that, without equal protection before the law on the fundamental basis of human value, diversity, and equality, any recombination of strategies can be adapted for the militant ambitions and indoc- trination through the civil economy model as disguise with centralized banking, and create new political discourses and diplomatic rhetorics in the liberal institutions. [4] The gendered hierarchy in international relations is not less discussed, but the fundamental changes have never occurred in developing countries for the basic reasons on the normative notions on male dominance. The intersubjective perceptions between heterosexual normalcy and LGBTQI movements has become the dichotomy for bridged understandings in human development and emancipation. [4] The liberal institutional top-down view still puts the regional security as the premise for emancipation, i.e. the Fordist economic paradigm as the basis for emancipation instead of a human-centered view of justice. Such notion is only valid with a normative model on economic fairness with the realistic concerns on financial availability based on the banking systems. [5][4] But since the banking system is fundamentally controlled by partisanship via the state system, such epistemic and ontological conceptualization becomes flawed for the differences from the Cold War rivalry. [5] The initial conceptualization of the United Nations system was to groom a regional power to stabilize geopolitical tensions, and the international law was aimed at keeping a market incrementalist world order. [8] [7] Hence, the global degeneration on the third sector takes place from the production centric view of regional governance. Such market incrementalist governmental incentivization prevented the democratic formation on the regimes and further made the humanitarian crisis into an economic crisis. The territorially based power structure takes shape then from the liberal institutions and marginalized the original humanistic perspectives conceptualized by Eleanor Roosevelt.

Conclusions
The article has analyzed the underlying factors on the global structural shifts on the multilateral movement in relation to the humanitarian and humanistic factors on international political economy based on a Maslow's model on the LGBTQI population in the private and third sector. The lack of marriage equality in the legal realm has made vent to the dictatorial power political economy in PRC with a structuralist approach in the liberal institutions. The multifaceted factors contributing to such circumstances are the international laws' incentivization on the government, the Fordist industrial schemes on global production via the international monetary mechanisms, the inequalities before the law based on gender that degraded the healthiness of the economy in the developing country, and the economic surrogation that empowered the military ambitions of the unitary party political system. Even though the legalization of LGBTQI marriage is better to be democratically decided on a procedural justice perspective, the weaknesses of empowerment on such population with regard to the